"Milgram's classic experiment pitted the subject's moral beliefs against the demands of authority. Of all the psychology experiments I am aware of, Milgram's produces the most startling and disturbing. Remember when this experiment was conducted - people were searching for explainations for how the attrocities of World War II had occured.
Around this time (early 1960's) research was being conducted into the authoritarian traits of Germans in an attempt to explain how the attrocities of World War II could have taken place. Milgram's study demonstrated that these traits were not confined to Germans and were not confined to certain types of situations (eg war). This was a profound and extremely thought provoking discovery."
"There is never a duel with the truth. The truth always wins and we are not afraid of it. The truth is no coward. The truth does not need the law. The truth does not need the force of government. The truth does not need Mr. Bryan. The truth is imperishable, eternal and immortal and needs no human agency to support it. We are ready to tell the truth as we understand it and we do not fear all the truth that they can present as facts. We are ready. We are ready. We feel we stand with progress. We feel we stand with science. We feel we stand with intelligence. We feel we stand with fundamental freedom in American. We are not afraid. Where is the fear? We meet it, where is the fear? We defy it, we ask your honor to admit the evidence as a matter of correct law, as a matter of sound procedure and as a matter of justice to the defense in this case."
Alfred McLung Lee & Elizabeth Bryant Lee, The Fine Art of Propaganda, 1939."
"With this federally approved evil subsidy, Congress has taken a major step toward securing the future of evil and all its unholy causes," said Marion Conyers of the American Enterprise Institute. "Our legislators recognize that evil, as a belief system and a way of life, is absolutely vital to any public policy in which punishment of the righteous and the reward of the loyal servants of darkness is the goal."
The $540 million will be earmarked primarily for temptation-related evils, with 70 percent going toward the funding of greed, lust, avarice and gluttony, and hatred-based evils such as cruelty and wrath. The remaining 30 percent will go toward sloth, usury, and idolatry, with an additional, non-existent 45 percent allotted toward deception and corruption.
Normal weight = 18.5-24.9
Overweight = 25-29.9
Obesity = BMI of 30 or greater
Body Type Male Female Athlete <10% <17% Lean 10-15% 17-22% Normal 15-18% 22-25% Above Average 18-20% 25-29% Overfat 20-25% 29-35% Obese 25+ 35+%%
There are three major types of omega 3 fatty acids that are ingested in foods and used by the body: alpha-linolenic acid (ALA), eicosapentaenoic acid (EPA), and docosahexaenoic acid (DHA). Once eaten, the body converts ALA to EPA and DHA, the two types of omega-3 fatty acids more readily used by the body. Extensive research indicates that omega-3 fatty acids reduce inflammation and help prevent certain chronic diseases such as heart disease and arthritis. These essential fatty acids are highly concentrated in the brain and appear to be particularly important for cognitive and behavioral function. In fact, infants who do not get enough omega-3 fatty acids from their mothers during pregnancy are at risk for developing vision and nerve problems.
As mentioned previously, it is very important to maintain a balance between omega-3 and omega-6 fatty acids in the diet. Omega-3 fatty acids help reduce inflammation and most omega-6 fatty acids tend to promote inflammation. An inappropriate balance of these essential fatty acids contributes to the development of disease while a proper balance helps maintain and even improve health. A healthy diet should consist of roughly one to four times more omega-6 fatty acids than omega-3 fatty acids. The typical American diet tends to contain 11 to 30 times more omega-6 fatty acids than omega-3 fatty acids and many researchers believe this imbalance is a significant factor in the rising rate of inflammatory disorders in the United States.
In contrast, however, the Mediterranean diet consists of a healthier balance between omega-3 and omega-6 fatty acids and many studies have shown that people who follow this diet are less likely to develop heart disease. The Mediterranean diet does not include much meat (which is high in omega-6 fatty acids) and emphasizes foods rich in omega-3 fatty acids including whole grains, fresh fruits and vegetables, fish, olive oil, garlic, as well as moderate wine consumption.
Adults BMI: Women Men underweight < 19.1 < 20.7 in normal range 19.1 - 25.8 20.7 - 26.4 marginally overweight 25.8 - 27.3 26.4 - 27.8 overweight 27.3 - 32.3 27.8 - 31.1 very overweight or obese > 32.3 > 31.1
The rise in obesity has been linked to changes in diet and leisure patterns, and even the increased use of cars.
While obese children already face health and social problems, there will also be a further price to pay, according to Jenny O'Dea, a nutritionist at Sydney University.
"We see many physical outcomes, but we also see economic costs for many decades to come," she said.
"These children are very unlikely to lose weight. Something like 80% of overweight children become overweight adults, so I think it really is quite a medical time bomb... just waiting to happen."
A major breakthrough in publicly detailing the history of the Australian nuclear weapons program was a documentary called "Fortress Australia", shown on ABC TV on 22nd August 2002. To me the main new revelations in it were the final confirmation that the Jervis Bay nuclear power station was primarily for producing plutonium, and an interview with Sir Philip Baxter (once described as "Australia's Dr Strangelove"!) where he confirms my suspicions that the primary purpose of Australian nuclear weapons was to defend the country against refugees from a northern hemisphere devastated by a future nuclear war.
By 1916 it was being fully deployed throughout the German lines. It was instrumental in the disaster of the Somme at times cutting down advancing British troops in windrows much like they were wheat.
Fortress Australia had a long gestation. Two decades ago I picked up a self-published book - Without Hardware - penned by Catherine Dalton, daughter of British poet and historian Robert Graves, of I, Claudius fame.
The story dealt with the mysterious death in the late 1950s of Catherine’s husband Clifford Dalton, a leading engineer at the newly established Atomic Energy Commission’s research facility at Lucas Heights in Sydney. Dalton drew a picture of a highly secret institution, which she believed had a malicious hand in her husband’s untimely demise. In 1983, with the financial assistance of the Australian Film Commission, I set about writing a feature-length dramatic screenplay based on the book.
Some years later, when the American nuclear film Silkwood and two Australian features with nuclear themes were released, I realised the project would not survive in an already saturated market. After more than a dozen drafts, I relinquished the option. What I didn’t drop was an interest in the affairs of the Australian Atomic Energy Commission (AAEC) in the 1950s and 60s. That interest deepened when I came upon an extraordinary interview in the archives with the Commission’s Chairman, Sir Philip Baxter, in which he called for a biological, chemical and nuclear-armed Australia.
I also discovered a newspaper article from the early 1970s in which Baxter suggested that Australia was capable of producing nuclear weapons within a matter of years. I wondered how this could be achieved without the scientific infrastructure, the means to produce plutonium and the years of research and development required for such an enormous undertaking. The only conclusion I could come to was that these essential precursors to bomb production already existed. And if they did exist, then there must have been the political will in Australia at some time to build atomic weapons. But in the early 1980s, the official Government documents relating to nuclear defence and atomic matters were unavailable, due to the 30-year secrecy rule. A few people, however, had investigated the subject.
In a 1975 feature article for Search (a journal published by the Australian & New Zealand Association for the Advancement of Science) historian Ann Moyal questioned both the highly secretive research agenda of the AAEC and the Gorton Government’s decision in 1969 to build a nuclear power station at Jervis Bay. In Moyal’s view, the economics of the reactor didn’t add up, unless it was to be used to provide plutonium for atomic weapons. Alice Cawte, in her excellent book, Atomic Australia, made a similar deduction.
In September 2000, I felt it was now time to revisit the story. I knew that documents relating to Australia’s early atomic history would now be open to inspection. To my surprise, there were more documents relating to Australia’s interest in nuclear weapons than for both uranium and atomic energy put together.
Many of the documents about nuclear weapons' policy came from the Department of Defence, the Prime Minister’s Department and the Department of Supply, but those relating to the technical, scientific and economic aspects of bomb production were authored by the AAEC and often bore the signature of its Chairman, Sir Philip Baxter.
They revealed:
§ A serious concern between 1946 and 1971 about Australia’s inadequate defences in the atomic age.
§ Prime Minister Robert Menzies in the early 1950s believed that the defence forces would inevitably be armed with nuclear weapons.
§ Growing doubts as to whether Australia’s allies, the United States and Britain, would provide nuclear protection.
§ The Menzies government had made numerous but unfruitful approaches to Britain and America to secure nuclear technology.
§ In 1958 Menzies made a direct approach to his British counterpart Macmillan to buy British nuclear weapons.
§ Sir Philip Baxter, the Chairman of the AAEC, continually pressured the government to either acquire the weapons or create the infrastructure to build them in Australia.
§ A growing fear of our northern neighbours (especially after China exploded its first atomic bomb in 1964, and Indonesia boasted that it would soon have the bomb) resulting in the government calling on the AAEC to provide costs for building the bomb.
§ How Australian uranium was denied to Britain in 1966 so that there would be enough radioactive materials to start a nuclear weapons program.
§ Baxter’s preferred tenders for the Jervis Bay Nuclear Reactor were those that could produce plutonium for building the bomb.
Other defence related documents provide an extraordinary insight into the mistrust held by Australia, not only of its potential enemies, but also of its allies. They reveal both a country fearful of its future and a belief that battlefield nuclear weapons were the answer to Australia's defence needs.
With many of these documents in hand, I went to Film Australia, as it seemed a natural project for its National Interest Program. The greatest challenge was to bring the story alive on film. As a specialist in archive film, I knew sourcing newsreels and informational films dealing with defence and politics wouldn’t be difficult. But this project also required footage not in the public domain. More than 50 hours of archive footage was located, many hours of which have never before been released for public screening.
One such film was a ‘classified’ version of a documentary called Operation Blowdown, which covered the scientific and military aspects of a simulated nuclear blast in North Queensland in 1963. This bizarre experiment assumed that the next war involving Australia would take place in the jungles of South East Asia or even New Guinea and involve nuclear weapons. Out of the US National Archives came extraordinary footage of the first Chinese Nuclear blast in 1964 – an event that so worried Menzies he called for a report on the costs of producing Australia’s own bombs.
Spectacular colour footage of the British bomb tests in Australia, the Woomera rocket range and the Lucas Heights research facility was also uncovered. ANSTO - the modern incarnation of the Australian Atomic Energy Commission - generously supplied splendid historical footage and gave the production permission to film its HIFAR Reactor. Candid ABC interviews with AAEC Chairman, Sir Philip Baxter, provide a chilling insight into both the risks for Australia of another global war and the hazards of allowing scientists to plan for it. Baxter's call, in 1972, for nuclear weapons to repel refugees from a global catastrophe is one of the most disturbing interviews I have ever seen.
A rewarding aspect of the production was meeting the twelve interviewees who bring the story to life with surprising insights about Australia’s bold bid for a nuclear arsenal. A fortunate find was Jim Walsh, a Harvard University researcher, who investigates countries that have pursued atomic weapons options and either failed or succeeded, then renounced them. Walsh’s grasp of the Australian nuclear weapons story is unequalled.
During production we were able to uncover many relics of Australia’s nuclear history. Central to the story is the proposed Jervis Bay nuclear reactor, which would have provided the plutonium required for nuclear weapons' production. In 1970, hectares of eucalypt forest were removed to provide foundations for the reactor. Today, the scar on the landscape remains as a stark reminder of our secret interest in developing a nuclear bomb.
We also travelled to Woomera Rocket Range, where Australia joined with Britain to develop guided missiles for the nuclear age. The crumbling launching pads and the spent weapons that litter the range represent the last vestiges of our defence relationship with Britain.
The most striking aspect of filming these places is that we were visiting territory once prohibited to all but scientists and defence personnel. These were places that were meant to provide the nation’s protection in the event of another global war, yet at the same time they were escalating the tension and suspicions that could have precipitated it.
Ultimately, we have produced Fortress Australia to allow Australians to understand the thinking of their political, scientific and defence leaders who flirted with the bomb.
It is a story about the all-too-trusting relationship between science and society. A tale from the height of the Cold War about secrecy and deception with poignant lessons for democracy – a story that powerfully resonates into the present day.
Peter Butt - Producer/Director
Take your weight in kilograms (kg) and divide it by your height in metres (m) and then divide the result by your height in metres (m) again.
Healthy weight BMI = 18.5 -24.9
Overweight BMI = 25 - 29.9
Obese BMI = 30 -39.9
Severely obese BMI = 40 +
But since about 1980, the country has been beyond the point where further increases in weight would do anything other than harm life expectancy.
Yet the overeating has continued: the average calorie intake rose by about 10% between the mid-1970s and the mid-1990s.
Now, according to some calculations, close to one-third of Americans are clinically obese - about 50% more than even the chubbiest equivalent country.
The National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute (NHLBI) has classified 55% of adult Americans, or 97 million adults, as overweight or obese. This compares to 43% in 1960.
"The goal of this project is to determine why drivers can "look but fail to see". A large fraction of traffic accidents are of this type: drivers collide with pedestrians in plain view, with cars directly in front of them (the classic "rear-ender"), and even run into trains. (That's right -- run into trains, not the other way around.) In such cases, information from the world is entering the driver's eyes. But at some point along the way this information is lost, causing the driver to lose connection with reality. They are looking but they are not seeing"
Evensong is an office of the Anglican church. It is supposed to be sung every evening as thanks to God for the day and a prayer for protection during the coming night. Evensong has an equivalent morning service called Matins.
The book's fame did carry a word for phrenology with it; but Constitution is not a book about phrenology, instead it is a book of natural philosophy which teaches that Man is as subject to natural laws as the rest of Nature- Physical, Organic, and Moral. Ignorance of or disobedience to the natural laws led to "punishment"- such as catching a cold from exposure to the elements. The first steps towards the good life were to study and obey the distinct natural laws (notably excluding the Bible). Combe's book was hugely controversial from the 1820s through the 1850s. Evangelicals founded societies to oppose it, wrote books and articles against it, and sometimes even burned it! Thus fuss popularly believed to have resulted from Darwin's Origin of Species pales in comparison to that of Combe's Constitution, one of the most influential books of the 19th century. The 8th was the final edition revised by Combe. "
But now, more than 200 years after his death, he has been hailed as one of Scotland’s "forgotten heroes" who pioneered the theory of evolution a century before Charles Darwin, and forged the way for Scots inventors.
In a new book - written by an amateur historian - Lord Monboddo of Edinburgh, an eminent but eccentric High Court judge, has been credited as the first to come up with Darwin’s famous theory of natural selection.
Jan-Andrew Henderson, 38, claims that Monboddo circulated the theory in Edinburgh in the 1700s, but it was dismissed because he was well known for his eccentricities, once famously sending his wig home from court in a sedan chair while he walked.
Henderson, who discovered the lord’s theory while researching his book The Emperor’s Kilt: The Two Secret Histories of Scotland, said Monboddo was "light years" ahead of his time with the revolutionary ideas. "He was a minor celebrity in Edinburgh because he was considered to be very eccentric. But he actually came up with the idea that men may have evolved instead of being created by God.
"His views were dismissed because people thought he was mad and in those days it was a very controversial view to hold.
"But he felt it was a logical possibility and it caused him a great deal of consternation, he actually did not want to believe the theory because he was a very religious person."
Lord Monboddo, James Burnett, was born in the village of Monboddo, Kincardine in 1714 and educated at King’s College, Aberdeen, before settling in Edinburgh.
In 1737, he joined the Faculty of Advocates, eventually becoming an eminent judge at the Court of Session. As he grew older he indulged his passion for writing and penned two books, the first being Of the Origin and Process of Language in 1740. In his books he detailed his evolutionary theory.
He wrote: "Man is formed, not however all at once, but by degrees and in succession: for he appears at first to be little more than a vegetable then he gets sense, [sensitivity to pain] but sense only that he is yet little better than a muscle [mollusc].
"Then he becomes an animal of a more complex kind, then a rational creature, and finally a man of intellect and science."
Monboddo died in 1799, 100 years before Darwin’s theory was circulated.
Henderson believes that when Darwin finally did voice his theory of evolution, it may have been in response to Monboddo’s earlier ideas. "Lord Monboddo was famous for his ideas in Edinburgh and strangely enough Darwin went to medical college in the city so he may well have heard of Monboddo’s theory while he was studying there."
Richard Dawkins, a leading evolutionary biologist said: "There were several theories of evolution about before Darwin’s became popular. I have not heard of this one before but it sounds perfectly plausible."
Towards the end of his life, after voicing a number of opinions about orang-utans having their own language and the existence of a remote, exotic island called Nicobar inhabited by people with tails, Monboddo was seen as "mad".
Henderson said: "In the end, he became a bit of an object of ridicule. But he was a very smart man, open to ideas and light years ahead of his time in terms of thinking. He was not a scientist and came up with the idea as a complete concept. It was a process of pure logic, which was quite a feat for someone 100 years before Darwin’s time in a very religious age."
Other theories in Henderson’s book include the idea that the modern-day kilt was designed by an Englishman - factory manager, Thomas Rawlinson - in the 18th century.
But, more heartening to Scots is his theory that the Dundee inventor James Bowman Lindsay produced the world’s first electric light in 1839, 40 years before it was "discovered" by the American Thomas Edison.
The Scot first demonstrated the light in the Thistle Hall, Dundee. "What this proves is that Scots forged the path years before other theorists and inventors and influenced the world in lots of ways that people don’t even realise," Henderson said. "It’s strange that a nation that is so proud of their inventions have managed to miss so many theorists, scientists and pioneers.
"Everyone knows the famous inventors like Bell and Baird but these guys are the forgotten heroes of Scotland."
Thursday, 28th September 2000
The Scotsman "
He refused to sit on the Bench with his fellow judges but sat underneath with the court clerks. This was due to a decision, which went against him when he was the claimant in a case involving the value of a horse.
In 1773, he published a notorious book Of the Origin and Progress of Language. It included the theories that man was derived from animals, that orang-utangs were related to humans and capable of speech, and that in the Bay of Bengal there was a nation of human creatures with tails. These ideas "afforded endless matter for jest by the wags of the day", but today are seen to be related to the theory of evolution. Slightly more eccentric was his belief that babies are born with tails and that midwives cut them off at birth.
In 1785, when he was 71, Lord Monboddo was visiting the King's Court in London when part of the ceiling of the courtroom started to collapse. There was a great rush from the building, until the danger was past and order restored. Lord Monboddo, who was deaf and shortsighted, was the only person who did not move from his seat. When asked why, he explained that he thought it was "an annual ceremony, with which, as an alien, he had nothing to do". "
"While her commitment is never in doubt, Ms. Bronstein's intemperate outbursts have earned her the sobriquet of 'the swearing Mother Teresa'. Her take-no-prisoners style has landed her in hot water with many governments and citizenry, earning her severe beatings and kidnap attempts on her children."
John Cleghorn, chairman of the Royal Bank said, "Naomi's career is compelling evidence that one person can strive and triumph against the odds."
A proper etiquette does exist for how we address our Church leaders. As a point of courtesy, all Catholics should be familiar with these forms of address. Even though we may live in an increasingly informal world, such good formalities help to make us respectful of proper authority.
So let’s start at the top – the pope. A person would greet Pope John Paul II as "Your Holiness," "Most Holy Father," or "Holy Father." A letter written to him would be addressed, "His Holiness, Pope John Paul II," with the salutation, "Your Holiness" or "Most Holy Father."
Next in the hierarchy comes the cardinal. A person would greet a cardinal, for instance Cardinal Theodore McCarrick of Washington, by saying, "Your Eminence" or "Your Lordship" (which is very British). In addressing a letter to Cardinal McCarrick, one would write, "His Eminence, William Cardinal McCarrick, Archbishop of Washington" with the salutation, "Your Eminence," "Most Eminent Cardinal," or "My Lord Cardinal."
In recent times, some people will reverse the word order, saying, "Cardinal William McCarrick" instead of "William Cardinal McCarrick." The formal word order originated in the time when last names were not common, but individuals were known by occupations or even places. For example, "John, the Smith" (or Blacksmith) eventually became "John Smith." The same evolution occurred with cardinals: What would have been "William, the Cardinal" would now be, with the use of family names, "William Cardinal McCarrick."
Another interesting diversion for us concerns a patriarch. Patriarchs are cardinals but have honorary precedence over a cardinal. For example, the Patriarch of Jerusalem is Archbishop Michael Sabbah. A person would greet him, saying, "Your Beatitude." In addressing a letter to him, one would write, "His Beatitude, Michael Sabbah, The Patriarch of Jerusalem" with the salutation, "Your Beatitude."
Both an archbishop and a bishop would be greeted as "Your Excellency" or "Your Grace" (again very British). For example, one would greet Bishop Loverde as "Your Excellency." In writing to him, for instance, about how much you enjoy this column (only kidding), you would address the letter, "The Most Reverend Paul S. Loverde, Bishop of Arlington," with the salutation, "Your Excellency."
Although some people today informally would approach Bishop Loverde and say, for instance, "Bishop, how are you?" one should properly say, "Bishop Loverde, how are you?" or "Your Excellency, how are you?" Worse yet, I was at a dinner conference once in the diocese and the master of ceremonies said, "We are so happy. Tonight we have bishop." I was not sure whether "bishop" was the main course or the guest speaker. Just as a person would never approach Pope John Paul II and simply say, "Pope, how are you?" the title of office, in this case "bishop," should not be used in an address without either the definite article the or a proper name.
A monsignor would be greeted as "monsignor." A letter to Monsignor Bradican, for example, would be addressed as "Reverend Monsignor Francis Bradican," or "Reverend and Dear Monsignor," with the salutation, "Dear Monsignor." (The proper abbreviation is "Rev. Msgr.")
Prior to the reforms of the Second Vatican Council, some Monsignori had the distinction of "Right Reverend Monsignor" or "Very Reverend Monsignor." Such distinctions are no longer made among Monsignori except for certain members of the Papal Household and those who serve in special offices of the Vatican Curia.
Finally, we come to the priest. He would be greeted simply as "father," which reflects his spiritual fatherhood to those entrusted to his care by virtue of the Sacrament of Holy Orders. A letter to him would be addressed, "The Reverend William P. Saunders," for example, with the salutation, "Dear Father Saunders" or "Reverend and Dear Father Saunders." Some "Fathers" are also formally addressed "Very Reverend" when they have a special duty; for example, Father Frank Ready, the Dean of Deanery II, would be addressed, "The Very Reverend Frank Ready."
While this review is not exhaustive of all of the Church offices, the major ones have been considered. Further information may be found in the Official Directory for the Diocese of Arlington and The Church Visible by James Charles Noonan Jr.
With glowing hearts we see thee rise,
The True North strong and free!
From far and wide,
O Canada, we stand on guard for thee.
God keep our land glorious and free!
O Canada, we stand on guard for thee.
O Canada, we stand on guard for thee.
Blow Off Work
Loot Small High Dollar Items
Avoid Texas
Activate First Chakra
Attempt To Get Back To The Future By Forcing 1.2 GIGAWATTS Through The Flux Capacitor
Thank You.
"There is a long-standing, little-known, and seldom enforced provision in the Immigration and Nationality Act that requires non-U.S. citizens over the age of 18 to carry with them evidence of what is known in the law as "alien registration". Pursuant to 8 C.F.R. § 264.1(b), the I-94 card would suffice as evidence of registration for those in F, J, H, O, P, and TN status. Not complying with this provision can lead to a $100 fine, 30 days imprisonment, or both. Even those of us with many years of experience in this field have never known this provision to be enforced. Recently, however, we have read of several instances in which the INS has invoked this requirement. Therefore, given the climate of heightened scrutiny we are advising that it would be prudent to carry your I-94 card with you. Be aware, however, that this insignificant looking card is actually the most important immigration document you have because it is the only legal evidence of the status in which you were admitted to the United States (an entry visa in your passport does not indicate how you entered the U.S.). Don’t lose it! To travel by air - and increasingly by rail and bus - within the United States, one must present a government-issued photo ID. Although you are not required to carry a passport, for many who do not have a US driver’s license, a passport is often used for identification."
This long Scientology Sec Check, consisting of three hundred and
forty-three questions, takes stock of the subject's space opera
experiences on the whole time track, including all their past lives. It
includes questions such as:
Did you come to Earth for evil purposes?
Have you ever disappeared?
Have you ever killed your own body?
Have you ever torn out someone's tongue?
Have you ever raped a child of either sex?
Have you ever zapped anyone?
Have you ever implanted anyone?
Have you ever eaten a human body?
Have you ever made a planet, or nation, radioactive?
Have you ever failed to rescue your leader?
Freedom of speech, like any other freedom, is subject to the law and must be balanced against the essential need of the individuals to protect their reputation. The words of Diplock J. in Silkin v. Beaverbrook Newspapers Ltd., [1958] 1 W.L.R. 743, at pp. 745-46, are worth repeating:
Freedom of speech, like the other fundamental freedoms, is freedom under the law, and over the years the law has maintained a balance between, on the one hand, the right of the individual . . . whether he is in public life or not, to his unsullied reputation if he deserves it, and on the other hand . . . the right of the public . . . to express their views honestly and fearlessly on matters of public interest, even though that involves strong criticism of the conduct of public people.
Nuclear's ability to generate power round the clock without sending carbon dioxide into the atmosphere is testing the resolve to abandon a hugely expensive industry still tainted by the legacy of past disasters at Three Mile Island and Chernobyl.
Helping the industry's case are doubts that the current attempt by governments to spark a green power revolution by building hundreds of windfarms can deliver big enough cuts in CO2 or ensure that the lights stay on after existing reactors have shut down.
"Nuclear power has gone from being very peripheral to being taken seriously again," said Dieter Helm, a fellow in economics at Oxford University.
"The exclusive focus on renewables and energy efficiency in several social democratic governments in Europe is not delivering enough carbon savings to keep on track with the ambitious climate change targets."
Rising prices for fossil fuels and Europe's growing reliance on gas imported from outside the region have also encouraged policymakers to think again about phasing out nuclear, which has high initial capital costs but low production costs thereafter.
Industry sources say Britain is likely to conduct a serious reappraisal of nuclear power but because of the issue's sensitivity the question will not get a public airing until after a general election expected next year.
Britain put on hold its nuclear building programme with the completion in 1995 of the Sizewell B station in eastern England and is scheduled to close its last reactor in 2035.
A sharp drop in power prices recently forced the government to rescue privatised nuclear giant British Energy from bankruptcy, although prices have since recovered.
Despite the BE debacle ministers were careful to leave the door ajar to a new generation of reactors when they updated their thinking on energy policy earlier this year.
REACTORS GET CHEAPER Analysts say the up-front costs of new reactors are dropping because they are smaller than earlier models.
"I think there is evidence beginning to build that the capital costs of nuclear plants will be substantially lower than in the past," said Philip Ruffles, vice president of The Royal Academy of Engineers in London. "Plants would be smaller, roughly half the physical size of current plants."
Crucial to the viability of new reactors would be the cost of capital and the length of time taken to build the plants, other analysts said.
Nuclear costs must include the management of waste, problems with which remains central to the argument of the industry's widespread opponents.
"The biggest problem for nuclear is the disposal of radioactive waste in a politically and publicly acceptable way," said Frank Barnaby, a nuclear security specialist at the independent Oxford Research Group.
Nuclear power is making headway in some countries. Finland is building a three-billion-euro reactor, its fifth. France, which already relies heavily on nuclear power, is pressing ahead with plans to build a prototype pressurised water reactor as it looks beyond the retirement of its existing plants.
Shifts in opinion are also evident in Sweden. A majority voted in 1980 to phase out atomic plants by 2010 but a recent Gallup poll showed more than 55 percent in favour of keeping existing plants.
The Swiss last year voted not to scrap nuclear power after the government argued it would be premature to shut down a cheap energy source that meets 40 percent of its power needs
Lachlan's Note: (Quote often attributed to Star Trek: Generations (Gene Roddenberry) - but apparantly
really due to Delmore Schwartz (1913-1966) "Calmly We Walk Through This April's Day")
"(This is the school in which we learn...)
(...that time is the fire in which we burn.)"
Two Little Boys : Whitbury Leisure Centre is celebrating its first birthday and Brittas has prepared a multitude of special events to celebrate. Unfortunately the fuel storage tank has sprung a leak and Colin is busy collecting all the oil into various containers. Meanwhile, Brittas' twin brother Horatio has been staying with him before taking up his new post in the Church as Dean of Beirut. He is having doubts about his vocation and turn to Gordon for advice. Gordon reminds him of their plans they made when they were young to cure the world of all its ills. A stray firework and a cupboard full of heating fuel gives Horatio the sign he needed to convince him to go.
Not A Good Day : A prominent political figure visits Whitbury Leisure Centre to help promote a public event. But he ends up accidentally chained to a railing by a small boy who has been wandering the center. The boy is the son of one of the Classical War Society members, who are staging a battle re-creation out on the soccer field. When the boy's father discovers that Brittas has placed his son under arrest, the Society attacks the centre.
High Noon : Brittas has been sacked as Manager of Whitbury Leisure Centre but has managed to get another job at a local garage. Alan Digby has taken over the management of the Centre and things seem to be picking up, the place is extremely busy and the takings are doing well. However, not all of the staff are behind Mr Digby. Colin is upset at the cancellation of some of his classes and Laura is not impressed by his rather scruffy demeanour. Carole and her children are now living with the Brittas' and causing not a little chaos for Helen, who has her own children as well as Gordon to cope with. Mr Brittas decides to pay one last visit to the Centre to deliver a special present he bought for the staff, a musical clock, in appreciation for their loyalty. It is this simple, well meaning, action that begins a string of events which even Brittas could not have foreseen.
The Last Day : As Brittas prepares for his departure to Brussels as European Commissioner for Sport, he decides that an emergency water tank ought to be installed at Whitbury Leisure Centre as an extra precaution against fire - a decision he later regrets.
In The Beginning : The year is 2019 and the ex-staff of Whitbury Newtown Leisure Centre are gathering at Colin's Scottish castle for their annual tribute to the man who gave them everything. They now include three millionaires, a world-famous concert pianist, a TV chef and a Government Minister. What is it that made them owe so much to Sir Gordon and Lady Brittas?
Hotel Ibis Euston 3 Cardington Street LONDON England NW1 2LW Tel: 020 7388 7777 Facsimile: 020 7388 0001 Email: h0921@accoc-hotels.com
London Euston Travel Inn Capital 141 Euston Road LONDON England NW1 2AU Telephone: 020 7554 3400 Facsimile: 020 7554 3419
Quality Hotel, 290 Rideau Street, Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 5Y3, Canada, Tel: (613) 789-7511 Fax: (613) 789-2434 Toll-Free Reservations: 1-800-228-5151
A David Wise article in Gentleman's Quarterly, gave the diameter of the W-88 secondary as 17.2 centimeters (seven inches), which, if spherical, means a volume of two and two-thirds liters.15 The maximum theoretical yield for a secondary is about two hundred kilotons per liter, assuming equal volumes of fission and fusion fuel. The math is simple. A secondary the size Wise reported would need to fully consume 90% of its thermonuclear fuel, including the uranium, in order to produce the W-88 warhead's advertized yield of 475 kilotons.
If that calculation is correct, there is little wonder the W-88 warhead is still our most modern warhead, despite its being a twenty-five year old, mid-1970s design. It would be a waste of time trying to squeeze out the last 10%. I was recently told that 1962 was the year when weapon designers "ran out of things to invent." A dozen years later, they apparently gave up trying.
The response to this code failure was to fix the code, not the bomb. Extra sensors were added for the next Bassoon test, to gather more data, and a hope was expressed that the next generation IBM computer would support more sophisticated simulation models that would be more accurate. Unlike bridges and skyscrapers, which can be reliably designed on the basis of theory alone, multi-stage thermonuclear weapons are designed by trial and error. Weapon codes come later, in an effort to explain the test results, and satisfy the curiosity of scientists.
According to all of these accounts, Teller's original H-bomb plan was to use a small fission bomb to light one end of a cannister of deuterium, or heavy hydrogen, and cause a self-sustaining fusion reaction to propagate through the length of the cannister, like the detonation wave that propagates through a stick of dynamite. This was the "Classical Superbomb," also known as the "Runaway Super," which Bethe referred to as Method A, in his 1954 history. In 1950, Stanislaw Ulam convinced everyone at Los Alamos that the fusion reaction would not propagate. His reports from Johnny von Neumann that "icicles are forming" meant that in mathematical simulations of the detonation, on the Princeton MANIAC computer, ignition temperatures could not be maintained by the detonation wave in the cannister of hydrogen. The true hydrogen bomb was thus abandoned, in favor of making a multi-megaton explosion, period.
The theoretical failure of Teller's hydrogen superbomb revived interest in 1946 Alarm Clock design. In the Alarm Clock, alternating layers of hydrogen fusion fuel and uranium fission fuel were arranged to take advantage of the aforementioned symbiotic relationship between fission and fusion. Uranium fission would produce the temperatures necessary for fusion, and hydrogen fusion would produce the neutrons necessary for more uranium fission. When the fusion reaction began to cool below its ignition point, more fission would heat it up again and keep it going.
The name Alarm Clock was a nonsense code name; it was supposed to wake people up to the possibilities of H-bombs. The Russians chose a physically more descriptive term for the same design concept: Sloika, a layered pastry cake. Bethe referred to it as Method B.
Because of the high energy neutrons in the Alarm Clock/Sloika design, relatively cheap uranium-238 becomes as explosive as the much more expensive uranium-235, but unconstrained by criticality considerations. The Alarm Clock design may have originated as a way of keeping the temperature up in the fusion fuel, but in practical terms it was a way to make a very cheap, dirty uranium bomb of unlimited power.28
"Peer review often doesn't work (Score:3, Interesting)
by Anonymous Coward on Wednesday July 28, @09:17PM EDT (#107)
Back when I was in grad school, my research happened to make a notable
contribution to a hot topic at the time. I was (usually with other authors)
submitting papers to IEEE journals at a rate of about 1 per 3-6 months.
I also attended several conferences and got to know a lot of the major contributors in
my research area.
Typically, every submission got sent to 3 experts for review. My professor
(and one of his collegues) even forwarded to me several papers they were asked to
review. I noticed a couple of things regarding peer review:
"The Prehistory of Postmodernism "In 'Star Trek,' every story is the same. There they are, the crew, working, working, working. Then somebody says,'Captain! I've lost control of the ship.' The rest of the episode is about gaining control of the ship." "Compare that to 'Moby Dick.' Everybody's working, doing their job too. But the captain goes insane, the ship snaps in two, the crew drowns and the captain gets dragged to the bottom of the sea." Laurie Anderson -from The Netly News, Dec 2, 1996
Dedicated to the clear-eyed Pierre Menard who faced down the tail-eating dragon of life and produced: A technical article on the possibility of enriching the game of chess by means of eliminating one of the rook's pawns. Menard proposes, recommends, disputes, and ends by rejecting this innnovation. Jorge Luis Borges (1939)
His earlier conversion to Catholicism in 1667 began to produce personal conflict with his geological observations, and shortly after writing the Prodromus, Steno lost all interest in geology. His geological career, thus, spanned three short years. Although he returned to Denmark for a few years, he was not happy, and moved back to Florence, where he became a priest in 1675. In 1677 he was appointed titular Bishop and spent the rest of his life involved with missionary work in northern Germany.
he was piloting her prize ship, a Navy Apocalypse worth billions of ISK - Eve's currency. Her lieutenant, Arenis Xemdal, flew an Imperial Apocalypse, of which only two were known to exist in the entire game universe.
'Nicole' was the go-code for a hit that took ten months of infiltration to set up. By 6am it was over. Every Ubiqua Seraph office in the galaxy was raided, the contents of every shared hangar - not to mention their corporate coffers - gone. Mirial's prize ship was annihilated, her escape pod nuked and her vacuum-frozen corpse sucked into the cargo bay of a Guiding Hand Social Club vessel.
The simultaneous ambush and galaxy-wide hangar theft inflicted financial damage upwards of 30 billion ISK - $16,500 US dollars at IGE.com's prices. The value of the stolen assets utterly dwarfed the original fee for the job. And yet the only item the Guiding Hand's anonymous client requested for himself was the cold, dead body of the target. It's safe to say this was personal.
"At the time of the contract's signing, we requested one billion ISK," says Guiding Hand CEO Istvaan Shogaatsu, "which was quite a sum so many months ago. We could never have foreseen, however, the gains upon its execution... we found ourselves staring at Fort Knox with the key in our hands."
Not that there was any question of the spoils distracting Guiding Hand's operatives from their objective. "The contract above all" is their philosophy. "The financial compensation becomes secondary to the recognition we garnered for our strike."
Et Tu, Arenis
By April 18th, the Guiding Hand had operatives in every level of Ubiqua Seraph's organisation. Several were on the board of directors, and primary agent Arenis Xemdal "rose to a rank sufficient to challenge the CEO's decisions."
"Multiple vector infiltration is a trademark of GHSC," Shogaatsu adds. "We feel one spy is rarely enough."
It took extraordinary effort, meticulous planning, and one moment of spectacularly orchestrated treachery. Xemdal had convinced Mirial - referred to as 'the objective' by Guiding Hand operatives - to fly her ridiculously valuable Navy Apocalypse alongside his even more ridiculously valuable Imperial Apocalypse "as a show of UQS (Ubiqua Seraph) might".
"The early-morning strike against Mirial's battleship was fraught with concern." Shogaatsu recalls. "One tense moment occurred when a pilot belonging to an unaffiliated third party hostile to UQS entered the system where our operatives' trap for Mirial lay. Another came soon after, when Guiding Hand operative Uuve Savisaalo - tasked with assisting the kill on Mirial - was spotted arriving in system by an Ubiqua Seraph pilot. These events spooked the objective, who made a short jump before being set upon by Uuve and - in a moment of 'Et tu, Brute' if ever there was one - Arenis Xemdal's Imperial Apocalypse."
The ambush was an unprecedented clash of the titans. A Navy Apocalypse is one of the most powerful and valuable ships in the galaxy, but even so, an Imperial Apocalypse is overkill - a few cheap Battleships would suffice. To use an even more valuable ship was an act of absurd bravado, and one with enormous risks. It's also typical of the Guiding Hand's flair for theatrical excess.
But the hard part, according to Shogaatsu, was to then 'pod' Mirial. Podding is the usually spiteful, some say dishonourable act of destroying a victim's escape pod when you've already destroyed their ship. The pod is no threat, and if it's destroyed the victim has to revert to an earlier clone of themselves - sometimes losing skills that take weeks to learn, and in this case losing an incredibly valuable set of cybernetic implants. For this reason some players log out on ship-death in an attempt to avoid being podded - Mirial included, the Guiding Hand say. Successful podding was the only way to attain the physical body of the victim, however, and Arenis pulled it off.
Thievery Corporation
The moment the go-code was uttered, every Guiding Hand double-agent within Ubiqua Seraph unloaded the contents of their assigned Corp hangar - a communal storage area for trusted corporation members - into their own cargo holds and left. The assets were replaced by a note in each, stating simply that this was an act of the Guiding Hand Social Club.
That afternoon, Istvaan Shogaatsu posted on the Intergalactic Summit - a section of the official Eve forums in which posters are required to stay in character, and content is monitored by CONCORD, the in-game police.
Posted 2005.04.18: Istvaan Shogaatsu
Greetings, everyone - it has been some time since I last stood behind a podium and made a public announcement, so you'll have to forgive me if I'm somewhat out of form. The reason I stand here before you is to announce that my mercenary outfit, the Guiding Hand Social Club, has completed its most ambitious contract to date.
Our target was assigned to us many months ago - Mirial of Ubiqua Seraph. Our task was to carry out that which the GHSC has now become known for - to utterly demolish Mirial and bring all who followed her to their knees in one fell swoop. For those many months, we toiled, secreting our operatives among her ranks, steering her organization through a number of insidiously engineered events meant to engender trust and divert their attention from where it should have been.
Early this morning, our hard work bore fruit. Executing a meticulously planned, thoroughly flawless concerto of simultaneous corp-hangar heists, attacks in open space and facility invasions, the Ubiqua Seraph came to know the wrath of the GHSC first-hand. The result shatters any previous records for sheer scale of such an endeavour:
Our philosophy . . . well, we have our quirks. Little traditions we stick to religiously. There is the tradition of first blood - in any war campaign, we must be the ones to score the first kill. If we do not, it is seen as a bad omen - so far, there have not been any bad omens. Another quirk we have is a sort of 'code of retribution' - this states that any unprovoked attack on our pilots must be met with the cruellest, most unrestrained kind of revenge. We will readily massacre an entire corporation and hound their fleeing members right out of the game if they transgress against one of our pilots and do not make appropriate and timely restitution. I find things like these make the bonds of friendship in our corporation stronger - if our guys know that the entirety of GHSC is always actively behind them, they feel as though they are part of a family. A very violent, cigar smoking, alcoholic family.
Dear Mr. Mental Patient: I have thoroughly enjoyed your brilliance. Recently I ordered one of your mugs and I must say you certainly know how to treat your customers well. I love the poem you wrote about me. And the mug is made of fine quality. It will make a lovely gift to a friend of mine. I wish you all the best. char clingman
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Much of the following links relating to concerts and lectures in London are now being updated in Resources relating to free classical concerts, historical Concerts, Lectures, Debates and Talks in London, UK |
23rd October 2001 Tuesday 1.10pm * Royal Society Lecture Series B. Free Franklin - the Enlightenment in America Sir Alan Cook FRS
As a manager today I keep asking myself
From Anonymous:
Every manager of complex facilities, especially ones that have exceeded their design life by a decade or more, knows that he or she has problems in maintenance and operations. These problems are found in inspections and self-assessments and are appropriately documented. Every manager I know submits this list for funding and is told to prioritize them. In medicine this would be comparable to triage. Coming up with this prioritized list obviously involves a great deal of conjecture. The manager submits his or her prioritized list up the management chain and, in almost 100% of the time, even some of the prioritized items are not funded. Yet when something happens like the laser injury, only the parties that denied funding to cover identified shortfalls escape reprimands and punishment. (Chemistry Division managers had requested and been denied funding by the Laboratory Director for a person to help oversee and enforce safety compliance.)
On the other hand, a division manager threatened to lock down TA-18 a few years ago and have his people abandon the site if money to operate the site safely was not promptly provided. Strangely, the money came post haste from DOE/NNSA and the facility continued to operate safely (and securely) in spite of the fact that it was one of oldest facilities on site.
However, hardball tactics can only be used sparingly and in healthy organizations driven by principle and not "inane arbitrariness to reduce overheads" they are needed even less. Worrying about overheads seems particularly inane considering that our senior management seems to have wasted $1B by some estimates on overhead processes of dubious long term value.
As a manager today I keep asking myself, where would my facilities and those in the rest of Laboratory be if that same $IB had been used to correct specific things that we already knew about and had documented instead wasting hours finding out what we already knew and creating mountains of useless SYA paperwork?
From an Anonymous Sandian:
This is from a Sandian who thinks that LANL staff might be interested in the following letter. It was recently reissued to SNL management and staff when Tom Hunter took over from Paul Robinson. LMC has been issuing this letter periodically for several years. My earliest version goes back to 1998. Here's the text of the latest version:
Dear Tom,
I am writing to reaffirm the promise made by Lockheed Martin to the Department of Energy regarding how our Corporation conducts its management responsibility for Sandia National Laboratories. Lockheed Martin has long respected Sandia's maxim of "exceptional service in the national interest." Accordingly, we recognize that for Sandia to fulfill the extraordinary mission requirements of the Laboratories, complete objectivity and independence of judgment must be assured. Lockeed Martin also recognizes that at no time should Corporate interest be placed above the national interest. Even the appearance of this circumstance would be unacceptable.
Be assured that Lockheed Martin will continue to uphold the integrity and independent objectivity that has enabled Sandia to advise the US government on sensitive matters and to fulfill its responsibilities in certifying the safety and reliability of the US nuclear stockpile. Should you ever be confronted with a situation that has the potential to compromise Sandia's independence, you are to contact the undersigned immediately. Appropriate action will be taken to ensure Sandia's ability to provide objective advice to the government at all times. Our corporate culture promotes the highest sense of ethics and integrity.
This Corporate wide commitment to ethical business practice permits us to confidently undertake the tremendous responsibilty associated with the management and operation of Sandia. We are proud of Sandia and greatly value our relationship.
We look forward to many more years of close association with Sandia and we are committed to sustain our excellent record of performance.
Sincerely, Robert J. Stevens, President, Lockheed Martin Corporation.
# posted by Doug Roberts : 6/17/2005 04:58:00 PM 37 comments
So there's a minor problem with a little nuclear reactor in Eastern Ontario, and half a world away, a doctor must tell a man she can't run a test to diagnose what's wrong with the guy's heart. A medical crisis erupts. Parliament is forced to pass emergency legislation to get the reactor restarted. It's stunning - who knew such a thing could happen?
People who've been reading the business pages, that's who. The fiasco in Chalk River, Ont., is no surprise to anyone who has followed MDS, which distributes isotopes used in treating disease, or Atomic Energy of Canada Ltd. (AECL), which supplies them. Eleven years ago, the two companies said they'd join forces to build two new reactors, Maple 1 and 2. The Maples were meant to replace the ancient NRU reactor that produces half of the world's medical isotopes.
If they were operating today, there would have been no crisis. AECL chief executive officer Michael Burns might still have his job; he quit yesterday. And those who still think it's a swell idea for taxpayers to back a bungling seller of nukes might still have a leg to stand on. They don't. The case for privatization has never been stronger.
The Maples were supposed to be running by 2000. We're still waiting. They were supposed to cost $140-million. By early last year, the costs were some $400-million and AECL had to pay tens of millions to MDS in an arbitration settlement. Understand, please, that these are not monster nuclear generating plants. The Maples are small and simple - as much as any nuke can be called simple - designed to do only one task. If AECL can screw that up, what good is it?
The situation reached a critical point when the feds' nuclear safety watchdog, the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission, shut down the 50-year-old NRU plant because AECL had failed to follow orders to install new backup power systems. The government balanced the risks - a minuscule chance of a nuclear meltdown, versus thousands of angry and upset sick people - and decided to fire up the reactor again. But as Mr. Burns' resignation makes clear, it was no victory for AECL.
If anything, the saga is a window on why the Crown Corp. should be carved up and sold. This isn't the first time Parliament has had to come to its rescue, after all. AECL, thanks in part to disasters like the Maple cost overruns, doesn't pay for itself, never has, and probably never will, as long as it's under Ottawa's wing. Energy Probe, a Toronto-based research group on energy issues, last year calculated that taxpayers have put $21-billion into the old beast since 1953, contributing about $75-billion to the national debt. "I would love an outcome where I [as a taxpayer] stop owning AECL," said Norm Rubin, the organization's director of nuclear research.
Energy Probe has an anti-nuke bias, so perhaps that's what you'd expect him to say. But he's right when he says there's no sign of an end to the subsidies. Crown status also can make it awkward when there are safety concerns. AECL reports to Natural Resources Minister Gary Lunn. The nuclear safety watchdog is independent, but technically, it also reports to Parliament through the same minister. Can Ottawa properly regulate a company that it also owns? "All of Parliament was in a conflict [on the NRU legislation]," Mr. Rubin claims, "because Parliament owns the reactor."
The Conservatives are launching a formal review of AECL. And while that's the right move, the Tories would be wise not to let it linger too long. Nuclear power is back in vogue. Some predict the U.S., which hasn't approved a new nuclear site since the Three Mile Island accident in 1979, might build a dozen or more new reactors in the coming years. Energy-rich Alberta is talking about nukes; Ontario will be building new nuclear power as well, to replace old plants and the coal-fired electricity the province wants to shut down by 2014.
Ontario already relies on nukes for about half of its power, and all of them were built with AECL's Candu technology. What about in the future? A nuke is a marriage to last a lifetime. It's a 50-year commitment, at least. No one's going to buy from a company that might not exist in five years' time. The uncertainty surrounding AECL's future is one thing keeping the province from getting moving, which it desperately needs to do, because it takes at least a decade to get a new nuclear generator approved and built.
AECL once served a useful purpose. It got a domestic nuclear industry off the ground. But there's no reason to believe that selling it to General Electric or France's Areva would mean the end of employment for thousands of engineers and scientists in AECL's employ. A private company would need those people, too. It just wouldn't need - we hope, at least - the billions of tax dollars that AECL consumes. Time to sell it.
It is not without justice that I shall claim indulgence for this work, and I beg that no one will charge me with negligence, if he finds that I have passed over some illustration. For who could prove equal to the task of examining all the records which have come down to us in both languages! And so I have purposely allowed myself to skip many things. That I have not done this without reason, those will realize who read the books of others treating of the same subjects; but it will be easy for the reader to supply those examples under each category. For since this work, like my preceding ones, has been undertaken for the benefit of others, rather than for the sake of my own renown, I shall feel that I am being aided, rather than criticized, by those who will make additions to it.
Public lynchings were common in America for much of the 20th Century. At its height at the turn of the century, two to three people, mostly southern blacks, were lynched every week.
Railroads ran special excursion trains to lynching sites, and thousands gathered to watch the beating, hanging, and burning of human beings. Spectators brought cameras and vendors printed photographs on the spot, minting a small fortune by turning the prints into souvenir postcards.
Some of those photographs are now part of a new exhibit at the New York Historical Society, and what they show is the shameless, festive carnival of lynching: Women with parasols, children lifted onto shoulders for the view, and large groups of men, all expectant and exultant.
Lynching in America in the second hour of The Connection, with Leon Litwack and James Allen.
The Exhibit can be seen at The New York Historical Society until July 9, 2000.
page 265 The first thing you have to understand is that in this place there are no martyrdoms. You have read of the religious persecution of the past. In the Middle Ages there was the Inquisition. It was a failure. It set out to eradicate heresy, and ended by perpetuating it. For every heretic it burned at the stake, thousands of others rose up. Why was that? Because the Inquisition killed its enemies in the open, and killed them while they were still unrepentant: in fact, it killed them because they were unrepentant. Men were dying because they would not abandon their true beliefs. Naturally all the glory belonged to the victim and all the shame to the Inquisitor who burned him. Later, in the twentieth century, there were the totalitarians, as they were called. There were the German Nazis and the Russian Communists. The Russians persecuted heresy more cruelly than the Inquisition had done. And they imagined that they had learned from the mistakes of the past; they knew, at any rate, that one must not make martyrs. Before they exposed their victims to public trial, they deliberately set themselves to destroy their dignity. They wore them down by torture and solitude until they were despicable, cringing wretches, confessing whatever was put into their mouths, covering themselves with abuse, accusing and sheltering behind one another, whimpering for mercy. And yet after only a few years the same thing had happened over again. The dead men had become martyrs and their degradation was forgotten. Once again, why was it? In the first place, because the confessions that they had made were obviously extorted and untrue. We do not make mistakes of that kind. All the confessions that are uttered here are true. We make them true. And above all we do not allow the dead to rise up against us. You must stop imagining that posterity will vindicate you, Winston. Posterity will never hear of you. You will be lifted clean out from the stream of history. We shall turn you into gas and pour you into the stratosphere. Nothing will remain of you; not a name in a register, not a memory in a living brain. You will be annihilated in the past as well as in the future. You will never have existed.' Then why bother to torture me? thought Winston, with a momentary bitterness. O'Brien checked his step as though Winston had uttered the thought aloud. His large ugly face came nearer, with the eyes a little narrowed. 'You are thinking,' he said, 'that since we intend to destroy you utterly, so that nothing that you say or do can make the smallest difference in that case, why do we go to the trouble ofinterrogating you first? That is what you were thinking, was it not?' 'Yes,' said Winston. O'Brien subiled slightly. 'You are a flaw in the pattern, Winston. You are a stain that must be wiped out. Did I not tell you just now that we are different from the persecutors of the past? We are not content with negative obedience, nor even with the most abject submission. When finally you surrender to us, it must be of your own free will. We do not destroy the heretic because he resists us: so long as he resists us we never destroy him. We convert him, we capture his inner mind, we reshape him. We burn all evil and all illusion out of him; we bring him over to our side, not in appearance, but genuinely, heart and soul. We make him one of ourselves before we kill him. It is intolerable to us that an erroneous thought should exist anywhere in the world, however secret and powerless it may be. Even in the instant of death we cannot permit any deviation. In the old days the heretic walked to the stake still a heretic, proclaiming his heresy, exulting in it. Even the victim of the Russian purges could carry rebellion locked up in his skull as he walked down the passage waiting for the bullet. But we make the brain perfect before we blow it out. The command of the old despotisms was "Thou shalt not". The command of the totalitarians was "Thou shalt". Our command is " Thou art". No one whom we bring to this place ever stands out against us. Everyone is washed clean. Even those three miserable traitors in whose innocence you once believed-Jones, Aaronson and Rutherford - in the end we broke them down. I took part in their interrogation myself I saw them gradually worn down, whimpering, grovelling, weeping - and in the end it was not with pain or fear, only with penitence. By the time we had finished with them they were only the shells of men. There was nothing left in them except sorrow for what they had done, and love of Big Brother. It was touching to see how they loved him. They begged to be shot quickly, so that they could die while their minds were still clean.' His voice had grown almost dreamy. The exaltation, the lunatic enthusiasm, was still in his Face. He is not pretend- ing, thought Winston; he is not a hypocrite; he believes every word he says. What most oppressed him was the consciousness of his own intellectual inferiority. He watched the heavy yet graceful form strolling to and fro, in and out of the range of his vision. O'Brien was a being in all ways larger than himself There was no idea that he had ever had, or could have, that O'Brien had not long ago known, examined and rejected. His mind contained Winston's mind. But in that case how could it be true that O'Brien was mad? It must be he, Winston, who was mad. O'Brien halted and looked down at him. His voice had grown stern again. 'Do not imagine that you will save yourself, Winston, however completely you surrender to us. No one who has once gone astray is ever spared. And even if we chose to let you live out the natural term of your life, still you would never escape from us. What happens to you here is for ever. Understand that in advance. We shall crush you down to the point from which there is no coming back. Things will happen to you from which you could not recover, if you lived a thousand years. Never again will you be capable of ordinary human feeling. Everything will be dead inside you. Never again will you be capable of love, or friendship, or joy of living, or laughter, or curiosity, or courage, or integrity. You will be hollow. We shall squeeze you empty, and then we shall fill you with ourselves.' page 269
page 275 'Now I will tell you the answer to my question. It is this. The Party seeks power entirely for its own sake. We are not interested in the good of others; we are interested solely in power. Not wealth or luxury or long life or happiness only power, pure power. What pure power means you will understand presently. We are different from all the oligarchies of the past, in that we know what we are doing All the others, even those who resembled ourselves, were cowards and hypocrites. The German Nazis and the Russian Communists came very close to us in their methods, but they never had the courage to recognise their own motives. They pretended, perhaps they even believed, that they had seized power unwillingly and for a limited time, and that just round the corner there lay a paradise where human beings would be free and equal. We are not like that. We know that no one ever seizes power with the intention of relinquishing it. Power is not a means, it is an end. One does not establish a dictatorship in order to safeguard a revolution; one makes the revolution in order to establish the dictatorship. The object of persecution is persecution. The object of torture is torture. The object of power is power. Now do you begin to understand me?'
At the recent trials in Kharkov some attempt was made to fix on Hitler, Himmler and the rest the responsibility for their subordinates' crimes, but the mere fact that this had to be done shows that Hitlers's guilt is not self-evident. His crime, it is implied, was not to build up an army for the purpose of aggressive war, but to instruct that army to torture its prisoners. So far as it goes, the distinction between an atrocity and an act of war is valid. An atrocity means an act of terrorism which has no genuine military purpose. One must accept such distinctions if one accepts war at all, which in practice everyone does.
Nevertheless, a world in which it is wrong to murder an individual civilian and right to drop a thousand tons of high explosive on a residential area does sometimes make me wonder whether this earth of ours is not a loony bin made use of by some other planet. "
1. The CIA is pushing crack in the ghettoes of LA While the food crops in Colombia get sprayed by the DEA The FBI is reading your email with something called the carnivore And the rich are getting richer while the poor are staying poor They're launching nuclear-powered ships up into space One little accident could wipe out half the human race And they're putting radioactive waste into your silverware Or maybe your toaster or perhaps your wheelchair 2. The Air Force is bombing people in Iraq every other day They don't like the government so the children have to pay The ozone hole is spreading and the sheep are going blind While the US spends more on arms than the rest of the world combined Journalists are getting fired from San Jose to Atlanta When they write about reality, not a fluff piece for Fanta A death threat every week and sometimes life is short When the truth is too dangerous for someone to report Who will tell the people that free speech is a ruse The corporations run the country and then they make the news Is it media or mind control, heroic victories or crimes Who will tell the people that we're living in these times 3. The cancer rates are skyrocketing though people are smoking less If you live near a nuke your life is bound to be a mess Clean water's almost gone all over the earth And what's left they want to privatize and see how much it's worth Chevron is gunning down the students of Nigeria Turning the land to waste while the babies die of dyptheria And the weather's getting hotter, the world's forests are on fire Pretty soon Brazil will be one giant funeral pyre Who will tell the people that free speech is a ruse The corporations run the country and then they make the news Is it media or mind control, heroic victories or crimes Who will tell the people that we're living in these times 4. One in three adult Americans cannot read or write And their children go to bed hungry every night And two million US citizens are rotting behind bars And while they're there they're working hard building parts for cars And the Army's running torture schools to keep the earth under control And they're relocating Navajos so they can mine some extra coal Our taxes pay McDonald's to sell tumors in Shanghai While a hundred thousand poisoned vets are just about to die Who will tell the people that free speech is a ruse The corporations run the country and then they make the news Is it media or mind control, heroic victories or crimes Who will tell the people that we're living in these times 5. And the people are resisting wherever you may go And this is the single biggest fact they don't want you to know From New Delhi to New Mexico there are battles going on And the darkest hour is just before the dawn And in Berkeley and New York they're raiding radio stations Trying to turn the voice of the people into the voice of the corporations Will we seize the airwaves, wipe the sweat off of our brow Stand and face the beast and shout, "Democracy Now!" Who will tell the people that free speech is a ruse The corporations run the country and then they make the news Is it media or mind control, heroic victories or crimes Who will tell the people that we're living in these times
Because a major factor in the prevention of suicide is the early detection of depression, on May 4, 1999, sixteen national organizations, including the National Mental Health Association, and a multitude of local groups will sponsor Childhood Depression Awareness Day. You will find additional information about Childhood Depression Awareness Day in the materials below."
Official statistics show that more that 30,000 Americans kill themselves every year. The true figure is probably higher. The number of non-fatal suicide attempts is considerably greater, often resulting in serious injuries, trauma to families and friends, and economic loss to our society.
Suicide is the third leading cause of death among young people ages 15-24, and is the ninth leading cause of death among all persons.
Suicide cuts across all ages, economic, social and ethnic boundaries. "
Suicides, for statistical purposes, are defined as those deaths classified to 'suicide and self-inflicted injuries' by the Supplementary Classification of the Ninth Revision of the International Classification of Diseases. The actual number of suicides is thought to be higher than the number of registered suicides, because the true intention of some deaths is difficult to determine. When there is a doubt about the intention of death, suicides could be misclassified to other causes of death categories (i.e. natural cause, accident or undetermined whether accidentally or intentionally inflicted). The coroners may be reluctant to give a verdict of suicide because of the social stigma attached to suicides and the socioeconomic and emotional implications it could have on families of the victims. The extent of under-reporting of suicide is, however, difficult to assess accurately.
The age-standardised death rate for suicide rose from 13.4 deaths per 100,000 population in 1988 to 14.6 per 100,000 population in 1997, a 9% increase over the 10-year period. Between 1988 and 1996 the overall suicide death rate was relatively stable at 12 to 13 deaths per 100,000 population, but it then increased by 12% to 14.6 in 1997.
The trend in the overall death rate from suicide reflects the underlying trend in male suicide deaths, which generally account for over three-quarters of the total number of suicides each year.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Australian Suicides Age-standardised death rate per 100,000 population(a)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Males Females Total Males Females Persons Sex ratio
(male death rate/ female death rate)
Year no. no. no. rate rate rate ratio
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1988 1,730 467 2,197 21.5 5.6 13.4 3.8
1989 1,658 438 2,096 20.1 5.2 12.5 3.6
1990 1,735 426 2,161 20.7 4.9 12.7 4.0
1991 1,847 513 2,360 21.7 5.9 13.7 4.4
1992 1,820 474 2,294 21.1 5.3 13.1 3.6
1993 1,687 394 2,081 19.3 4.3 11.7 3.6
1994 1,830 428 2,258 20.7 4.7 12.6 4.8
1995 1,873 495 2,368 20.9 5.4 13.0 4.4
1996 1,931 462 2,393 21.3 4.9 13.0 3.9
1997 2,146 577 2,723 23.4 6.1 14.6 3.8
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
9.4 AGE-SPECIFIC Australian SUICIDE RATES PER 100,000 POPULATION(a), By Sex - 1988-97
Age group (years)
Australian MALES
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
15-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65+ All ages(b)
rate rate rate rate rate rate rate
1988 27.9 28.3 26.0 24.4 23.8 31.9 21.0
1989 23.9 30.0 22.4 23.9 22.8 29.5 19.8
1990 27.0 29.1 25.4 21.4 24.8 28.2 20.4
1991 26.7 29.9 30.3 26.1 21.3 28.1 21.4
1992 27.0 30.4 24.9 25.8 23.1 28.4 20.9
1993 24.7 28.7 21.4 23.5 22.9 25.8 19.2
1994 27.0 29.2 26.1 24.7 23.1 26.6 20.6
1995 25.4 33.4 27.8 23.9 23.3 22.9 20.8
1996 25.7 32.5 29.4 22.7 23.4 25.9 21.2
1997 30.6 37.5 30.2 24.4 22.6 28.3 23.3
There are also very large differences in male suicide rates by marital status. In 1995 the suicide rate for widowed and divorced men aged 15 to 44 was 35 per 100,000 population, more than double the rate for married men. The rate for single men has risen markedly since 1983, from 15 per 100,000 population to 22 per 100,000 population in 1995.
Data for Chart 7.15
Death rates from suicide1: by gender and age
United Kingdom - Rates per 100,000 population(2)
Males Females
65 and 65 and
15-24 25-44 45-64 over 15-24 25-44 45-64 over
1974 8.6 14.1 19.8 23.6 3.8 8.4 15.0 15.0
1975 10.1 14.3 19.7 22.0 4.4 8.3 14.7 14.9
1976 9.8 15.1 20.9 24.0 4.6 9.1 14.1 15.1
1977 9.5 16.5 20.0 24.1 5.5 8.6 14.9 15.1
1978 10.5 16.8 20.7 24.7 4.4 9.0 14.5 16.1
1979 10.3 18.0 20.5 24.8 4.0 8.5 17.1 15.1
1980 9.7 18.8 21.3 24.8 4.2 8.2 15.6 16.5
1981 10.8 19.6 23.0 24.1 3.4 7.9 14.9 15.7
1982 9.7 18.9 23.0 25.1 3.4 7.9 14.0 15.1
1983 9.7 19.2 22.6 24.4 3.1 7.3 13.0 14.5
1984 10.1 19.6 22.4 23.9 2.6 7.2 13.6 13.6
1985 11.6 20.8 23.2 24.6 3.0 6.8 14.0 15.3
1986 12.5 20.3 22.6 26.3 3.3 6.6 11.8 13.6
1987 13.7 20.1 21.3 23.8 3.8 6.7 10.7 11.2
1988 16.2 23.0 21.4 26.1 4.1 7.0 10.1 12.2
1989 14.7 21.1 19.9 21.2 3.8 6.2 9.3 9.4
1990 16.2 23.2 20.7 21.6 3.3 6.5 8.4 9.6
1991 15.4 24.3 20.4 18.6 3.9 5.9 8.3 8.5
1992 16.2 23.7 20.7 19.2 3.7 6.3 8.2 8.2
1993 17.0 22.8 20.0 17.7 3.6 6.5 7.3 8.1
1994 16.0 22.8 18.1 18.6 3.4 6.2 6.9 7.7
1995 15.4 24.2 18.6 16.7 3.6 6.3 6.9 6.9
1996 14.3 22.8 17.3 17.2 4.2 6.2 6.4 6.7
1997 16.3 21.7 17.5 15.4 4.0 6.3 6.9 6.3
1998 17.2 25.6 19.1 14.9 4.5 6.6 6.5 7.1
1999 15.7 24.6 19.2 17.0 3.7 6.4 6.1 6.7
2000 15.9 23.4 18.0 15.7 4.4 6.4 6.3 6.0
1 Figures are based on suicides registered in the year. Includes
deaths undetermined whether accidentally or purposely inflicted.
2 Directly age-standardised to the European standard population.
All data are based on ICD9 apart from the Scotland data for 2000,
which are based on ICD10. See Appendix, Part 7: International
Classification of Diseases.
Source: Office for National Statistics; General Register Office
for Scotland; Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency
"There's nothing bad about suicide," said Wataru Tsurumi, author of a graphic, and best-selling handbook on the subject. "We have no religion or laws here in Japan telling us otherwise. As for group suicides - before the internet people would write letters, or make phone calls... it's always been part of our culture."
It details 10 methods of self-slaughter, including hanging, electrocution and immolation, and compares them in terms of pain, speed and disfigurement.
Illustrated with charts, maps and manga comics, the 200 pages contain recommendations about the best spots to die, tips about avoiding detection and descriptions of celebrity suicides.
Parents' groups complain that the book glamorises suicide, but only a handful of local authorities have introduced restrictions on its sale since it was published six years ago. This tolerance reflects liberal publishing laws and a traditional view of suicide as an act that is honourable rather than criminal.
But attitudes have hardened this year after an alarming 35% rise in the number of suicides has given Japan one of the highest rates in the world. Record unemployment, intense exam pressure and a rapidly ageing population are the main causes of the rise, but the finger is also being pointed at the manual.
The book has been blamed for the rising body count in Aokigahara, a dense wood at the foot of Mount Fuji that is described in the manual as "the perfect place to die". Last year a record 74 corpses were found among the trees.
In Tokyo the book was found beside two young suicide victims this year, prompting police to demand that sales be limited to people over 18.
In the wake of an 85% increase in the number of young people who killed themselves in the capital last year, suicide prevention groups agree that action is necessary.
"We have had calls from people in great pain because they followed the book's instructions, but failed to kill themselves," said Yukiko Nishihara, founder of a Tokyo helpline.
Under existing bylaws, which cover only publications of a sexual or violent nature, the Tokyo metropolitan government cannot prohibit the manual. But officials have begun looking at whether to change the rules.
"Clearly, there are growing public concerns about this book that we have to address, if necessary by enacting new regulations," said Shigemitsu Sekiguchi, who is heading the study. He said the new regulations, if approved, could be in place by the end of next year.
The book's author, Turumi Wataru, says he is being made a scapegoat. "No one ever killed themselves just because of my book," he said. "The authorities are blaming me because they are unwilling to take responsibility for the economic, political and social problems that are the real cause of suicides."
But his publishers are feeling the pressure: the Tokyo market accounts for 70% of the book's sales. To pre-empt a decision, they have slapped a warning on the book's cover saying that it is not suitable for under-18s.
This has infuriated Mr Wataru, who has vowed to find a new publisher. "I want people under the age of 18 to read this book," he said. "They need it more than anyone.
"It is important that people realise that suicide is not wrong. It is the right of every individual to kill themselves and, no matter what laws you enact, you cannot stop it."
Copyright © Guardian Unlimited, Dec 10, 1999
He found what he was looking for on a host of new Japanese-language Web sites such as "Underground Suicide" and "Deadline." Promising to supply most of the materials, he made arrangements to kill himself with two anonymous Internet friends on a mid-May afternoon. Face to face for the first time, the three young men drove to a tranquil mountain pass six hours north of Tokyo. They shared sleeping pills, and then — following detailed instructions posted on a Web site — set charcoal alight inside their car and died from carbon monoxide poisoning.
"Maybe he didn't have high hopes for the future, but it is still so hard to understand how he could have done it," said Murata's 35-year-old brother, who shared their apartment. He spoke on condition that both their names be withheld. "I've disconnected the Internet at home, at least while our family comes to terms with this."
The deaths of the three men marked only one incident in an extraordinary string of Internet suicides to hit Japan. Over the past six months, police investigators say at least 32 people — mostly in their teens and twenties — have killed themselves nationwide after meeting strangers online. Many more young Japanese have entered into online suicide pacts, but either failed in their attempts or backed out at the last minute.
Psychiatrists and suicide experts are linking the phenomenon to a profound national identity crisis during Japan's 13-year economic funk. Indeed, the Internet deaths come at a time when Japan is undergoing an alarming surge in its overall suicide rate — with financial problems cited as the fastest growing reason for despair.
The culture of suicide, encapsulated by the honorable hara-kiri rite of the ancient samurai, is nothing new here. But even by Japanese standards, there has been a staggering jump in suicides, to 32,143 last year, compared with 21,346 in 1990, the beginning of Japan's economic slide. The current suicide rate — 25.2 suicides per 100,000 people — is about double that of the United States.
Though Western, religion-based stigmas of suicide do not exist here, the Internet deaths have nevertheless dismayed this island nation, becoming a dominant topic in chat rooms and the subject of a new play.
The deaths have drawn attention to a deadly mix between Japanese traditions of suicide and its mega-tech society, which have now melded into a proliferation of "how-to-die" Web sites accessible from schools, offices, subways, trains and cars through wireless connections on most Japanese cell phones. They have become a source of morbid fascination for a growing subculture of troubled, mostly younger Japanese.
The majority of the 20 males and 12 females who killed themselves after linking up on these sites came from Japan's "lost generation" — people in their teens and twenties who have come of age in a less secure, less confident society. Japan today is [a] nation where unemployment and homelessness have soared, and companies — long the pillars of society — no longer offer workers the promise of a job for life. The new realties have put added stress on families, sending the divorce rate steadily higher.
Given the changes, experts say, many young adults in the world's second-largest economy have become dangerously cynical about their futures.
"They are lost and confused. The long-held direction and goals of Japanese society are collapsing around them," said Rika Kayama, a Tokyo psychiatrist who has studied the Internet suicide phenomenon. "Japanese adults used to be able to say to their children that if you try very hard at school or at work, you'll see the rewards. But adults can no longer say that, because in many ways, it is no longer true."
That confusion has manifested itself in a number of new societal ills. As many as 1 million Japanese, mostly young men in their twenties, have withdrawn from society altogether, becoming "shut-ins" inside their parents' homes for six months to several years.
The news media are also decrying an increase in kireru, or the "snapping" of youths. Last month, several middle-class high school boys murdered a mutual friend after a minor disagreement. There seemed to be little real hate in the act — the boys even stopped to share a refreshment with their friend before dealing him the killing blows.
With the wave of Internet deaths, experts say, young Japanese are turning those instincts on themselves.
Police investigators have tracked the beginning of the Net death trend to a Feb. 11 tableau in a vacant apartment near Tokyo. One man and two women, all in their twenties, were found dead inside.
A 17-year-old girl who had originally agreed to join them but backed out at the last minute, told police that the three were jobless and worried about the future. They had met after Michio Sakai, a 26-year-old unemployed magazine salesman from just north of Tokyo, posted a "death ad" on an underground suicide site: "I am looking for suicide partners," it said. "If you join me, I will give you sleeping pills. ... It is lonely to die alone."
The suicides made headlines across Japan and became the inspiration for a series of copycat pacts over the Web, authorities say. The individuals find each other on bulletin boards and chat rooms in any one of dozens of suicide Web sites, including one that proudly displays gothic skulls and crossbones as readers scan tips and best methods for ending their lives.
Citing freedom of expression, Japanese authorities have been loath to clamp down on the sites, instead asking content providers to police themselves. The Internet deaths are especially shocking, however, because police say those individuals who killed themselves appeared to make relatively snap decisions to end their lives, sometimes over seemingly minor problems. One young man, for instance, wrote in e-mails that he was merely upset over a minor traffic accident.
"Their reasons were unclear. These were not obviously desperate people with unbearable problems," said Naoki Miyagi, a director with Japan's National Police Agency.
Experts say this reflects a disturbing trend: A July poll of 100 teenagers by the Japanese weekly magazine Aera found that 30 percent of respondents had considered suicide, with a majority citing "trivial matters" as reasons.
Taken alone, such feelings are unlikely to rise to the level of suicide. But through the Internet troubled Japanese are finding support from one another to die.
In a society that spends extraordinary amounts of time online, the Internet's ability to influence people has grown exponentially. It has given people with only moderately suicidal tendencies a medium to find each other — and feed off each other's depression.
Hana, the cyber handle of a 30-year-old Tokyo computer saleswoman who frequented suicide chat rooms before receiving counseling, said in an interview that she once did a live online broadcast of slitting her wrist.
"I wrote on the chat site, 'I'm cutting now' — and then I had to go to the emergency room and get seven stitches," she said. "Several hours later, I found out someone online who was reading my words also decided to slit her wrist, and had to get 20 stitches."
Murata, who killed himself with two strangers, did not appear clinically depressed, nor did he have a history of being suicidal, according to his family. He delivered sushi part-time, and liked to use his money to take long trips on his motorcycle into the countryside. Recently, however, he had less work, and was spending much of his time at home alone playing video games.
After his death, his family found e-mails in which the three men had negotiated their ends, deciding who would bring what. "I'll get the sleeping pills and the charcoal," Murata wrote to one of his suicide companions. "I'll borrow my brother's car," came back a reply from one of the other two men on the day before they set off to die.
"There was no discussion of why he was doing it, just an indication that maybe he was tired of living," said Murata's distraught father, a 67-year-old security guard. "But I don't think he could have done it alone. So he found others who were willing to do it with him. I suppose it made it less frightening for him. But I will never know for sure."
Japanese police said yesterday that a record 91 people had committed suicide together after meeting via the web in 2005, up from 55 people the previous year. The figure has tripled since the police began keeping records in 2003. Most of the victims were in their teens, twenties and thirties and sought each other out via websites that allow the suicidal to swap e-mail addresses, share stories and offer advice on the surest, least painful ways to die.
Many opt for carbon monoxide poisoning in sealed vehicles, often in secluded or scenic areas, like four young men who died while watching the sun rise from a car at the foot of Mount Fuji. The men met for the first time just hours before their death.
The latest statistics will likely lead to more demands for monitoring of cyberspace, including renewed calls to ban the word "suicide" from search engines. Net service providers already work with the police and there are signs the group-suicide phenomenon may have peaked. But Yukio Saito, who runs Japan's largest telephone helpline, cautions against complacency. "People will always find a way to end their lives if they want to. The wider issues must be tackled."
In Japan, 94 people took their own lives every day in 2003, setting a record of 34,427 that broke the previous high of 33,048, in 1999. Since the Asian crash of 1997-8, when the statistics jumped 35 per cent, suicides have claimed more than 220,000 lives, approximately the population of Derby. A suicide manual that lists effective ways of ending it all - including hanging, electrocution and pills - has sold more than a million copies. In true Japanese style it rates these methods in terms of the pain and trouble they cause to others; predictably, jumping in front of a train is given a maximum rating of five.
The dramatic rise in suicides forced the health ministry to bring out a package of proposals at the end of 2002, including a drastic boost in mental healthcare facilities. But Japan still has far fewer psychiatrists than other advanced countries, and family doctors routinely misdiagnose mental illness. A health ministry survey found that more than half of the workers recognised as having committed suicide due to work-related stress between 1999 and 2002 had been working at least 100 hours overtime a month. "This is a suicide epidemic," says Mr Saito. "We are not doing enough to help people who are suffering in silence."
Japan is not unique. South Korea has also experienced a wave of suicide pacts, and Ireland has seen a 45 per cent increase in suicides over the past decade. But, at 24.1 per 100,000 people, Japan has the highest per-capita suicide rate in the developed world.
Nearly 8,000 people in their twenties and thirties killed themselves in 2003, making suicide one of the leading causes of death for young Japanese. Many of these youngsters are drawn from the ranks of hikkikomori, social recluses who have locked themselves in their rooms, sometimes for years on end.
Many are linked to the outside world only through the electronic umbilical cord of their computers, which they use to find like-minded folk. Dozens of young Japanese can be found every day discussing suicide on online chat rooms. A typical message reads: "If you are thinking about killing yourself, please reply." Another says: "I'm in my early twenties and I want to die easily. I can go anywhere in Japan." Fittingly, perhaps, one of the last acts of the suicidal is often to e-mail a friend or relative. Several times in the past two years the police have stumbled on semi- asphyxiated young people just in time, after similar messages were sent.
On the morning of October 12, Japanese police found seven people dead in a rented van on the outskirts of Tokyo. The van’s windows were sealed with vinyl tape and charcoal stoves were found inside. The seven, some of whom had taken sleeping pills, died from carbon monoxide poisoning. Police found the bodies after receiving a call from a friend of one of the victims, who hinted in an email about suicide.
One of the dead was a 34-year-old mother who apparently posted a notice in early October on a web site seeking others who wanted to commit suicide. The rest were in their teens or early 20s, including a university student, a part-time worker and an unemployed woman—all from widely separated regions of Japan.
On the same day, police discovered two women dead in a car parked near a temple at Yokosuka, about 60 km southeast of Tokyo. The methods used were similar. Police are still investigating the possibility that the two cases are related. The two women were believed to be in their 20s.
These are not isolated instances. According to Japan’s National Police Agency, 45 people committed suicide in groups between January 2003 and June 2004 after meeting through Internet web sites.
Public shock over the recent suicides has provoked calls for the government to close down suicide web sites, which provide information about methods and the means for contacting others. Yet, the causes of such suicides, which are a tiny fraction of the total number of suicide cases in Japan, do not arise from the Internet. They lie in the immense psychological pressures produced by the country’s growing economic and social uncertainties.
Japan has one of the highest rates of suicide of industrialised countries. It has been rising throughout the 1990s—a decade of economic stagnation, failing businesses and growing levels of unemployment. Many of those who killed themselves were middle-aged men who had lost their jobs or faced financial problems for which they saw no solution.
Last year, a record 34,427 people took their own lives. An article published by Asia Times Online entitled “Suicide also rising in land of rising sun” pointed out that Japan’s suicide rates of 40.2 per 100,000 for men and 14.9 per 100,000 for women were approaching levels “witnessed in countries suffering severe economic hardships such as Russia, Latvia and Lithuania”.
Just over a quarter of the suicides were officially put down to financial problems. Asia Times commented: “Some of the dominant economic factors that have contributed to the current suicide crisis include large-scale bankruptcies, increased unemployment, a sluggish business climate, accumulated debts, lower incomes, inadequate bankruptcy laws, prolonged economic stagnation, an unregulated financial loan market and corporate restructuring.”
The cases of Internet suicide have, however, highlighted a disturbing trend toward younger people taking their lives. The number of people in their 30s committing suicide jumped by 17 percent to 4,603 in 2003 as compared to the previous year. Among school and college students the percentage increases were much higher—the largest, 54 percent, being among elementary and middle school students.
Hiroshi Sakamoto, a retired local government official and volunteer suicide counsellor, explained to Asia Times that the growing problem of youth suicide is barely addressed either by government or the media. “We only read about suicide in the press, it is never on TV. They say it is too gloomy, too dark, not a happy subject. I feel the whole country is in a state of denial. This is perhaps why we cannot solve this problem. We are trying to ignore it, but wishing it away gets us nowhere,” he said.
The attempts by the media and government to ignore the problem are matched by a lack of services to cope with the growing number of people contemplating suicide. Lifeline, which was founded in 1971, now has 8,000 trained counsellors operating 50 call centres round-the-clock to handle a variety of emergency calls. In 2001, it received more than 700,000 calls, of which nearly 25,000 were suicide related. Lifeline, however, is one of the few such services.
An article in Newsweek in June, highlighting an earlier group Internet suicide, pointed to the limited character of mental health services in Japan. “While mental health care is widely available in Japan, it is heavily centred in mental institutions. Newer medications, including most anti-depressants common in the United States, are not widely available. And out-patient counselling, where it exists, is still in its infancy.”
In comments to Asia Times, former MP Keiko Yamauchi berated Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi for doing nothing. “How many children, young people, fathers or mothers have to die before our government takes any real action? Instead of wasting so much energy and national resources in assisting in the destruction of human life in Iraq, why doesn’t Koizumi declare war on suicide in Japan and save thousands of lives in this country?” he asked.
But the lack of government action and preventative services, while significant, does not explain the rising number of youth contemplating taking their own lives. All the evidence points to a profound and growing alienation among young people who are under enormous pressure to succeed at school and university and to find and keep a job. Over the past decade, competition for the top schools and universities has become increasingly intense and unemployment among young people has risen sharply.
These pressures are compounded by a culture in which relationships, even within the family, continue to be rather formal. As a result, young people often feel isolated and unable to discuss their personal problems.
Yukio Saito, who founded Lifeline, explained to Newsweek: “Generally, they have a serious emotional problem, which is that they have difficulty dealing with others face-to-face, a kind of phobia or fear of talking about their feelings in front of others. Maybe this is quite a Japanese-type emotion. They have difficulty having personal relations, so they tend to use the Internet to communicate their feelings.”
Saito noted what appears to be a related social phenomenon—“hikikomori”—young people who withdraw completely from society for months and even years and refuse to leave their homes, or even their rooms. According to some estimates, more than a million young Japanese have cut themselves off from the world and barely communicate.
While such intense alienation may take particular forms in Japan, similar processes are occurring internationally. Confronted with a society that offers them no future and a world increasingly dominated by militarism and war, layers of young people, lacking any vision of a progressive alternative, retreat into a variety of destructive activities, including drug abuse, violent anti-social behaviour and in some cases suicide. Japanese capitalism is no more capable of dealing with these problems than its counterparts around the world.
Albert Axell - Thursday August 22, 2002 - The Guardian
The mission of to-go units
Transcend life and death. When you eliminate all thoughts about life and death, you will be able to totally disregard your earthly life. This will also enable you to concentrate your attention on eradicating the enemy with unwavering determination, meanwhile reinforcing your excellence in flight skills.
Exert the best in yourself
Strike an enemy vessel that is either moored or at sea. Sink the enemy and thus pave the road for our people's victory.
Take a walk around the airfield
When you take this walk, be aware of your surroundings. This airstrip is the key to the success or failure of your mission. Devote all your attention to it. Look at the terrain. What are the characteristics of the ground? What are the length and width of the airstrip? In case you will take off at dusk, or early morning, or after sundown, what are the obstacles to be remembered: an electric pole, a tree, a house, a hill?
How to pilot a fully dressed-up [heavily equipped] aircraft that you dearly love
Before taking off. (After taxiing the plane from the camouflaged emplacement to the airstrip.) You can envision your target firmly in your mind as you bring your plane to a standstill.
Breathe deeply three times. Say in your mind: "Yah" (field), "Kyu" (ball), "Joh" (all right) as you breathe deeply. Proceed straight ahead on the airstrip. Otherwise you may damage the landing gears.
Circle above the airstrip right after take-off. Do so at the minimum height of 200m. Circle at an angle within five degrees and keep your nose pointed downwards.
Principles you should know
Keep your health in the very best condition. If you are not in top physical condition, you will not be able to achieve an ideal hit by tai-atari (body-crashing).
Just as you cannot fight well on an empty stomach, you cannot deftly manipulate the control stick if you are suffering from diarrhoea, and cannot exert calm judgment if you are tormented by fever.
Be always pure-hearted and cheerful
A loyal fighting man is a pure-hearted and filial son.
Attain a high level of spiritual training
In order that you can exert the highest possible capability, you must prepare well your inner self. Some people say that spirit must come first before skill, but they are wrong. Spirit and skill are one. The two elements must be mastered together. Spirit supports skill and skill supports spirit.
Aborting your mission and returning to base
In the event of poor weather conditions when you cannot locate the target, or under other adverse circumstances, you may decide to return to base. Don't be discouraged. Do not waste your life lightly. You should not be possessed by petty emotions. Think how you can best defend the motherland. Remember what the wing commander has told you. You should return to the base jovially and without remorse.
When turning back and landing at the base
Discard the bomb at the area designated by the commanding officer. Fly in circles over the airfield. Observe conditions of the airstrip carefully. If you feel nervous, piss. Next, ascertain the direction of the wind and wind speed. Do you see any holes in the runway? Take three deep breaths.
The attack
Single-plane attack. Upon sighting a target, remove the (bomb's) safety pin. Go full speed ahead towards the target. Dive! Surprise the enemy. Don't let the enemy take time to counter your attack. Charge! Remember: the enemy may change course but be prepared for the enemy's evasive action. Be alert and avoid enemy fighters and flak fire.
Dive attack
This varies depending on the type of the aircraft. If you are approaching the enemy from a height of 6,000m, adjust your speed twice; or from a lower height of 4,000m, adjust speed once.
When you begin your dive, you must harmonise the height at which you commence the final attack with your speed. Beware of over-speeding and a too-steep angle of dive that will make the controls harder to respond to your touch. But an angle of dive that is too small will result in reduced speed and not enough impact on crashing.
Where to crash (the enemy's fatal spots)
Where should you aim? When diving and crashing on to a ship, aim for a point between the bridge tower and the smoke stack(s). Entering the stack is also effective.
Avoid hitting the bridge tower or a gun turret. In the case of an aircraft carrier, aim at the elevators. Or if that is difficult, hit the flight deck at the ship's stern.
For a low-altitude horizontal attack, aim at the middle of the vessel, slightly higher than the waterline. If that is difficult, in the case of an aircraft carrier, aim at the entrance to the aircraft hangar, or the bottom of the stack. For other vessels, aim close to the aft engine room.
Just before the crash
Your speed is at maximum. The plane tends to lift. But you can prevent this by pushing the elevator control forward sufficiently to allow for the increase in speed. Do your best. Push forward with all your might.
You have lived for 20 years or more. You must exert your full might for the last time in your life. Exert supernatural strength.
At the very moment of impact: do your best. Every deity and the spirits of your dead comrades are watching you intently. Just before the collision it is essential that you do not shut your eyes for a moment so as not to miss the target. Many have crashed into the targets with wide-open eyes. They will tell you what fun they had.
You are now 30m from the target
You will sense that your speed has suddenly and abruptly increased. You feel that the speed has increased by a few thousand-fold. It is like a long shot in a movie suddenly turning into a close-up, and the scene expands in your face.
The moment of the crash
You are two or three metres from the target. You can see clearly the muzzles of the enemy's guns. You feel that you are suddenly floating in the air. At that moment, you see your mother's face. She is not smiling or crying. It is her usual face.
All the happy memories
You won't precisely remember them but they are like a dream or a fantasy. You are relaxed and a smile creases your face. The sweet atmosphere of your boyhood days returns.
You view all that you experienced in your 20-odd years of life in rapid succession. But these things are not very clear.
In any event, only delightful memories come back to you. You cannot see your own face at that moment. But because of a succession of pleasant memories flashing through your mind, you feel that you smiled at the last moment. You may nod then, or wonder what happened. You may even hear a final sound like the breaking of crystal. Then you are no more.
Points to remember when making your last dive
Crashing bodily into a target is not easy. It causes the enemy great damage. Therefore the enemy will exert every means to avoid a hit.
Suddenly, you may become confused. You are liable to make an error. But hold on to the unshakeable conviction to the last moment that you will sink the enemy ship.
Remember when diving into the enemy to shout at the top of your lungs: "Hissatsu!" ("Sink without fail!") At that moment, all the cherry blossoms at Yasukuni shrine in Tokyo will smile brightly at you.
Official statistics show that last year, a record 32,863 Japanese and foreigners committed suicide in Japan, or a huge 35 percent increase over the 1997 figure.
Many of them were failed businessmen or jobless workers who could no longer cope with doing nothing, while some killed themselves because of work-related stress. In a disturbing trend, however, about 339 students committed suicide last year, largely because they were being bullied by classmates. Observers say the youngsters may have been taking their cues from adults, many of whom are being driven by the recession to choose death instead of facing reality or trying to figure a way out of an oppressive situation.
Many Japanese regard suicide as a show of sincerity to expiate their shortcomings, and view it as an act that would restore honor to their name, their family, or organization.
Such an attitude has made it possible for the macabre book, ''The Perfect Suicide Manual'', to consistently land in the local bestseller lists even five years after it first came out. The book, written by Wataru Tsurumi, a sociology graduate of Tokyo University, gives explicit instructions on how to commit suicide by hanging, self-immolation, electrocution, drug overdose and other gruesome means.
Lawmakers have apparently become so worried at the rising suicide rates that they recently designated the book a ''harmful publication.'' This designation was given last month, shortly after a 12-year-old girl used the manual prior to hanging herself.
Meanwhile, the Japanese public and the media are now up in arms over those perceived to be pushing people to take their own lives during these hard economic times - financial institutions and prosecutors who interrogate suspects in financial scandals too roughly.
Commented crime expert Akira Fukushima of Tokyo's Sophia University: ''Whenever prosecutors investigate a bribery case, someone ends up committing suicide.'' According to Fukushima, suspects - who are subjected to intensive grilling by prosecutors in an effort to break their will - resort to suicide to protect their superiors and to save themselves from shame.
At the same time, banks and financial institutions are getting harsh criticism for granting reckless and unrecoverable loans of several billions of dollars during Japan's so-called bubble economy - and then today refusing to extend credit to needy small and medium enterprises.
Last year, the suicide of three Tokyo business partners facing bankruptcy and who were unable to secure a new loan became the subject of much public discussion and dismay. Checking into a hotel, the three friends took a last drink before retreating to their respective rooms and hanging themselves.
In another incident, the president of a picture-frame manufacturing firm and his wife hanged themselves because they could no longer pay their nine workers.
At times, despondent parents have been known to take not only their own lives, but that of their children as well. Known as ''oyaku-shinju,'' the parent-child suicide is considered an act of mercy and the last demonstration of the parents' wish that their children do not become burdens to society.
But despite the current uproar over the mounting deaths, some observers fear that there will be no let-up in the suicides until the recession ends, or the Japanese begin viewing the act in a different manner.
As it is, there is a 2,400 hectare dense forest at the foot of Mt. Fuji that has become infamous for being a favorite suicide spot, after mystery writer Seichi Matsumoto described the woodland as ideal for the perfect death. In 1998 alone, the bodies of about 70 people were found in the notorious forest. Some of the victims were discovered hanging from tree branches, while others apparently swallowed sleeping pills or bled to death after having slashed their wrists.
Then there is the railway system, which has been the site of a rash of suicides as well. Close to 100 people jumped in front of trains last year. Ironically, though, Japanese Railways is now seeking compensation from the families of the dead - because of the delays caused by the suicides. Railway officials say they expect as much as $70,000 from each jumper's family.
His father, Roy Boffey, has written to the Home Office demanding an urgent investigation into suicide chat rooms. He wants people who run them to face prosecution.
"The website played a significant part [in Phillip's death]," said the retired teacher and hospital chaplain who, lives in Solihull in the West Midlands. "He wasn't suffering in any way. He wasn't having medication or suffering from depression."
There is no official regulation of suicide website chatrooms. Experts believe they are dangerous because they may lead vulnerable young people to encourage one another to end their lives.
Last year 35-year-old Michael Gooden jumped to his death from Beachy Head after entering into a death pact with fellow chatroom user Louis Gillies. Mr Gillies, 36, hanged himself on the day he was set to stand trial for assisting his friend's suicide.
Under existing laws, anyone who helps another person to commit suicide faces a maximum prison term of 14 years. A Home Office spokeswoman said: "If anyone has evidence of a website that is encouraging anyone to commit suicide, we urge them to report this to the police." The Government has already drawn up a national suicide prevention strategy.
However, providing information that enables someone to kill themselves is not necessarily illegal. Charities which support families of suicide victims said more research is needed. "There may be situations where people are encouraged to take their lives," said John Peters, spokesman for Survivors of Bereavement by Suicide. "These sites are not likely to stress the effect that suicide will have on those who are left behind."
The Samaritans said there were benefits in people being able to share suicidal thoughts with others who can empathise with them but said there were "better places" to find such support.
"There was one incident when a guy not interested in suicide was encouraging others," said a spokeswoman. "He was part of a cult who think the world is over-populated.
"It's impossible to know who is using [a chatroom] and if people really are who they say they are. If someone is feeling vulnerable, there are other places that would be more constructive to visit. These sites can be very negative sites to visit."
After Phillip's death, his family learned that he had been logging on to internet suicide sites for more than eight months. His diary entry a couple of days before he died on 8 September read: "The one thing that must not happen is for this to go wrong. I do not want to be saved."
Yet Mr Boffey said there was no indication that Phillip was in emotional distress. Having passed his A-levels, he was looking forward to a gap year before taking a film studies course.Mr Boffey said: "He was perfectly normal nine-tenths of the time, but with the website he had a secret obsession on the subject of death. For reasons we will never know, he chose to take his life.It's not a healthy society that tolerates instructions on how to do this. It's not something to ignore."
Who knows?
Maybe my life belongs to God.
Maybe it belongs to me.
But I do know one thing:
I'm damned if it belongs
to the government.
ARTHUR HOPPE
The rate of suicide among Quebec males was 30.7 per 100,000 people in 1999-2001. The rate among men in Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia was 16.1 per 100,000.
“It's not just men, the real problem is among middle-aged men 30-49 years old who have the highest rate and largest increase in rates of suicide in the past few years,” said Danielle St-Laurent, one of the authors of a report by the National Public Health Institute of Quebec.
A similar, but less forceful, trend existed among women.
Only 7.7 per 100,000 females took their own lives in Quebec, about a quarter the suicide rate among men in the province. However, the rate among women in the rest of Canada was 4.6 per 100,000 people.
The suicide gap between Quebec and English Canada has widened annually since the late 1970s. In prior years, suicide in Quebec was less common than elsewhere.
Ontario, Alberta and B.C. were selected for the report because of the size of their populations. The western provinces were also included because they used the same process to track suicides as Quebec.
The disparity in provincial rates can be partly attributed to a better reporting system for suicides in Quebec and an underestimation in other parts of the country, said the study, released Tuesday during an international suicide conference.
But the rates in Quebec would still be high even if the reporting discrepancies were factored, Ms. St-Laurent said in an interview.
“The phenomenon of suicide is very complicated,” she said. “We don't know exactly why.”
Among the theories are cultural and social differences between Quebeckers and other Canadians.
In New Brunswick, suicide rates among francophones were higher than among anglophones, said a provincial government report.
Quebec's rates mirror those in western Europe while those in the rest of Canada compare with Anglo-Saxon countries, Ms. St-Laurent said.
“There is a cultural dimension that is present, but it is difficult to explain why Quebec has increased while it has decreased elsewhere in Canada.”
Suicides have continued to rise in Quebec despite prevention efforts over the past 20 years.
The number of Quebec men who killed themselves had increased by nearly 40 per cent between the late 1970s and late 1990s.
Rates among women, however, remained relatively stable over the same period.
In 2001, 1,334 Quebecers — 1,055 men and 279 women — took their own lives. Suicide represented 2.4 per cent of all provincial deaths.
About half the deaths were the result of hanging. Nearly 30 per cent of women overdosed, while 18.7 per cent of men shot themselves. Weapons were used more frequently outside Quebec.
The suicide gap between men and women isn't unique to Quebec. Similar trends have been experienced in such industrialized countries as Austria and Finland, which have the highest rate of suicide.
Once you hear "objection, form," you'll often know right away what was wrong with the question. Often, it was just too wordy, making it vague. Simplifying the question will usually take care of the form problem and is good practice anyway. Withdraw the question and ask a better one. You don't need to feel like this is an admission of defeat: it's not.
What about those bothersome opponents who interject form objections just to be bothersome? If you don't know what's wrong with the form of your question, ask your opponent to tell you. You're entitled to an opportunity to fix your question. If it turns out that your opponent can't explain, it means he was just trying to harass you. Keep asking for the reason for the form objection, and chances are he'll stop.
Vices are those acts by which a man harms himself or his property. __Crimes __are those acts by which one man harms the person or property of another. __Vices__ are simply the errors which a man makes in his search after his own happiness. Unlike crimes, they imply no malice toward others, and no interference with their persons or property. In vices, the very essence of crime --- that is, the design to injure the person or property of another --- is wanting. It is a maxim of the law that there can be no crime without a criminal intent; that is, without the intent to invade the person or property of another. But no one ever practises a vice with any such criminal intent. He practises his vice for his own happiness solely, and not from any malice toward others.
For example:
* Matthew 2.1: the wise men from the east - surely at least one of them would have written about such an important journey. They were wise men weren't they? And they visited Herod's court. That must have been documented in the palace records.
* Matthew 2.16: Herod's ordering killing of all the male children in Bethlehem and vicinity, two years and under. There would have to be a record of such an order, perhaps even a message from the local Roman commander back to Rome saying "Guess what crazy Herod did now..."
* Matthew 14.15 - 21: The feeding of the multitude with five loaves and two fishes: With five thousand people getting a free meal, couldn't one of them would have written about it at the time.[7]
* John 11: The raising of Lazarus from the dead was widely reported and reached the ears of the chief priests and Pharisees who apparently discussed it. It seems reasonable that someone would have documented the incident.[8]
* Matthew 26:14 - 15: The thirty pieces of silver; As anyone who has worked in a organization knows, you don't go spending thirty pieces of silver without filing an expense claim.
* Matthew 27: The crucifixion - is there a record? The correspondent quoted in the opening seemed to feel so, even though he was unclear on dates. Whether 6 AD or the more commonly accepted approximately 27 - 33 AD, is there really any independent record of this specific event?
VOLUME 8 of 16
PAGES 181-182
(TESTIMONY OF LEAD DETECTIVE, Cross Examination)
Q. Wasn’t that one of the first things you always look at, point of entry, when somebody, quote, burglarized the house to see how the whole thing started, how you got in?
A. Yes, Sir, we looked, and there was no point of entry. There was no forced entry.
Q. Would it be fair to say, Detective, that you have, in charging Mr. Whisenant, that we’ve ignored the medical evidence, we’ve ignored the alibi witnesses, we’ve ignored the lack of physical evidence and you are going purely on what Tracy Whisenant has told you?
A. Somewhat, yes, sir.
Q. Is anything I said untrue? The alibi witnesses back up Howard Whisenant; is that correct?
A. Yes sir, that’s correct.
Q. There is no physical evidence linking him to the crime; is that correct?
A. Correct.
Q. You have not fully reviewed the medical evidence from Harris Hospital where she went after she was shot?
A. That’s Correct.
Q. That’s the only evidence there is her testimony?
A. That’s correct.
Q. This is a situation, is it not, Detective, where you feel like you had to give the victim the benefit of the doubt?
A. I couldn’t hear that, sir
Q. Isn’t this a situation where you felt like you had to give the so-called victim the benefit of the doubt?
A. No. No, sir. I believe her totally on what she told us
Q. You haven’t always believed her.
A. I didn’t talk to her until the day after
Q. Three or four other investigators all thought it was self-inflicted; is that right?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. The big question in your mind at some point as to whether or not it was self-inflicted?
A. At the beginning yes, there was.
Q. And you could tell this jury that you’ve disregarded all this other evidence and charged Mr. Whisenant with this crime, but you’re not giving the benefit of the doubt to Tracy Whisenant—
A. Yes, sir.
Q. --because she is the alleged victim in this case?
A: That’s correct. I can definitely say that. I definitely believe her.
Today, the revisionist account of Pearl Harbor is more widely accepted, and is gaining ground fast. Another journalist, Robert B. Stinnett, recently found the "smoking gun" – an 8-page 1940 memo by a lieutenant commander in the navy on how to get Japan to attack us, a memo that Roosevelt adopted, point by point. His book is titled, Day of Deceit: The Truth About FDR and Pearl Harbor (Free Press, 1999). Stinnett served under a young George Bush during World War II. His book is the capstone to his career.
Eleanor Roosevelt, wife of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, was First Lady for 12 years. An outspoken advocate of social justice, she became a moral force during the Roosevelt administration, using her position as First Lady to promote social causes.
File copy of letter from Eleanor Roosevelt to president general of the DAR.
In a dramatic and celebrated act of conscience, Eleanor Roosevelt resigned from the Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) when it barred the world-renowned singer Marian Anderson, an African American, from performing at its Constitution Hall in Washington, DC. Following this well-publicized controversy, the federal government invited Anderson to sing at a public recital on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. On Easter Sunday, April 9, 1939, some 75,000 people came to hear the free recital. The incident put both the artist and the issue of racial discrimination in the national spotlight.
The DAR had adopted a rule excluding African-American artists from the Constitution Hall stage in 1932 following protests over "mixed seating," blacks and whites seated together, at concerts of black artists. You may read a 2-page letter from Mrs. Henry M. Robert, Jr., president general of the DAR, responding to Mrs. Roosevelt's resignation.
In her autobiography, Anderson recalled the historic concert: "All I knew then was the overwhelming impact of that vast multitude . . . I had a feeling that a great wave of good will poured out from these people."
Perhaps the most significant achievement of the Daughters was the banning of Marian Anderson from singing at Constitution Hall, a building they own in Washington D. C., in 1939. It would appear it had something to do with the fact that Anderson was black. Eleanor Roosevelt then invited Anderson to sing on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial which she did to the thundering applause of seventy five thousand people--and the enduring embarrassment of the DAR. More recently, the Daughters similarly banned Joan Baez. They apparently don’t like Hispanics either.
The Daughters have also demanded a recount of the gold in Fort Knox. President Truman responded by inviting the Daughters to come down to Kentucky and do the inventory themselves.
Which is why I always keep the Nutrition Action Health Letter on my coffee table. Together with my monthly copy of Shape magazine, I figure that, with all that valuable nutrition and fitness information sitting right in front of me as I watch TV, some of it has got to sink into my brain eventually. Diet through osmosis, I call it. :)
You probably have already heard of the group that publishes NAHL -- the Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI). This is the group that first publicized the evils of Chinese restaurant food (Sept 93). They bought some of the most popular dishes from Chinese restaurants around the country, sent them to an independent lab for nutritional analysis, and then published the ugly results. How bad was it? How about an order of Kung Pao chicken that had the same amount of fat (76 grams) as four MacDonald’s Quarter Pounders? –- that’s more fat than a person should consume in an entire day.
They really tell it like it is, no holds barred -- the cold, ugly truth about health and nutrition.
What the NAHL is
Created in 1974, the Nutrition Action Health Letter is a full-color 8-page health and nutrition newsletter that is published 10 times a year. Their advisory board includes more than a dozen MDs and PhDs from institutions such as Harvard Medical School, Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, Stanford University, and the National Cancer Institute. The NAHL contains no advertising, which means the newsletter is 100% information.
Here are the three main reasons why I subscribe to the NAHL:
#1: Brand name food comparisons
• This is probably the most important feature of the NAHL. Any publication can tell you to eat less fat and sodium; NAHL rates name-brand products with their exact fat and sodium content. This makes it a virtual no-brainer to pick the right products at the supermarket!
• Example: the March 2000 edition compares the nutritional value of various frozen fishsticks (a favorite meal of the under-12 crowd, or so I’m told). Four ounces of Mrs. Paul’s Healthy Selects Baked Fish Sticks has 3 grams of fat; the same amount of Gorton’s Crunchy Golden Fish Sticks contains 15 grams of fat.
#2: Cheers and Jeers
• The back cover of the NAHL always features the dynamic duo of “Right Stuff” vs. “Food Porn.” As you may guess, “Right Stuff” showcases a food product with high nutritional value, whereas “Food Porn” exposes another product for its lack of nutritional merit.
• Example: In the January 2000 issue, cheers went to Mann’s Broccoli Cole Slaw prepared salad kit (using shredded broccoli instead of cabbage for the slaw results in meeting 150% of a day’s requirement for Vitamin C in a single 1-1/2 cup serving); jeers goes to T.G.I. Friday’s frozen potato skins, which have 510 mg of sodium and 17 grams of fat per serving.
#3: Healthy recipes that are easy to prepare
• Besides comparing name-brand items, the NAHL also provides recipes (from leading healthy cooking cookbooks) that supplement a particular story. It also provides a “Tip of the Month” for a quick and nutritious snack or dessert.
• Example: “Place 4 peeled pears, with bottoms trimmed flat, in a bowl with 1 cup of water. Drizzle with the juice of ¼ lemon and microwave for 8 to 12 minutes. Discard the water and spoon 2 teaspoons of warmed raspberry or other preserves over each pear.” (From the January 2000 edition, and doesn't it sound yummy?)
Other features of the NAHL
The NAHL also contains in-depth articles (“Exploding Exercise Myths,” “Diet and Behavior in Children,” “Phytoestrogens for Menopause”). All articles are written for the average consumer, not the medical professional. Well-illustrated diagrams, colorful tables, and simple quizzes often accompany the articles, making the subject material even more engaging.
NAHL versus the competition
Consumer Reports publishes a competitive newsletter called “On Health.” It is also an 8-page newsletter of current health and nutrition issues, and also backed by a distinguished panel of medical professionals. While it offers the same type of information as the NAHL, it’s only a 2-color newsletter with fewer illustrations and tables. I also didn’t see any recipes in the one issue I received. For the same subscription price, I would recommend the more colorful and user-friendly NAHL.
All in all
If you’re a couch potato and the most exercise you ever get is to walk to the refrigerator, this newsletter might be overkill. But...if you are interested in learning about health and nutrition in small digestible chunks, and are particularly interested in brand-name food comparisons, this is a perfect addition to your coffee table!
There are optimal amounts of all nutrients. Too little and you get a deficiency. Too much and you can exhibit toxicity from certain vitamins and minerals. Too much of everything and you weigh more than you should. Tea has been promoted as preventing or curing everything that ails you.
In the April 27-02 issue of The Lancet is a case report of a man in Austria who drank up to 4 liters (over a gallon) of black tea daily for 25 years. His favorite type of tea upset his stomach, so he switched to Earl Grey tea. A week after switching, he developed muscle cramps in one foot. Within five weeks, both feet, hands and one leg suffered from muscle cramps. He also had blurred vision. After five months the subject stopped drinking Earl Grey tea and the symptoms disappeared in a week.
HERE'S WHAT YOU NEED TO KNOW: Earl Grey tea is flavored with oil of bergamot, extracted from a type of orange. This is also found in grapefruit and Seville orange juices, celery and parsnips. The chemical sensitizes skin to ultraviolet rays from the sun but also affects transmission in nerve cells. Don't overdo it is a message that bears repeating.
Cybercheese - which boasts "It's a joke doing business with you" - runs an item on its site entitled "150 Ways to Kill the Purple Dinosaur".
It warned that Cybercheese was in breach of trademark and copyright laws and gave the site until June 27 to comply to its demands to remove the material or face the threat of further legal action.
Last week Cybercheese replied to the legal letter threatening to counter sue if the Lyons Partnership proceeded with its lawsuit.
It said: "This mouth is counsel to Cybercheeze, ("Media Beyond Inc."), the owners of the exclusive right to use the copyrighted term 'Kiss my ass'® as well as the federally registered and famous trademark and service mark 'piss off'.
It continued: "It has come to the attention of Cybercheeze that you are operating an illegal scam called 'Strong Arm' under the guise of 'Intellectual Property'. We have reviewed your letter and found that it not only is about as intellectual as the purple quivering mass of gyrating goo you call Barney, but that it also is demeaning to everyone that visits our website and reads this worthless attempt and scare tactic."
Cybercheese believes that the idea that "Barney is 'a recognised and distinctive famous trademark' slightly overrated" and points to a 1998 court ruling in which Barney's owners lost a similar case to "The Famous San Diego Chicken".
At the time the judge ruled that a comedy sketch ridiculing Barney was nothing more than "a parody, pure and simple" and the copyright and trademark infringement case was thrown out of court.
The success of that case has prompted Cybercheese to boast: "Lyons Partnership Can't do Dick!"
Barney's attorney, Mr Carlin, told The Register: "This case is being discussed today. I'm not sure what we're going to do next."
"It is a medium of entertainment which permits millions of people to listen to the same joke at the same time, and yet remain lonesome."
Dear everyone, Well, interesting things sure keep happening, don't they? It seems there's an outfit out there calling itself Fandom, Inc. They've put together a website at www.fandom.com , and are now attempting to drive other websites with the word "fandom" in their top tiers off the 'net. The owner of http://fandom.tv was hit with a cease & desist letter a couple of weeks ago. (Read it at http://fandom.tv/fcom .) Her response was met with a second letter ( http://fandom.tv/fcom/fcom2.html ). As some of you know, I work in an intellectual-property law firm, and have been communicating unofficially on this with the partner who handles trademarks; she seems unfazed by the language of the letters (pretty standard stuff), but is puzzled at F.com's insistence that they have exclusive rights to the word "fandom." Even if they have a trademark on it -- which they don't, by the way; the application was abandoned, presumably because the word is more generic than descriptive -- they should, she notes, at least recognize that there's a fair use problem, and if the matter went to ICAAN, fandom.tv would prevail. A note about trademarks: the fact that the word "fandom" has been in routine use among fans since at least the 1970's does not preclude anyone from securing a trademark on it. Trademarks are not patents, and a mark need not be original to get protection. However. If, as in this case, the word is common -- or even if it's not; what if my name really were Leia Organa? -- a trademark-holder cannot legally stop someone else from making legitimate fair use of that mark. I can, therefore, trademark "Sugar-n-Spice" as the name of my bakery company -- but I can't prevent others from claiming that their baked goods include sugar and spice. A note about domain names: the fact of registering a domain name confers no trademark rights on the registrant. These guys own fandom.com , which has no earthly bearing on anyone else's right to use the term. And, as I've noted, the application for a trademark on "FANDOM" by Fandom, Inc. seems to have been abandoned when the PTO refused to register the mark. As you can see from the C&D letters, Fandom, Inc. is prepared to spend more money than most private citizens have at their disposal to protect their (get this) "famous and valuable mark" (standard legalese in this context, but pretty amusing). Don't let them win. Boycott fandom.com , and encourage your fannish friends to do the same. Tell them you're doing so, even. (Send a message to info@fandom.com) Visit http://fandom.tv , and send its operators a note showing you support them. I mean to say -- a lock on the word "fandom" so that even the fans themselves can't use it? I ask you. If you disagree with me here, by all means, disregard this whole message. Hey, go lend your support to Fandom, Inc., if you're so inclined. It's a free country. But if, as I suspect, most of us are on the side of actual fans, pass it on. Fox
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Of the five million photographs in the Imperial War Museum in Londen none would give you the impression that there were ever more than a couple of dozen dead to be seen at any one place.
And how silly it may seem: researchers looking for pictures of dead soldiers are still not very welcome in this War Museum ('We are looked upon as traitors or freaks', one of these scholars wrote).
As a result of this old and new censorship romantic and heroic illusions about the Great War still widely exist. Socalled re-enacting groups even replay war scenes like it was some kind of childrens play."
Execution. At 10.05am on January 31, 1945, Private Eddie D.Slovik, 36896415, of Company G, 109th.Infantry Regiment, US 28th.Infantry Division, was executed by a twelve man firing squad from his own regiment. The execution took place in the garden of a villa at No.86, Rue de General Dourgeois, in the town of St.Marie-Aux-Mines, near Colmar in eastern France. Slovik, the son of poor Polish immigrants, was the only American since the Civil War to be shot for desertion. Of the hundred thousand or so GI deserters from the US Army, 2,864 were tried by General court-martial for desertion since the war began. Forty nine were sentenced to death but in only one case, that of Eddie Slovik, was the sentence carried out. Colonel James E. Rudder of the 109th Infantry Regiment would later write to his men "The person that is not willing to fight and die, if need be, for his country has no right to life". The villa at No.86 has since been demolished and three residential apartment blocks have been built on the site. The street name has also been changed.
Military Crimes. A total of 49 US soldiers were hanged for crimes that were committed on French soil after the D-Day landings. In the whole European theatre of operations, 109 civilians were murdered by American soldiers. In Germany, 107 German nationals were murdered.
The 1903 Australian Defence Act stipulated that the Governor General of Australia had to confirm the sentences passed by courts-martial - and he never endorsed the sentences. Although Haig made strong representations for power to inflict the extreme penalty upon Australian soldiers, the sanction was continually denied."
In total British court martials condemned 306 soldiers to be shot at dawn. Among them were 25 Canadians, 22 Irishmen and 5 New-Zealanders. Australia was the only country that did not want its soldiers (all volunteers) to be executed.
The German army carried out at least 48 death-sentences. The real figure is probably much higher; most documents seem to be destroyed.
In the French army more than 600 soldiers were put to death. Little known is the French decimation (the shooting of every tenth person in a unit) of the 10e Compagnie of 8 Battalion of the Régiment Mixte de Tirailleurs Algériens. During the retreat at the beginning of the war these French-African soldiers refused an order to attack. They were shot on the 15th of December 1914 near Zillebeeke in Flanders"
This happened before. In the past historians also almost reached a sort of mutual agreement on a revisionist interpretation which developed in the 1920's. Many years and thousands of studies later this interpretation is now, slowly, giving way for a new one.
.
Challenged
This view of the origins of the war was challenged by the German historian
Fritz Fischer. To the chagrin of other German intellectuals, who
preferred the theory that the other countries involved in World
War I were at fault, Fischer's concluded that the Germans under
the Kaiser had expansionist goals in the war. Writing in the 1960's,
in the aftermath of the Second World War, Fischer argued that leading
groups in Germany - including the Kaiser - sought a war which
would establish German control over much of Europe.
.
Ironic...
Canadian leading military historian prof. Terry Copp, who wrote
most of the summary above, adds that this 'new consensus' must
seem ironic to allied First World War veterans, ,,...because it
presents the origins of the war much as the people of 1914 understood them."
No preacher is listened to but Time, which gives us the same train and turn of thought that older people have tried in vain to put into our heads before
When a true genius appears in the world you may know him by this sign; that the dunces are all in confederacy against him.
It is unwise to punish cowards with ignominy, for if they had regarded that they would not have been cowards; death is their proper punishment, because they fear it most.
The greatest inventions were produced in the times of ignorance, as the use of the compass, gunpowder, and printing, and by the dullest nation, as the Germans.
The chameleon, who is said to feed upon nothing but air, hath, of all animals, the nimblest tongue.
When a man is made a spiritual peer he loses his surname; when a temporal, his Christian name.
It is in disputes as in armies, where the weaker side sets up false lights, and makes a great noise, to make the enemy believe them more numerous and strong than they really are.
Some men, under the notions of weeding out prejudices, eradicate virtue, honesty, and religion.
I have known some men possessed of good qualities, which were very serviceable to others, but useless to themselves; like a sun-dial on the front of a house, to inform the neighbours and passengers, but not the owner within.
It is a miserable thing to live in suspense; it is the life of a spider.
Physicians ought not to give their judgment of religion, for the same reason that butchers are not admitted to be jurors upon life and death.
The reason why so few marriages are happy, is, because young ladies spend their time in making nets, not in making cages.
If a man will observe as he walks the streets, I believe he will find the merriest countenances in mourning coaches.
Ambition often puts men upon doing the meanest offices; so climbing is performed in the same posture with creeping.
Although men are accused for not knowing their own weakness, yet perhaps as few know their own strength. It is, in men as in soils, where sometimes there is a vein of gold which the owner knows not of.
No wise man ever wished to be younger.
Praise is the daughter of present power.
How inconsistent is man with himself!
I have known men of great valour cowards to their wives.
I have known men of the greatest cunning perpetually cheated.
Small causes are sufficient to make a man uneasy when great ones are not in the way. For want of a block he will stumble at a straw.
If books and laws continue to increase as they have done for fifty years past, I am in some concern for future ages how any man will be learned, or any man a lawyer.
A nice man is a man of nasty ideas.
Apollo was held the god of physic and sender of diseases. Both were originally the same trade, and still continue.
Laws penned with the utmost care and exactness, and in the vulgar language, are often perverted to wrong meanings; then why should we wonder that the Bible is so?
Although men are accused for not knowing their weakness, yet perhaps as few know their own strength
A man would have but few spectators, if he offered to show for threepence how he could thrust a red-hot iron into a barrel of gunpowder, and it should not take fire.
..Introduction ..Satire 1 ..Satire 2 ..Satire 3 . Satire III: On the City of Rome c. 118 CE ..Satire VI ..Satire VI (xi.199-304, 475-503): The Women of Rome.
Teach me, my God and King,
In all things Thee to see,
And what I do in any thing
To do it as for Thee.
Not rudely, as a beast,
To runne into an action;
But still to make Thee prepossest,
And give it his perfection.
A man that looks on glasse,
On it may stay his eye;
Or if he pleaseth, through it passe,
And then the heav'n espie.
All may of Thee partake:
Nothing can be so mean
Which with his tincture, 'for Thy sake,'
Will not grow bright and clean.
A servant with this clause
Makes drudgerie divine;
Who sweeps a room as for Thy laws
Makes that and th' action fine.
This is the famous stone
That turneth all to gold;
For that which God doth touch and own
Cannot for lesse be told
'If brethren dwell together, and one of them die, and have no child, the
wife of the dead shall not marry without unto a stranger: her husband's
brother shall go in unto her, and take her to him to wife, and perform
the duty of an husband's brother unto her...
And if the man like not to take his brother's wife...
Then the elders of the city shall call him, and speak unto him: and if
he stand to it, and say, I like not to take her;
Then shall his brother's wife come unto him in the presence of the
elders, and loose his shoe from off his foot, and spit in his face...
And his name shall be called in Israel, The house of him that hath his shoe loosed.'
Such science-related conspiracy theories usually betray a lamentable lack of understanding of even the rudiments of science in their proponents, and this one is no different. A thread that runs through all anti-Apollo conspiracies concerns the photographs brought back by the astronauts. The most common objection is one that even otherwise intelligent people frequently fall for: “No stars are visible in the sky in any of the photographs taken from the Lunar surface”.
They are right. Try as you might, you won’t find any stars in photos taken on the lunar surface by any of the astronauts. However, contrary to what the conspiratologists would like us to believe, that is precisely what we should expect to see (or not to see). As with other misconstrued beliefs, there is more than a little psychology mixed in with the physics in this problem.
Consider some facts. Because we have sunlight and an atmosphere on Earth, in the daytime we see a blue sky while at night we see a black sky speckled with stars. By contrast, on the Moon in the daytime, because there is no atmosphere (but there is sunlight), we would see a black sky, whereas at night we would see a black sky speckled with stars. This is where the psychology comes in - if the sky is black we expect to see stars, but the reason we don’t see stars in the daytime is not primarily because of the atmosphere, it is because of the sunlight.
Until recently, if you wanted to take a photograph you had to set the aperture, set the time and then focus the camera. In bright sunlight if you wanted to snap a picture of the spouse and kids standing by the family car, you set a small aperture, a moderate speed, focused and went click. We all have examples of these snapshots, so look through the family albums to see just how many of these photos show stars. (Don’t bother, you have none.) The stars were there all right, they were just too dim to be seen by your stopped-down eyes, or captured by the film. To shoot stars you need to set a wide aperture, a very slow speed and wait until the Sun is well below the horizon.
The same thing applied to the cameras used by astronauts on the Moon. You can’t see stars in their photos for the same reason that you can’t see them in your holiday snaps - their cameras were set up to take pictures of each other, the lander and the surroundings, not the stars in the sky. The fact that the lunar sky was black had nothing to do with it - the fact that the Sun was up (all lunar landings took place in the morning) had everything to do with it.
Almost as popular an objection is the notion that shadows shown in the photographs are somehow wrong, but this one is just as readily demolished. It holds that, with no atmosphere to scatter the Sun’s light, anything not in direct line with the Sun should be in pure black shadow.
This would be fine if air is the only thing capable of reflecting light, but it isn’t. The lunar surface is also a pretty good reflector (if it wasn’t we would never be able to see the Moon from here), as are all those shiny panels on the lander and the white space suits worn by the astronauts.
Slightly more subtle is the objection to a couple of photos that show two shadows that seemingly converge. That shouldn’t happen if the only light source is the Sun, but careful scrutiny of these photos shows that the “convergence” is simply an optical illusion caused by shadows running down a sloping surface.
Simple facts or rational thought will never convince dedicated conspiratologists that they are wrong, but there is no reason why we should give them credence simply because a TV producer thinks the story would sell soap powder.
For a comprehensive demolition of the entire “Apollo was a hoax” myth, the best place to start is with the Bad Astronomy web site (www.badastronomy.com).
Barry Williams is Editor of The Skeptic (www.skeptics.com.au).
If the group were stranded on Gilligan's Island, what would the theme song be? "Just sit right back and you'll hear a tale A tale from Brother Jed, Some religious types and some alien dorks The latters' brains were dead. The mate was an anal preacher dude The skipper anal too The rest were a dirty heathen lot A rotten hellbound crew! The language started getting rough The small N.G. was tossed They argued all religious points Like the man who'd once been Crossed. The group's adrift in the midst of this uncharted cyberspace, With Brother Jed And Lawyer Jim The alien dork Disco Queen The psycho witch The Juggler and Erin too Here on Brother Jed's grooooooup! ;)"
Not for publication or distribution in the United Kingdom. Copyright Jonathan Caven-Atack, 1996. This material may be published in its entirety in any form, except by members or agents of the supposed religion of Scientology (to include all members of the International Association of Scientologists and their agents, heirs and assigns), who must pay $250,000 to Karin Spainks legal defence fund prior to copying or reading the following. Anyone publishing this document accepts full liability for its contents. Copying or reading or being in possession of this document constitutes an agreement to all of the foregoing conditions. Karin Spaink is hereby given the right to sue any violator on behalf of the author and to put the proceeds of such action towards the defense of herself or anyone else suffering litigation from the cult.
OT III - Scientologys "secret" course rewritten for beginners
According to Scientology theory, we are all multiple personalities made up of hundreds of compacted extraterrestrial entities. We have reincarnated for 75 million years since this happened to us all. Scientology has claimed that this is a business trade secret...
There has been great controversy, and massive litigation, concerning the Scientology cults once secret "Operating Thetan Section Three Course". To save the brain strain of reading this purportedly lethal material in the original Ronspeak, and to save any danger of litigation for violation of copyright, this version is humbly tendered as a gift to mankind...
Scientologists believe that they have reincarnated from before the beginning of time. They believe that many interplanetary civilizations have existed. Hubbard restyled the spirit the "thetan". Before the beginning of time, thetans existed, separate from one another (thetans were not created they have existed for all time and indeed precede the creation of time). With the creation of energy and matter, thetans have gradually become trapped. The principal method of entrapment is through "implanting", where the thetan is hypnotised and given positive suggestions which limit its powers. This process, according to Hubbard has been going on in this universe for four quadrillion Years (4,000,000,000,000,000, rather than the mere 8-20,000,000 held by astrophysicists). However, this is just one universe in a series of several.
Scientology seeks to return the thetan's power by stripping away implants and using drills to heighten extrasensory perception and ability. The goal of these procedures is an "operating thetan" - a being who can act independently of his physical body, and can cause physical events to occur through sheer force of will. The "operating thetan" would be capable of dismissing illness and psychological disorder in others at will.
The Scientologist generally undertakes hundreds of hours of preparation prior to taking the first section of the Operating Thetan level courses - OT 1 (a version of which is available on Karin Spainks homepage). OT 2 consists of over a hundred pages of handwritten lists of opposites, such as "create - create no". These are supposedly the basic positive suggestions from implants administered 75 million years ago. These implants were part of the so-called OT 3 incident.
According to Hubbard, 75 million years ago, there was a confederation of 76 planets, including Earth. The "Galactic Confederation" (the title comes from the science fiction of E.E. 'Doc' Smith), was ruled by Xenu (also called "Xemu" by Hubbard). Overpopulation had become a serious problem, which Xenu resolved by murdering many of the inhabitants of the Confederation. Hubbard estimated that the 76 planets averaged 178 billion people each. The people were killed and the thetans (or spirits) gathered, frozen in a mixture of glycol and alcohol, and brought to Earth where they were placed near volcanoes which were exploded with hydrogen bombs. The thetans were gathered on "electronic ribbons", packaged together as clusters and given 36 days of implanting, to render them servile and incapable of decision. A cluster is a collection of body thetans containing a leader and an "alternate" leader. The cluster conceives itself to be an individual. According to OT 3, everyone on Earth is in fact a collection of such clusters (Hubbard says that each person doing OT 3 will find "hundreds" of body thetans - many victims of this course believe that they find millions).
On OT 3, the individual finds "body thetans" by locating any sensation of pressure or mass in his or her body. This is addressed "telepathically" as a cluster, and taken through the cluster-making incident of 75 million years ago. Once this is done, the individual body thetans should be available to be taken through either the same incident or the incident of entry into this universe. This is called "incident one", and supposedly occured four quadrillion years ago. This incident is described in the materials as: "Loud snap - waves of light - chariot comes out, turns left and right - cherub comes out - blows horn, comes close - shattering series of snaps - cherub fades back (retreats) - blackness dumped on thetan." Most scientologists are unaware of the true definition of "cherub".
The Scientologist spends days or years dealing with "body thetans" (I have known two people who "audited" this procedure almost every day for eleven years). Scientology materials of different dates assert that at the end of OT 3 the individual will be "stably exterior" (from his body - out of his head, it might be rephrased), free from "overwhelm" (i.e., nothing will ever overwhelm him emotionally again), and have total recall of his entire round of incarnations from four quadrillion years ago to the present. Secret materials seen only by those selling the course give the "end phenomenon" as a "big win" urging that the person be put onto the next course - where they pay by the hour - quickly.
Anyone who encounters this material without having undertaken Scientology courses up to OT 2 will supposedly die from pneumonia.
OT 3 is of course in substantial disagreement with conventional geology. Geologists hold that almost all of the volcanoes listed by Hubbard and both Hawaii and Los Palmas came into being far more recently than 75 million years ago. On a simple point of logic, it seems strange that none of these volcanoes was damaged by the explosion of the hydrogen bombs. Hubbard was taking barbiturates and drinking heavily when he wrote this material, according to letters he wrote at the time which are kept from scientologists by the management of Scientology.
OT III glossary for those who have the original materials but cannot make head nor tail of them:
7s - a set of supposed "implants", part of the OT 3 incident.
ARC - Affinity, Reality and Communication.
ARC break - upset.
auditing - Dianetic or Scientology "counselling".
basic basic - the earliest traumatic incident.
blow - leave.
blowdown - a sudden change in electrical resistance, shown by downward movement of the Tone Arm on the E-meter. Held to mean release of emotional "charge".
body thetan - "a thetan who is stuck to another thetan or body but is not in control".
BPC - bypassed charge, q.v.
BT - body thetan.
bypassed charge - upset stirred up during auditing but unhandled.
case - personal difficulties, the "reactive mind" and the "implants" and "body thetans" of OT levels.
C.C. - Clearing Course.
chain - a string of similar traumata arranged according to time.
charge - harmful energy stored in the reactive mind.
circuit - post hypnotic suggestion.
clear - an individual without a "reactive mind".
cluster - a group of fused body thetans.
cognite - realize.
comm laggy - (comm - communication) hesitant.
C/Sing - case supervising, overseeing auditing sessions.
earlier similar - earlier similar incident or trauma.
exterior - out of the body.
exterior with full perception - out of the body and able to perceive fully (this is the goal of Scientology).
flat - finished.
F/N - floating needle, an E-meter reaction supposed to show that "charge" has been released from the topic being addressed.
GF 40 - "Green Form 40", an auditing repair list.
grades - preparatory auditing.
grades IV & V - preparatory auditing.
grind - keep on going over a traumatic incident without change.
HDG - "Hubbard Dianetic Graduate", Dianetic auditor.
implant - implantation of post-hypnotic suggestion.
Interiorization processes - designed to return an "exterior" being into his body.
item - something that bothers the individual psychologically.
itsa earlier itsa - itsa "it is a", to find earlier realizations.
LIC - "list one 0", an auditing repair list.
low TA - unable to face life.
meter - E-meter (Hubbard Electropsychometer). The psychogalvonometer adopted by Hubbard. A simple lie detector.
milazzo - an auditing technique used on OT 3.
none on OT 3 - no body thetans found.
one-hand electrode - soup can used as an electrode. The "solo auditor" uses two soup can divided by a piece of plastic connected to an E-meter.
O/R - overrun, q.v.
OT - "Operating Thetan", a being who can operate independently of his physical body; who can supposedly cause events through intention (or will-power).
out of valence - behaving as if he were someone else (see "valence").
overrun - taken beyond the end of an auditing process.
PC - preclear, person receiving auditing.
picture - mental image picture.
process - auditing procedure.
R3R - "routine 3 revised", the procedure of Dianetic auditing.
R6 - the "reactive mind", supposedly created by the "OT 3 implant" or "incident 2".
Review - review auditing which seeks to "repair" earlier auditing errors.
rudiments - upsets, problems or "withholds" that prevent the individual from being attentive to an auditing procedure.
ruds - see "rudiments".
running - going over a memory or following an auditing procedure.
S & D - "Search and Discovery", procedure for finding who is supposedly suppressing the individual receiving auditing.
soaring TA - increased electrical resistance, supposed to indicate an inability to face a memory.
solo auditing - on OT 3 the subject audits himself.
SP - Suppressive Person. A critic of Scientology. Anyone who thinks that OT 3 is nonsense.
space opera - science fiction.
TA - Tone Arm action - change of electrical resistance, supposed to show relief of emotional "charge".
Teegeeack - Earth.
theta bop - E-meter reaction, supposed to indicate that the thetan or spirit is going in and out of the body.
thetan - "an individual being ... not a body".
TR - training routine. Role play drill (which can be practiced to hypnotic excess, leading hallucination, euphoria, heightening of colour and sound and a feeling of floating). The most famous of these is TR 8 where scientologists shout "stand up" and "sit down" at an ashtray.
TR 1 - a drill to make sure you can be heard (and induce obedience, but that isn't the point here).
TR 4 - getting questions answered (in the role-play drill the scientologist repeats either the question "do fish swim" or "do birds fly" sometimes for hours on end).
rim knob - an E-meter control.
triple flows - what was done to the individual, what was done by the individual and what the individual saw others doing.
unflat - not finished.
valence - an adopted personality.
withhold - an undisclosed moral transgression.
For anyone wondering what all this NOTs stuff is about, it's time to once again comment on the NOTs. RTC still seems to think this stuff was wiped off the internet. It wasn't, sorry Helena. NOTs exists on thousands of suppressive disks across the planet. As I read through Vorlon's NOTs (every word, yawn!), there are all these admonishments to NOT audit the same old way. For the uninitiated, or those with better things to do than wade through Ron's turgid prose, I'll summarize: OT III (see Karin's homepage for a summary) introduces the concept of BTs. BTs are a sort of spiritual parasite, messing up the harmony under the tinfoil hat. Body Thetans are bad karma. They can give you arthritis if they have Evil Purposes and attach themselves to your elbow. (There are other Medical Conditions that Auditing Can Cure, which is the subject of Keith Henson's complaint to the FDA, but I digress). BT engrams are constantly being picked up by your GnAl3y 0aTte3 telepathy, rendering you UnClear. That's the excuse ElRong used for the remarkable lack of OT3 super-powers. In actuality, BTs were once people like you and me, though Co$ doesn't seem to remember this. OT III involves direct communication with your BTs, telepathically auditing them until they cognite (realize) "I'm me!" and stagger off to the pub for a Guiness. This OT III mini-drama is repeated until no more BTs answer the call. NOTs deals with dormant BTs. Some of them were asleep! Surprise! (go pay the Registrar, dude). The NOTs procedure is similar to OT III, except you need to nudge the BT awake first. NOTs auditing is done telepathically. Yup, that's right - you direct an "attention beam" (honest, it's right there in the NOTs) on one BT/cluster, wake up the sleepy-head, audit him until he realizes "I'm me" (rather than your elbow), and "blows" (leaves). Repeat this procedure until you perceive your body to be transparent (really! Read the NOTs. I am not making this up). This is called "exorcism" in other religions. In Scientology, it's called "clearing the planet, one wallet at a time". As you can imagine, this process creates a large number of disoriented BTs in the vicinity of Clearwater, FL and East Grinstead, UK, where NOTs are delivered. They've cognited "I'm me", but haven't quite figured out "where am I?". Xenu's BT Recycling (a subsidiary of the ARSCC) as a humanitarian gesture picks up the Clearwater BTs, gives them a hot meal, shows them around the universe (they've been asleep for 76 million years and a lot has happened, you know), and sends them on their way. There is another ARSCC subsidiary in the UK. But I digress. There's a bait-and-switch in NOTs. The old processing style in D:MSMH just doesn't work. You NEED this new technology (NOT). Ron says so! Talk to the registrar, dude, your immortal thetan is in danger. Here's the switch: Clears and OTs have no bank [reactive mind: see D:MSMH], by definition. If you use Dianetics to run a chain [find earlier incidents of an engram] on a Clear or OT, you are actually contacting the banks of Body Thetans. BTs compulsively make pictures of other BTs, other BTs' engrams, the dog the other BT had on HoiPolloi, etc. (Kodak needs to tap into this market.) So, BTs may have pictures of engrams [engrams are pictures, according to TheRon], but there isn't a "chain" of engrams (see D:MSMH again) or a Primary. The danger is that you may skip around from one cluster to another, waking them all up at once, then leave them hanging out, all restimulated with nowhere to go. This is A BAD THING TO DO. Bless Ron's little heart, he alerted us to this problem in the first NOTs issue: HCOB 15 SEP 78 "NED FOR OTs RD, THEORY OF" "The reason Dianetic auditing messes up Clears and OTs is that when an auditor asks for an earlier similar which doesn't exist, you'll probably go over into a cluster or BT where it does exist." [there. a fair-use NOTs quote. finally.] There are a couple other twists in other NOTs issues, mostly involving the chorus of BTs and the OT3-completion getting their processing mixed up. If your attention beam wavers (tinfoil hat recommended per HCOB 12 DEC 85) and you ask a question of BT2 (who happened to be Clear) instead of BT1 (who still doesn't realize that he Mocks up his Reactive Mind), you've just invalidated BT2's State of Clear, and he has to pay $40,000 to Co$ next lifetime. AND HE'S PISSED!!! So BT2 gives you a somatic to the nose, BT1 is still unClear, and all their BT friends are talking about how you "goofed the floof". You have a MAJOR repair cycle, and it's gonna cost you, buddy. Please see the registrar. Seriously (for a moment), can you see why NOTs can induce schizophrenia? You're talking to demons inside your head. Alone. Mumbling to yourself and watching an over-amplified, underdamped e-meter's random motions for signs of BTs. You have to follow a rigid process to the letter, or you could get sick (Ron said so!). And there are pictures of BT engrams inside BTs inside clusters so the task is overwhelming. So, be especially nice to any OT3 completions. Don't invalidate their case, or they'll have to spend another six hours on the meter reassuring themselves that they're really deloused. That extra bit of self-delusion could send them right over the edge. Perry Scott Co$ Escapee
"Writing for a penny a word is ridiculous. If a man really wants to make a million dollars, the best way would be to start his own religion"
Reader's Digest reprint, May 1980, p.1
Hubbard later created the Church of Scientology...
A Second Opinion!
The Church of Scientology is a vicious and dangerous cult that masquerades as a religion. Its purpose is to make money. It practices a variety of mind-control techniques on people lured into its midst to gain control over their money and their lives. Its aim is to take from them every penny that they have and can ever borrow and to also enslave them to further its wicked ends.
It was started in the 1950s by a science fiction writer named L. Ron Hubbard in fulfilment to his declared aim to start a religion to make money. It is an offshoot to a method of psychotherapy he concocted from various sources which he named "Dianetics". Dianetics is a form of regression therapy. It was then further expanded to appear more like a religion in order to enjoy tax benefits. He called it "Scientology".
Scientology is a confused concoction of crackpot, dangerously applied psychotherapy, oversimplified, idiotic and inapplicable rules and ideas and science-fiction drivel that is presented to its members (at the "advanced" levels) as profound spiritual truth.
The Harm it Does to a Person
The results of applying their crackpot psychotherapy (called "auditing") is to weaken the mind. The mind goes from a rational state to an irrational one as the delusional contents of the subconscious mind are brought to the surface and are assumed to be valid. It also makes a person more susceptible to suggestion since it submerges the critical thinking faculties of the mind into a partial subconscious state. It results in a permanent light hypnotic trance and so from thenceforth that person can be more easily controlled. The person will, to a much greater extent, believe and do whatever they are told. And of course this is used to the full in persuading them to hand over further money and dedicating themselves further to the cult.
The results of applying their oversimplified and inapplicable rules in life is to lose the ability to think rationally and logically. A person loses the ability to think for themselves and so they lose the ability to challenge incorrect ideas. This makes them easier to control. It also isolates and alienates the person from society so that they withdraw from normal society and into their "Scientology" society. This further increases their susceptibility to the influence of their group. They end up being afraid of society, believing all society to be controlled by a group of drug companies, psychiatrists and financiers all of whom report to more remote masters. In other words they are in a state of mass paranoia. They therefore avoid reading newspapers and the like since they fear it will disturb their safe Scientology world. It is a downward spiral into madness.
The science fiction content of Scientology is revealed to them after they have reached the state they call "Clear", meaning freed from the aberrations of the mind. However, perhaps "brainwashed" would be a more applicable word to describe the mental state of someone who has survived the near entire delusional contents of their subconscious mind brought to the surface and presented to them as "truth". On the "advanced" levels (called OT levels) above the state of "Clear" they encounter the story of Xenu. Xenu was supposed to have gathered up all the overpopulation in this sector of the galaxy, brought them to Earth and then exterminated them using hydrogen bombs. The souls of these murdered people are then supposed to infest the body of everyone. They are called "body thetans". On the advanced levels of Scientology a person "audits out" these body thetans telepathically by getting them to re-experience their being exterminated by hydrogen bombs. So people on these levels assume all their bad thoughts and faulty memories are due to these body thetans infesting every part of their body and influencing them mentally. Many Scientologists go raving mad at this point if they have not done so already.
The "Ethics" Trap
On the surface the Church of Scientology seems reasonable. The insane content of it is only revealed to a person when the early stuff has done its work and made them more susceptible. After a short while a person "believes" that Scientology is doing them good. They are then persuaded to help their new-found group further by donating money and/or working for the organisation for almost no money. Many people do exactly that.
"Ethics" is used to good effect to trap a person. A person’s natural tendency to do good is worked upon. Yes - they want to be more ethical, but what is ethical? This is where a clever trick is pulled! "Ethics" is redefined by Scientology in such a way that to be ethical is to be a better Scientologist and obey the "church". Young people, not yet made cynical through the machinations of life and politics, are very keen to contribute to the world and to be ethical. So the "ethics" trick works easily into persuading them to join the "church". Many of them join an elite group called the "Sea Org" where they become brainwashed slaves. There they work a hundred hour week for almost no pay. There they are subject to every cruel whim of their masters. It is a living hell that they endure because of the conditioning they have received and this now perverted sense of ethics that they have accepted. The "Sea Org" is the ultimate in brainwashed slavery. They are expected to work harder and harder to achieve ever higher targets of production. If they fail to meet their targets there are various penalties. One of them is to be put onto a diet of beans and rice and to miss sleep. Another is to be sentenced to a period on the RPF (Rehabilitation Project Force). This is the equivalent to "hard labour". Such is the extent of their brainwashing that they actually write "success stories" when they complete their sentences.
Brainwashing Bites Back
There is no doubt at all that L. Ron Hubbard incorporated brainwashing techniques into Scientology to put people under his control. He even wrote a "brainwashing manual" which is still in existence today. However there was a cruel twist in his scheme. He fell victim of it himself. In creating his devoted slaves, the Sea Org, he created an audience that believed every word he said. Now L. Ron Hubbard had an over-active imagination plus delusions of grandeur. The negative feedback he would obtain by being part of normal society was replaced by the positive feedback from his devoted followers. Through this his imagination got the better of him and combined with his delusions of grandeur, his thinking became increasingly bizarre which, on acceptance, led on to more bizarre thinking and the idea that he and Scientology had the job of saving the entire universe He wanted to take over the world in order to further Scientology’s aims to save the universe and so branches of Scientology were set up to try to influence governments and gain positions where they could influence to world to a high degree. So what started out as a mass confidence trick backed up with brainwashing became a monstrous and insane organisation with fantastic, fanatical ideals. Because of this change, the Church of Scientology survived the death of their founder. It is like a runaway monster machine that tramples on society and peoples lives that is very difficult to stop.
In studying what became known as prestige suggestion, Asch manipulated the attribution of quotations like "I hold it that a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms are in the physical." American students agreed more with this quotation when it was attributed to Jefferson than when it was attributed to Lenin. Behaviorists interpreted this result in terms of simple associations, but Asch showed that the attribution affected the meaning of the quotation: Lenin meant blood whereas Jefferson meant politics. Hence, Asch helped establish the dominant view of contemporary social psychology: behavior is not a response to the world as it is, but to the world as perceived.
Asch's most famous experiments set a contest between physical and social reality. His subjects judged unambiguous stimuli – lines of different lengths – after hearing other opinions offering incorrect estimates. Subjects were very upset by the discrepancy between their perceptions and those of others and most caved under the pressure to conform: only 29% of his subjects refused to join the bogus majority. This technique was a powerful lens for examining the social construction of reality, and gave rise to decades of research on conformity. Stanley Milgram's studies of obedience to authority were inspired directly by Asch's studies.
On scale: "We must see group phenomena as both the product and condition of actions of individuals."
On culture: "Most social acts have to be understood in their setting, and lose meaning if isolated. No error in thinking about social facts is more serious than the failure to see their place and function."
On complexity: “We cannot be true to a fragment of man if we are not true, in at least a rudimentary way, to man himself."
Sherif's experiment involved the so-called autokinetic effect whereby a point of light in an otherwise totally dark environment will appear to move randomly. You may have experienced the effect yourself when looking at the stars. Subjects were invited to estimate the amount of 'movement' they observed. They made their estimates in groups where each member could hear the others' estimates. Ultimately, the group members' estimates converged on a middle-of-the-road 'group estimate'. This would appear to show an urge to conform.
In effect, it's probably about what you would expect, if you remember that much perception appears to involve 'hypothesis-testing'. For example, with the Rubin vase (click here: if you'd like to take a look at it) there is not enough information for us to decide what we are seeing. We form the hypothesis that we're looking at two faces, then the hypothesis that we're seeing a vase. As there's not enough information to decide for one hypothesis or the other, our brains keep switching between the two. So you could argue that all the subjects were doing was to use additional information from their environment (other people's estimates) to aid in arriving at a decision. (see section on Perception)
One after another, the members of the group announced their decision. The confederates had been asked to give the incorrect response. The subject sat in the next to last seat so that all but one had given their obviously incorrect answer before s/he gave hers/his. Even though the correct answer was always obvious, the average subject conformed to the group response on 32% of the trials and 74% of the subjects conformed at least once.
On the face of it, an astonishing result. The correct answer was entirely obvious. Subjects had to override the very clear evidence of their own senses to give an answer conforming to the others'. Why did they do it?
Factors affecting conformity
When interviewed afterwards, subjects all said that they had been influenced by the pressure from the rest of the group. This, on the face of it, may appear to be an example of 'groupthink'. However, we normally associate 'groupthink' with those groups where cohesion has already been established - which was not the case in Asch's experiment. What, then, may have been the factors involved?
The need for social respect
Many said that they did not want to appear silly. That ties in with Rom Harré's claim that one of our secondary needs is a need for 'social respect', which includes the need to avoid looking ridiculous in front of others, the need to avoid criticism from others. That need would be likely to motivate us to seek compromise with others (see the section on Motivation) - and seems to be supported by some subjects' reports after the experiment that they wished to avoid embarrassment.
Oddly enough, research shows that the pressure to conform does not increase as the groups size increases above around four or five. One possible reason, suggested by Wilder (1977) in Baron and Byrne (1984) is that the subjects begin to suspect collusion amongst the group members once the group goes beyond that number. If that is the case, then that suggests that the best way to influence a person would be to get them to receive the same message from a variety of independent small groups, rather than from a single large group. That seems also to fit with Noelle-Neumann's view that, as the interpersonal support for the deviant opinion decreases, so the deviant opinion will be weakened and the dominant opinion become even more dominant (see the section on Spiral of Silence).
Social support
In Asch's later experiments, he introduced others who disagreed with the consensus. This disagreement led to a marked increase in the subjects' readiness to disagree with the dominant view. Other experiments have also shown that social support can help us to resist conformity, even if the person giving us the support is not particularly competent and even if she doesn't share our views. It seems that any old support will do. However, the support is more likely to be successful if she is competent and does share our views. It also seems to be especially important that dissent, if it is to be effective, should be voiced early on in the proceedings.
Genetic predisposition
It is conceivable that we are genetically predisposed towards social conformism and ethnocentrism (i.e. the tendency to support and conform to the norms of our own group). Such a predisposition would be advantageous in promoting cultural group selection in the same way that in natural selection sharp teeth or the ability to run fast from something with sharp teeth confer an advantage. Sociobiologists found it difficult to account for such behaviours as altruism, co-operation and group loyalty in terms of Darwin's theory of evolution, which would be expected to lead to primarily egocentric behaviour. However, it might be possible to demonstrate (theorists disagree over this) that cultures whose members' behaviour is purely egocentric tend to die out whereas co-operative cultures survive. If so, then it would follow that the surviving cultures are those with the 'co-operation gene'. That would go some way to explaining the behaviour of Asch's subjects.
As an irrelevant aside, I should say that, personally, though this is an interesting idea, I'm inclined to treat it with a measure of caution. Evolutionary psychology is currently rather fashionable and is certainly challenging and thought-provoking, but it does sometimes seem to depend rather suspiciously on finding an adaptive advantage for every human behaviour. Behaviours which are clearly not advantageous are explained by saying that they 'must have' been advantageous at some point in our evolutionary history and then finding a likely scenario. For example, our sweet tooth leads to massive overconsumption of sugar. This is obviously not likely to give our species an evolutionary advantage today, but it 'must have' done so when a sweet tooth meant a predilection for a diet of fruit. Hmmm..... That rather neatly and conveniently shelters the evolutionary psychologists' claim from any possible falsifiability.
Asch's experiment has been criticised for being unrealistic to the extent that in the real world we expect to take decisions on subjects more complex and more important than the length of a line. In the real world, therefore, we might put up more of a fight to defend our point of view. On more complex issues, we could reasonably expect that a variety of shades of opinion might be expressed, giving us more chance to argue our point of view. On the other hand, though, just think what the studies reveal. They suggest that group pressure can be so strong that we are willing to deny the evidence of our own eyes for the sake of conformity with the rest of the group.
There have been other experiments which have tended to confirm Asch's results by and large. Crutchfield's lengthier and more complex experiments seem to confirm a correlation between high intelligence and other personality traits and low conformity.
... in a small band of hunter-gatherers, it might have been a ... useful habit to obey the fashion. To a large extent, human society is not a society of individuals, as the society of leopards, or even lions, is - albeit the individual lions are lumped together in groups. Human society is composed of groups, superorganisms. THe cohesiveness of groups that conformity achieves is a valuable weapon in a world where groups must act together to compete with other groups. That the decision may be arbitrary is less important than that it is unanimous.
Ridley puts this even more bluntly elsewhere in his book:
Humankind, I suggest, has always fragmented into hostile and competitive tribes and those that found a way of drumming cultural conformity into the skulls of their members tended to do better than those that did not.
She was referring to her former membership in the People's Temple and the Jonestown mass suicide.
There are thousands of different "mind control" techniques which can be used for positive benefit. Some these techniques include: prayer, meditation, chants, singing songs, visualizations, affirmations, positive self-talk, breathing techniques, hypnosis, "speaking in tongues", ecstatic dancing, music.
My family and friends are constantly asking me to tell them the "latest" thing my neighbor has done so this page will save me from repeating myself. Besides, I thought it would be fun. Everything you read here is entirely true, that's what makes it so funny. Enjoy!"
Scratch the Christian and you find the pagan--spoiled.
Let us start a new religion with one commandment, "Enjoy thyself."
The law of dislike for the unlike will always prevail. And whereas the unlike is normally situated at a safe distance, the Jews bring the unlike into the heart of every milieu, and must there defend a frontier line as large as the world.
Whenever you hear a man speak of his love for his country, it is a sign that he expects to be paid for it.
Puritanism: The haunting fear that someone, somewhere, may be happy.
There are people who read too much: bibliobibuli. I know some who are constantly drunk on books, as other men are drunk on whiskey or religion. They wander through this most diverting and stimulating of worlds in a haze, seeing nothing and hearing nothing.
It is impossible to think of a man of any actual force and originality, universally recognized as having those qualities, who spent his whole life appraising and describing the work of other men.
For the ordinary man is passive. Within a narrow circle (home life, and perhaps the trade unions or local politics) he feels himself master of his fate, but against major events he is as helpless as against the elements. So far from endeavouring to influence the future, he simply lies down and lets things happen to him.
Autobiography is only to be trusted when it reveals something disgraceful. A man who gives a good account of himself is probably lying, since any life when viewed from the inside is simply a series of defeats.
On the whole, human beings want to be good, but not too good, and not quite all the time.
There are many who dare not kill themselves for fear of what the neighbours will say.
In the long-run every Government is the exact symbol of its People, with their wisdom and unwisdom; we have to say, Like People like Government.
History, a distillation of Rumour.
Under all speech that is good for anything there lies a silence that is better. Silence is deep as Eternity; speech is shallow as Time.
A man willing to work, and unable to find work, is perhaps the saddest sight that fortune's inequality exhibits under this sun.
I don't pretend to understand the Universe--it's a great deal bigger than I am.
Good breeding . . . differs, if at all, from high breeding only as it gracefully remembers the rights of others, rather than gracefully insists on its own rights.
The devil is an optimist if he thinks he can make people worse than they are.
Sentimental irony is a dog that bays at the moon while pissing on graves.
It is uplifting to lose one's faith in a reality which looks the way it is described in a newspaper.
He who sleeps half a day has won half a life.
Truth is a clumsy servant that breaks the dishes while washing them
When a culture feels that its end has come, it sends for a priest.
How is the world ruled and led to war? Diplomats lie to journalists and believe these lies when they see them in print.
If all economists were laid end to end, they would not reach a conclusion
Newspapers are unable, seemingly, to discriminate between a bicycle accident and the collapse of civilisation.
The more I see of the moneyed classes, the more I understand the guillotine.
Traveling, you realize that differences are lost: each city takes to resembling all cities, places exchange their form, order, distances, a shapeless dust cloud invades the continents.
Oh senseless man, who cannot possibly make a worm, and yet will make Gods by dozens.
The future is made of the same stuff as the present.
He that hath wife and children hath given hostages to fortune; for they are impediments to great enterprises, either of virtue or mischief.
If we do not maintain Justice, Justice will not maintain us.
For a crowd is not company; and faces are but a gallery of pictures; and talk but a tinkling cymbal, where there is no love.
Certainly the best works, and of greatest merit for the public, have proceeded from the unmarried, or childless men.
Money is like muck, not good except it be spread.
We are much beholden to Machiavel and others, that write what men do, and not what they ought to do.
It is a strange desire, to seek power, and to lose liberty; or to seek power over others, and to lose power over a man's self.
Read not to contradict and confute; nor to believe and take for granted; nor to find talk and discourse; but to weigh and consider.
Revenge is a kind of wild justice, which the more a man's nature runs to, the more ought law to weed it out.
An apology for the Devil--it must be remembered that we have only heard one side of the case. God has written all the books.
One always tends to overpraise a long book, because one has got through it.
The silence often of pure innocence persuades when speaking fails.
All the world's a stage, and all the men and women merely players: They have their exits and their entrances.
There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, than are dreamt of in your philosophy.
Life's but a walking shadow, a poor player that struts and frets his hour upon the stage, and then is heard no more.
What's in a name? That which we call a rose by any other name would smell as sweet.
Blow, blow, thou winter wind, thou art not so unkind as man's ingratitude.
As in a theatre, the eyes of men, after a well-graced actor leaves the stage, are idly bent on him that enters next.
And do as adversaries do in law, strive mightily, but eat and drink as friends.
We are such stuff as dreams are made on, and our little life is rounded with a sleep.
Is there no Latin word for Tea? Upon my soul, if I had known that I would have let the vulgar stuff alone.
Every harlot was a virgin once.
Prisons are built with stones of law, brothels with bricks of religion.
He whose face gives no light, shall never become a star.
We all labour against our own cure, for death is the cure of all diseases.
Yet is every man his own greatest enemy, and as it were his own executioner.
There are strings in the human heart that had better not be vibrated.
It is a melancholy truth that even great men have their poor relations.
I have known a vast quantity of nonsense talked about bad men not looking you in the face. Don't trust that conventional idea. Dishonesty will stare honesty out of countenance any day in the week, if there is anything to be got by it.
Beware the fury of a patient man.
Never was patriot yet, but was a fool.
Repentance is but want of power to sin.
War is the trade of Kings.
Even victors are by victories undone.
The despotism of custom is everywhere the standing hindrance to human advancement.
"Blessed is the man who expects nothing, for he shall never be disappointed" was the ninth beatitude.
The worst of madmen is a saint run mad.
A little learning is a dangerous thing.
Histories are more full of examples of the fidelity of dogs than of friends.
Fools rush in where Angels fear to tread.
Manners are especially the need of the plain. The pretty can get away with anything.
It is a curious thing that every creed promises a paradise which will be absolutely uninhabitable for anyone of civilised taste.
Politics is not an exact science.
You don't need to pray to God any more when there are storms in the sky, but you do have to be insured.
Science knows only one commandment--contribute to science.
Greek philosophy seems to have met with something with which a good tragedy is not supposed to meet, namely, a dull ending.
All social rules and all relations between individuals are eroded by a cash economy, avarice drags Pluto himself out of the bowels of the earth.
Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people.
A commodity appears at first sight an extremely obvious, trivial thing. But its analysis brings out that it is a very strange thing, abounding in metaphysical subtleties and theological niceties.
Friendship is a disinterested commerce between equals; love, an abject intercourse between tyrants and slaves.
In all the silent manliness of grief.
There are some people who want to throw their arms round you simply because it is Christmas; there are other people who want to strangle you simply because it is Christmas.
History may be read as the story of the magnificent rearguard action fought during several thousand years by dogma against curiosity.
What we call a democratic society might be defined for certain purposes as one in which the majority is always prepared to put down a revolutionary minority.
This is one of the paradoxes of the democratic movement--that it loves a crowd and fears the individuals who compose it--that the religion of humanity should have no faith in human beings.
In really hard times the rules of the game are altered. The inchoate mass begins to stir. It becomes potent, and when it strikes, . . . it strikes with incredible emphasis. Those are the rare occasions when a national will emerges from the scattered, specialized, or indifferent blocs of voters who ordinarily elect the politicians. Those are for good or evil the great occasions in a nation's history.
No amount of charters, direct primaries, or short ballots will make a democracy out of an illiterate people.
The principle of majority rule is the mildest form in which the force of numbers can be exercised. It is a pacific substitute for civil war in which the opposing armies are counted and the victory is awarded to the larger before any blood is shed. Except in the sacred tests of democracy and in the incantations of the orators, we hardly take the trouble to pretend that the rule of the majority is not at bottom a rule of force.
When distant and unfamiliar and complex things are communicated to great masses of people, the truth suffers a considerable and often a radical distortion. The complex is made over into the simple, the hypothetical into the dogmatic, and the relative into an absolute.
There is nothing so bad but it can masquerade as moral.
Unless the reformer can invent something which substitutes attractive virtues for attractive vices, he will fail.
Success makes men rigid and they tend to exalt stability over all the other virtues; tired of the effort of willing they become fanatics about conservatism.
Unless democracy is to commit suicide by consenting to its own destruction, it will have to find some formidable answer to those who come to it saying: "I demand from you in the name of your principles the rights which I shall deny to you later in the name of my principles."
The effort to calculate exactly what the voters want at each particular moment leaves out of account the fact that when they are troubled the thing the voters most want is to be told what to want.
I never saw, heard, nor read, that the clergy were beloved in any nation where Christianity was the religion of the country. Nothing can render them popular, but some degree of persecution.
The most positive men are the most credulous.
It is impossible that anything so natural, so necessary, and so universal as death should ever have been designed by Providence as an evil to mankind.
The best doctors in the world are Doctor Diet, Doctor Quiet, and Doctor Merryman.
I cannot but conclude the bulk of your natives to be the most pernicious race of little, odious vermin that Nature ever suffered to crawl upon the surface of the earth.
We are so fond of one another, because our ailments are the same.
Come, agree, the law's costly.
Principally I hate and detest that animal called man; although I heartily love John, Peter, Thomas, and so forth.
It is a maxim among these lawyers, that whatever hath been done before, may legally be done again: and therefore they take special care to record all the decisions formerly made against common justice and the general reason of mankind.
Where I am not understood, it shall be concluded that something very useful and profound is couched underneath.
Once kick the world, and the world and you will live together at a reasonably good understanding.
The press is the hired agent of a monied system, and set up for no other purpose than to tell lies where their interests are involved. One can trust nobody and nothing.
Nothing in education is so astonishing as the amount of ignorance it accumulates in the form of inert facts.
A friend in power is a friend lost.
Power is poison. Its effect on Presidents had always been tragic.
Morality is a private and costly luxury.
He too serves a certain purpose who only stands and cheers.
Accident counts for much in companionship as in marriage.
The progress of Evolution from President Washington to President Grant was alone evidence enough to upset Darwin.
Only on the edge of the grave can man conclude anything.
Everyone carries his own inch-rule of taste, and amuses himself by applying it, triumphantly, wherever he travels.
No one means all he says, and yet very few say all they mean, for words are slippery and thought is viscous.
Simplicity is the most deceitful mistress that ever betrayed man.
Men will confess to treason, murder, arson, false teeth, or a wig. How many of them will own up to a lack of humor?
That is the consolation of a little mind; you have the fun of changing it without impeding the progress of mankind.
Many people lose their tempers merely from seeing you keep yours.
In the face of moral uncertainty and public controversy it is often helpful to consult the wisdom of our forebears in faith. When the subject of war arises I find myself looking back at the theory of a "just war." The idea of a just war appears in early Christian writings but received its most influential historic development in the work of the Dutch Protestant philosopher Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). Historically most wars have involved not only combat between armed soldiers but the enormous suffering entailed by the destruction of crops and towns, the rape and slaughter of non-combatants, the enslavement of defeated armies, and the forced payment of tribute from conquered nations. Many wars have been fought sheerly for aggression and conquest.
The theory of a "just war" is an attempt by persons of religious perspective to state the conditions under which a nation may morally engage in war. According to Frederick Copleston, Grotius believed that it is permissible for a state to wage war against another state which has attacked it, or in order to recover what has been stolen from it, or to restrain another state that is obviously violating natural or divine law. Preventive wars, Grotius said, may not be waged unless there is moral certainty that the other state intends to attack; nor may war be waged simply for advantage’s sake, nor to obtain better land, nor out of a desire to rule other peoples under the pretext that it is for their own good. War should not be waged in cases of doubt as to its justice, and even for just causes, it should never be undertaken rashly, but only out of necessity, and peace should always be kept in view. Treaties should be scrupulously observed.
To this list, other just war theorists such as Francis Suarez (1548-1617) have added the condition that the war must be properly conducted. Generally this means that injury to non-combatants must be prevented, and even enemy soldiers must not be made to suffer unnecessarily or barbarically.
We are now living over three hundred years after the time of Grotius and Suarez, and no one would suggest that we should follow their specific principles unreflectively. Nevertheless, we are, I hope, still a nation that wishes to be just - and therefore the obligation which we do have is, if possible, to revive the concept of a just war in a form that is valid for our own time. Present world circumstances require each one of us to consider whether we believe there are characteristics or qualifications that can make any war "just." If you had to revise Grotius’ and Suarez’s ideas, what would you say?
Perhaps, with only slight modification, most of Grotius’ and Suarez’s ideas still make sense. For example, it is very difficult to think that our nation should attack Iraq unless we have some "moral certainty" that Iraq itself is bent on attack. It is very difficult to accept the idea of bombing a city like Baghdad in which 50% of the people are children. It is increasingly difficult to give uncritical credence to our Denver newspapers and TV stations, with their daily banners proclaiming "COUNTDOWN TO WAR" and "SHOWDOWN WITH SADDAM" -as if the impending bloodshed were a new release of Shoot-out at the OK Corral, or just another story to build up ratings - while they downplay divergent responses and demonstrations both in our own country and overseas.
The idea of a just war reminds us that we cannot go to war just because it is popular in the polls or because it makes for good news stories or because we feel entitled to get revenge on an evil man. If we go to war it must be with profound sorrow, and only because it is truly and absolutely the last option.
General William T. Sherman, for whom one of our central Denver streets is named, is widely known to have said that ‘war is hell.’ Sometimes we quote his remark in a light-hearted way, but the more complete quotation goes like this. "I am tired and sick of war. Its glory is all moonshine. It is only those who have neither fired a shot nor heard the shrieks and groans of the wounded who cry aloud for blood, more vengeance, more desolation. War is hell."
May God guide us in the days ahead.
- David E. Conner
Closure is a term used by psychologists and social scientists to describe events or rituals which help to acknowledge an end point to some facet of life. For example, at the close of this worship service we will have a benediction which could be termed an act of closure. Or, a funeral helps to bring closure to our grief when someone has died. Therefore memorial services are of great value for most families.
"In the midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churchmen stand on the sideline and mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities. In the midst of a mighty struggle to rid our nation of an economic injustice, I have heard many ministers say, 'Those are social issues with which the Gospel has no real concern.' And I have watched many churches commit themselves to a completely other-worldly religion which makes a strange, unbiblical distinction between body and soul, between the sacred and the secular.
How often the church has been an echo rather than a voice, a taillight behind the U. S. Supreme Court and other secular agencies, rather than a headlight guiding human beings progressively and decisively to higher levels of understanding.
If the church of today does not recapture the sacrificial spirit of the early church, it will lose its authentic right, forfeit the loyalty of millions, and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for modern times."
Dr. King did of course believe in the church, and served as the pastor of one in Montgomery, Alabama. He believed that the Christian faith, when it serves to motivate human beings to high courage and sacrifice, is the greatest force in the world.
British pastor Leslie Weatherhead liked to tell the story of a place in Foo Chow, China, where there are three graves side by side. Two of the graves are for two sisters from Australia, Christian missionaries who were murdered by hostile Chinese. When the news of these murders reached Australia, their mother, who was a widow sixty-two years of age, sold all that she had, journeyed to the place where her daughters had died, learned the Chinese language, and set up a school to continue their work. By the end of the story she had given her final twenty years in service to China. She died at eighty-two and was buried by grateful citizens next to her daughters.
Johnny said, "Moses had quite an adventurous life. He went behind the enemy lines, he rescued the Israelites by building a pontoon bridge over the sea, he led the people over the pontoon bridge, and when the enemy chased them onto the bridge he called some air force guys on the walkie-talkie and they came in and bombed the bridge so that all the enemy guys drowned. After that he took them out into the desert and the air force parachuted some C-rations down to them."
In amazement his mother asked, "Now Johnny, is that actually what the Sunday school teacher told you?"
Johnny said, "No, Mom, but if I told you what she really said, you'd never believe it!"
As Alice Walker answered, I tried hard to listen, but I was unable to perceive that she had any clear response. At least at that moment, in that interview, she had no positive or articulate approach pertaining to the use of force in society. As I reflected on this, it occurred to me that perhaps an African-American woman who was born in 1944 in Georgia in a sharecropper's cabin has never had the option of any ample, effectual force that was hers to wield, never had any coercive power which was available to her to address problems. Maybe, therefore, a woman such as Alice Walker learns, as many women have learned in our society, to adapt to life in a way that is devoid of the use of coercion and force. That may not be good, it may not be right, but perhaps that is the way it is.
Now, a story about a different person.
One of the great American theologians of the twentieth century was Reinhold Niebuhr. Reinhold Niebuhr came out of the Evangelical and Reformed tradition back before the E&R merged with the Congregational Christians in 1957 to become the United Church of Christ. Niebuhr told of the time when he was a young pastor in Detroit. It was during the Depression. He was teaching a Sunday school class of junior high boys. They were studying the Sermon on the Mount and, specifically, Jesus' teaching to that you turn the other cheek when someone strikes you on one cheek, and if someone takes your coat, you give to them your cloak also. As the boys heard these words of Christ, a lad fourteen or fifteen years old raised his hand. "Pastor Niebuhr," he said, "my dad's out of work. I sell newspapers on the street corner and right now the little bit of money I earn selling newspapers is our family's only source of income. Sometimes," he continued, "another boy will come along and try to steal my newspapers so he can sell them. Does turning the other cheek mean that I have to let him take my newspapers? Because if I do, my family will go hungry."
In Niebuhr's mind, as he reported later, this innocent question was like a bombshell. As he mulled this over, it altered his whole theory of ethics. He realized that it is one thing to turn the other cheek on your own behalf, but when you are responsible for the well-being of others a different ethic emerges - an ethic in which some use of force may sometimes regrettably be necessary. Niebuhr certainly did not reject Jesus' teaching about turning the other cheek, but he did come to believe that that teaching may not be applicable in every circumstance.
This is an impressive-sounding phrase, but "rational self-transcendence" means that we are always trying to use our intelligence in order to look beyond ourselves. It means that we ponder at length what it is like to stand in the other person's place. Rational self-transcendence means that we listen carefully to others, and think long and hard about the impact that our actions and our policies may have on them. And note well that the more power you have, the more important it is to do this. In our nation we do so many things of far-ranging impact, and yet we are clueless, oblivious, regarding the effects on people we never see.
Years ago I was at home with my youngest daughter, Cathy. Cathy was then three or four years old - old enough to feed herself with a spoon, and at that particular time in her life she was willing to eat just about whatever was placed in front of her. For lunch I had made soup. Some of you know that I am rather fond of hot sauce, and so I had dumped a rather generous quantity of Tabasco in my serving of soup. I also ladled up a bowl of soup for Cathy. Then I put her in her high chair, gave her her soup, and I sat down and began to eat. I was about halfway through my soup when I realized that my soup was far too bland. As I began to think about what had happened it occurred to me that the bowls of soup had gotten switched. Sure enough, I looked over at little Cathy and there she was, cheerfully eating her soup with tears streaming down her face because of all the Tabasco.
When we have power, when we have an advantage, when we have authority over other people who are smaller than we are or who somehow depend upon us, we have to seek a capacity for rational self-transcendence. We have to pay attention to them. We have to live beyond our own needs and our own standards and our own opinions in the effort to see what effect we are having on others.
As the most powerful nation on earth, we in the United States too frequently find ourselves unwittingly putting hot sauce in other people's soup - not only militarily, but economically, as when we buy coffee and fruit from Latin America without any knowledge of the wages paid to workers there, or when we buy shoes and clothing from China without any concern for the working conditions of laborers there. Even our entertainment industry is part of this problem. Do you remember those women in Polynesia who almost became malnourished after they obtained televisions and then began trying to look like the bikini-clad women in Bay Watch? Putting our trust in God means that we see our impact on others from their perspective.
Butler's overall finding of a "group think" failure was pure charity. Absurdities like the 45-minute claim were adopted by high-level officials and ministers because those concerned recognised the substantial reason for war - oil. WMD provided only the bureaucratic argument: the real reason was that Iraq was swimming in oil.
Some may still believe the eve-of-war contention by Donald Rumsfeld that "We won't take forces and go around the world and try to take other people's oil ... That's not how democracies operate." Maybe others will go along with Blair's post-war contention: "There is no way whatsoever, if oil were the issue, that it would not have been infinitely easier to cut a deal with Saddam."
But senior civil servants are not so naive. On the eve of the Butler report, I attended the 40th anniversary of the Mandarins cricket club. I was taken aside by a knighted civil servant to discuss my contention in a Guardian article earlier this year that Sir Humphrey was no longer independent. I had then attacked the deceits in the WMD report, and this impressive official and I discussed the geopolitical issues of Iraq and Saudi Arabia, and US unwillingness to build nuclear power stations and curb petrol consumption, rather than go to war.
Saddam controlled a country at the centre of the Gulf, a region with a quarter of world oil production in 2003, and containing more than 60% of the world's known reserves. With 115bn barrels of oil reserves, and perhaps as much again in the 90% of the country not yet explored, Iraq has capacity second only to Saudi Arabia. The US, in contrast, is the world's largest net importer of oil. Last year the US Department of Energy forecast that imports will cover 70% of domestic demand by 2025.
By invading Iraq, Bush has taken over the Iraqi oil fields, and persuaded the UN to lift production limits imposed after the Kuwait war. Production may rise to 3m barrels a day by year end, about double 2002 levels. More oil should bring down Opec-led prices, and if Iraqi oil production rose to 6m barrels a day, Bush could even attack the Opec oil-pricing cartel.
Control over Iraqi oil should improve security of supplies to the US, and possibly the UK, with the development and exploration contracts between Saddam and China, France, India, Indonesia and Russia being set aside in favour of US and possibly British companies. And a US military presence in Iraq is an insurance policy against any extremists in Iran and Saudi Arabia.
Overseeing Iraqi oil supplies, and maybe soon supplies from other Gulf countries, would enable the US to use oil as power. In 1990, the then oil man, Dick Cheney, wrote that: "Whoever controls the flow of Persian Gulf oil has a stranglehold not only on our economy but also on the other countries of the world as well."
In the 70s, the US agreed with Saudi Arabia that Opec oil should be traded in dollars. American governments have since been able to print dollars to cover huge trading deficits, with the further benefit of those dollars being placed in the US money markets. In return, the US allowed the Opec countries to operate a production and pricing cartel.
Over the past 15 years, the overall US deficit with the rest of the world has risen to $2,700bn - an abuse of its privileged currency position. Although about 80% of foreign exchange and half of world trade is in dollars, the euro provides a realistic alternative. Euro countries also have a bigger share of world trade, and of trade with Opec countries, than the US.
In 1999, Iran mooted pricing its oil in euros, and in late 2000 Saddam made the switch for Iraqi oil. In early 2002 Bush placed Iran and Iraq in the axis of evil. If the other Opec countries had followed Saddam's move to euros, the consequences for Bush could have been huge. Worldwide switches out of the dollar, on top of the already huge deficit, would have led to a plummeting dollar, a runaway from US markets and dramatic upheavals in the US.
Bush had many reasons to invade Iraq, but why did Blair join him? He might have squared his conscience by looking at UK oil prospects. In 1968, when North Sea oil was in its infancy, as private secretary to the minister of power I wrote a report on oil policy, advocating changes like the setting up of a British national oil company (as was done). My proposals found little favour with the BP/Shell-supporting officials, but Richard Marsh, the then minister, pressed them and the petroleum division was expanded into an operations division and a planning division.
Sadly, when I was promoted out of private office the free-trading petroleum officials conspired to block my posting to the planning division, where I would surely have advocated a prudent exploitation of North Sea resources to reduce our dependence on the likes of Iraq. UK North Sea oil output peaked in 1999, and has since fallen by one-sixth. Exports now barely cover imports, and we shall shortly be a net oil importer. Supporting Bush might have been justified on geo-strategic grounds.
Oil and the dollar were the real reasons for the attack on Iraq, with WMD as the public reason now exposed as woefully inadequate. Should we now look at Bush and Blair as brilliant strategists whose actions will improve the security of our oil supplies, or as international conmen? Should we support them if they sweep into Iran and perhaps Saudi Arabia, or should there be a regime change in the UK and US instead?
If the latter, we should follow that up by adopting the pious aims of UN oversight of world oil exploitation within a world energy plan, and the replacement of the dollar with a new reserve currency based on a basket of national currencies.
· John Chapman is a former assistant secretary in the civil service, in which he served from 1963-96
That's when the true wealth of the country will become self-evident and we will no longer be able to afford the extravagant expense of pursuing an American empire. No nation has ever been able to finance excessive foreign entanglements and domestic entitlements through printing press money and borrowing from abroad.
While the US’ position may seem inviolable, one should remember that the more you have, the more you have to lose. And recently there have been signs of how, for the first time in a long time, the US may be beginning to lose.
All of this is bad news for the US economy and the dollar. The fear for Washington will be that not only will the future price of oil not be right, but the currency might not be right either. Which perhaps helps explain why the US is increasingly turning to its second major tool for dominating world affairs: military force.
>Subject: *** It's not about oil or Iraq. It's about the US and Europe going >Date: Wed, 19 Mar 2003 01:16:19 +1100 > >with all that we try to do the most important commodity in our success >of the task is INFORMATION, none of us has it or access to it, with >regard to the impending war on Iraq we can only guess. How close is this >article, it's written by a Melbourne writer called Geoffrey Heard. > >is this serious food for thought, > >*** It's not about oil or Iraq. It's about the US and Europe going >head-to-head on world economic dominance. *** > >Summary: Why is George Bush so hell bent on war with Iraq? Why does >his administration reject every positive Iraqi move? It all makes >sense when you consider the economic implications for the USA of not >going to war with Iraq. The war in Iraq is actually the US and Europe >going head to head on economic leadership of the world. > >America's Bush administration has been caught in outright lies, gross >exaggerations and incredible inaccuracies as it trotted out its >litany of paper thin excuses for making war on Iraq. Along with its >two supporters, Britain and Australia, it has shifted its ground and >reversed its position with a barefaced contempt for its audience. It >has manipulated information, deceived by commission and omission and >frantically "bought" UN votes with billion dollar bribes. > >Faced with the failure of gaining UN Security Council support for >invading Iraq, the USA has threatened to invade without >authorisation. It would act in breach of the UN's very constitution >to allegedly enforced UN resolutions. > >It is plain bizarre. Where does this desperation for war come from? > >There are many things driving President Bush and his administration >to invade Iraq, unseat Saddam Hussein and take over the country. But >the biggest one is hidden and very, very simple. It is about the >currency used to trade oil and consequently, who will dominate the >world economically, in the foreseeable future -- the USA or the >European Union. > >Iraq is a European Union beachhead in that confrontation. America had >a monopoly on the oil trade, with the US dollar being the fiat >currency, but Iraq broke ranks in 1999, started to trade oil in the >EU's euros, and profited. If America invades Iraq and takes over, it >will hurl the EU and its euro back into the sea and make America's >position as the dominant economic power in the world all but >impregnable. > >It is the biggest grab for world power in modern times. > >America's allies in the invasion, Britain and Australia, are betting >America will win and that they will get some trickle-down benefits >for jumping on to the US bandwagon. > >France and Germany are the spearhead of the European force -- Russia >would like to go European but possibly can still be bought off. > >Presumably, China would like to see the Europeans build a share of >international trade currency ownership at this point while it >continues to grow its international trading presence to the point >where it, too, can share the leadership rewards. > >DEBATE BUILDING ON THE INTERNET > >Oddly, little or nothing is appearing in the general media about this >issue, although key people are becoming aware of it -- note the >recent slide in the value of the US dollar. Are traders afraid of >war? They are more likely to be afraid there will not be war. > >But despite the silence in the general media, a major world >discussion is developing around this issue, particularly on the >internet. Among the many articles: Henry Liu, in the 'Asia Times' >last June, it has been a hot topic on the Feasta forum, an >Irish-based group exploring sustainable economics, and W. Clark's >"The Real Reasons for the Upcoming War with Iraq: A Macroeconomic and >Geostrategic Analysis of the Unspoken Truth" has been published by >the 'Sierra Times', 'Indymedia.org', and 'ratical.org'. > >This debate is not about whether America would suffer from losing the >US dollar monopoly on oil trading -- that is a given -- rather it is >about exactly how hard the USA would be hit. The smart money seems to >be saying the impact would be in the range from severe to >catastrophic. The USA could collapse economically. > >OIL DOLLARS > >The key to it all is the fiat currency for trading oil. > >Under an OPEC agreement, all oil has been traded in US dollars since >1971 (after the dropping of the gold standard) which makes the US >dollar the de facto major international trading currency. If other >nations have to hoard dollars to buy oil, then they want to use that >hoard for other trading too. This fact gives America a huge trading >advantage and helps make it the dominant economy in the world. > >As an economic bloc, the European Union is the only challenger to the >USA's economic position, and it created the euro to challenge the >dollar in international markets. However, the EU is not yet united >behind the euro -- there is a lot of jingoistic national politics >involved, not least in Britain -- and in any case, so long as nations >throughout the world must hoard dollars to buy oil, the euro can make >only very limited inroads into the dollar's dominance. > >In 1999, Iraq, with the world's second largest oil reserves, switched >to trading its oil in euros. American analysts fell about laughing; >Iraq had just made a mistake that was going to beggar the nation. But >two years on, alarm bells were sounding; the euro was rising against >the dollar, Iraq had given itself a huge economic free kick by >switching. > >Iran started thinking about switching too; Venezuela, the 4th largest >oil producer, began looking at it and has been cutting out the dollar >by bartering oil with several nations including America's bete noir, >Cuba. Russia is seeking to ramp up oil production with Europe >(trading in euros) an obvious market. > >The greenback's grip on oil trading and consequently on world trade >in general, was under serious threat. If America did not stamp on >this immediately, this economic brushfire could rapidly be fanned >into a wildfire capable of consuming the US's economy and its >dominance of world trade. > >HOW DOES THE US GET ITS DOLLAR ADVANTAGE? > >Imagine this: you are deep in debt but every day you write cheques >for millions of dollars you don't have -- another luxury car, a >holiday home at the beach, the world trip of a lifetime. > >Your cheques should be worthless but they keep buying stuff because >those cheques you write never reach the bank! You have an agreement >with the owners of one thing everyone wants, call it petrol/gas, that >they will accept only your cheques as payment. This means everyone >must hoard your cheques so they can buy petrol/gas. Since they have >to keep a stock of your cheques, they use them to buy other stuff >too. You write a cheque to buy a TV, the TV shop owner swaps your >cheque for petrol/gas, that seller buys some vegetables at the fruit >shop, the fruiterer passes it on to buy bread, the baker buys some >flour with it, and on it goes, round and round -- but never back to >the bank. > >You have a debt on your books, but so long as your cheque never >reaches the bank, you don't have to pay. In effect, you have received >your TV free. > >This is the position the USA has enjoyed for 30 years -- it has been >getting a free world trade ride for all that time. It has been >receiving a huge subsidy from everyone else in the world. As its debt >has been growing, it has printed more money (written more cheques) to >keep trading. No wonder it is an economic powerhouse! > >Then one day, one petrol seller says he is going to accept another >person's cheques, a couple of others think that might be a good idea. >If this spreads, people are going to stop hoarding your cheques and >they will come flying home to the bank. Since you don't have enough >in the bank to cover all the cheques, very nasty stuff is going to >hit the fan! > >You are big, tough and very aggressive but you don't scare the other >guy who can write cheques, he's pretty big too, however given a >'legitimate' excuse, you can beat the tripes out of the lone gas >seller and scare him and his mates into submission. > >And that, in a nutshell, is what the USA is doing right now with Iraq. > >AMERICA'S PRECARIOUS ECONOMIC POSITION > >America is so eager to attack Iraq now because of the speed with >which the euro fire could spread. If Iran, Venezuela and Russia join >Iraq and sell large quantities of oil for euros, the euro would have >the leverage it needs to become a powerful force in general >international trade. Other nations would have to start swapping some >of their dollars for euros. > >The dollars the USA has printed, the 'cheques' it has written, would >start to fly home, stripping away the illusion of value behind them. >The USA's real economic condition is about as bad as it could be; it >is the most debt-ridden nation on earth, owing about US$12,000 for >every single one of it's 280 million men, women and children. It is >worse than the position of Indonesia when it imploded economically a >few years ago, or more recently, that of Argentina. > >Even if OPEC did not switch to euros wholesale (and that would make a >very nice non-oil profit for the OPEC countries, including minimising >the various contrived debts America has forced on some of them), the >US's difficulties would build. Even if only a small part of the oil >trade went euro, that would do two things immediately: >* Increase the attractiveness to EU members of joining the >'eurozone', which in turn would make the euro stronger and make it >more attractive to oil nations as a trading currency and to other >nations as a general trading currency. >* Start the US dollars flying home demanding value when there isn't >enough in the bank to cover them. >* The markets would over-react as usual and in no time, the US >dollar's value would be spiralling down. > >THE US SOLUTION > >America's response to the euro threat was predictable. It has come >out fighting. > >It aims to achieve four primary things by going to war with Iraq: > >* Safeguard the American economy by returning Iraq to trading oil in >US dollars, so the greenback is once again the exclusive oil currency. > >* Send a very clear message to any other oil producers just what >will happen to them if they do not stay in the dollar circle. Iran >has already received one message -- remember how puzzled you were >that in the midst of moderation and secularization, Iran was named as >a member of the axis of evil? > >* Place the second largest reserves of oil in the world under direct >American control. > >* Provide a secular, subject state where the US can maintain a huge >force (perhaps with nominal elements from allies such as Britain and >Australia) to dominate the Middle East and its vital oil. This would >enable the US to avoid using what it sees as the unreliable Turkey, >the politically impossible Israel and surely the next state in its >sights, Saudi Arabia, the birthplace of al Qaeda and a hotbed of >anti-American sentiment. > >* Severe setback the European Union and its euro, the only trading >bloc and currency strong enough to attack the USA's dominance of >world trade through the dollar. > >* Provide cover for the US to run a covert operation to overturn the >democratically elected government of Venezuela and replace it with an >America-friendly military supported junta -- and put Venezuala's oil >into American hands. > >Locking the world back into dollar oil trading would consolidate >America's current position and make it all but impregnable as the >dominant world power -- economically and militarily. A splintered >Europe (the US is working hard to split Europe; Britain was easy, but >other Europeans have offered support in terms of UN votes) and its >euro would suffer a serious setback and might take decades to recover. > >It is the boldest grab for absolute power the world has seen in >modern times. America is hardly likely to allow the possible >slaughter of a few hundred thousand Iraqis stand between it and world >domination. > >President Bush did promise to protect the American way of life. This >is what he meant. > >JUSTIFYING WAR > >Obviously, the US could not simply invade Iraq, so it began casting >around for a 'legitimate' reason to attack. That search has been one >of increasing desperation as each rationalization has crumbled. First >Iraq was a threat because of alleged links to al Qaeda; then it was >proposed Iraq might supply al Qaeda with weapons; then Iraq's >military threat to its neighbours was raised; then the need to >deliver Iraqis from Saddam Hussein's horrendously inhumane rule; >finally there is the question of compliance with UN weapons >inspection. > >The USA's justifications for invading Iraq are looking less >impressive by the day. The US's statements that it would invade Iraq >unilaterally without UN support and in defiance of the UN make a >total nonsense of any American claim that it is concerned about the >world body's strength and standing. > >The UN weapons inspectors have come up with minimal infringements of >the UN weapons limitations -- the final one being low tech rockets >which exceed the range allowed by about 20 percent. But there is no >sign of the so-called weapons of mass destruction (WMD) the US has so >confidently asserted are to be found. Colin Powell named a certain >north Iraqi village as a threat. It was not. He later admitted it was >the wrong village. > >'Newsweek' (24/2) has reported that while Bush officials have been >trumpeting the fact that key Iraqi defector, Lt. Gen. Hussein Kamel, >told the US in 1995 that Iraq had manufactured tonnes of nerve gas >and anthrax (Colin Powell's 5 February presentation to the UN was >just one example) they neglected to mention that Kamel had also told >the US that these weapons had been destroyed. > >Parts of the US and particularly the British secret 'evidence' have >been shown to come from a student's masters thesis. > >America's expressed concern about the Iraqi people's human rights and >the country's lack of democracy are simply not supported by the USA's >history of intervention in other states nor by its current actions. >Think Guatemala, the Congo, Chile and Nicaragua as examples of a much >larger pool of US actions to tear down legitimate, democratically >elected governments and replace them with war, disruption, >starvation, poverty, corruption, dictatorships, torture, rape and >murder for its own economic ends. The most recent, Afghanistan, is >not looking good; in fact that reinstalled a murderous group of >warlords which America had earlier installed, then deposed, in favour >of the now hated Taliban. > >Saddam Hussein was just as repressive, corrupt and murderous 15 years >ago when he used chemical weapons, supplied by the US, against the >Kurds. The current US Secretary for Defence, Donald Rumsfeld, so >vehement against Iraq now, was on hand personally to turn aside >condemnation of Iraq and blame Iran. At that time, of course, the US >thought Saddam Hussein was their man -- they were using him against >the perceived threat of Iran's Islamic fundamentalism. > >Right now, as 'The Independent' writer, Robert Fisk, has noted, the >US's efforts to buy Algeria's UN vote includes promises of re-arming >the military which has a decade long history of repression, torture, >rape and murder Saddam Hussein himself would envy. It is estimated >200,000 people have died, and countless others been left maimed by >the activities of these monsters. What price the US's humanitarian >concerns for Iraqis? (Of course, the French are also wooing Algeria, >their former north African territory, for all they are worth, but at >least they are not pretending to be driven by humanitarian concerns.) > >Indonesia is another nation with a vote and influence as the largest >Muslim nation in the world. Its repressive, murderous military is >regaining strength on the back of the US's so-called anti-terror >campaign and is receiving promises of open and covert support -- >including intelligence sharing. > >AND VENEZUELA > >While the world's attention is focused on Iraq, America is both >openly and covertly supporting the "coup of the rich" in Venezuela, >which grabbed power briefly in April last year before being >intimidated by massive public displays of support by the poor for >democratically-elected President Chavez Frias. The coup leaders >continue to use their control of the private media, much of industry >and the ear of the American Government and its oily intimates to >cause disruption and disturbance. > >Venezuela's state-owned oil resources would make rich pickings for >American oil companies and provide the US with an important oil >source in its own backyard. > >Many writers have noted the contradiction between America's alleged >desire to establish democracy in Iraq while at the same time, >actively undermining the democratically-elected government in >Venezuela. Above the line, America rushed to recognise the coup last >April; more recently, President Bush has called for "early >elections", ignoring the fact that President Chavez Frias has won >three elections and two referendums and, in any case, early elections >would be unconstitutional. > >One element of the USA's covert action against Venezuela is the >behaviour of American transnational businesses, which have locked out >employees in support of "national strike" action. Imagine them doing >that in the USA! There is no question that a covert operation is in >process to overturn the legitimate Venezuelan government. Uruguayan >congressman, Jose Nayardi, made it public when he revealed that the >Bush administration had asked for Uruguay's support for Venezuelan >white collar executives and trade union activists "to break down >levels of intransigence within the Chavez Frias administration". The >process, he noted, was a shocking reminder of the CIA's 1973 >intervention in Chile which saw General Pinochet lead his military >coup to take over President Allende's democratically elected >government in a bloodbath. > >President Chavez Frias is desperately clinging to government, but >with the might of the USA aligned with his opponents, how long can he >last? > >THE COST OF WAR > >Some have claimed that an American invasion of Iraq would cost so >many billions of dollars that oil returns would never justify such an >action. > >But when the invasion is placed in the context of the protection of >the entire US economy for now and into the future, the balance of the >argument changes. > >Further, there are three other vital factors: > >First, America will be asking others to help pay for the war because >it is protecting their interests. Japan and Saudi Arabia made serious >contributions to the cost of the 1991 Gulf war. > >Second -- in reality, war will cost the USA very little -- or at >least, very little over and above normal expenditure. This war is >already paid for! All the munitions and equipment have been bought >and paid for. The USA would have to spend hardly a cent on new >hardware to prosecute this war -- the expenditure will come later >when munitions and equipment have to be replaced after the war. But >munitions, hardware andso on are being replaced all the time -- >contracts are out. Some contracts will simply be brought forward and >some others will be ramped up a bit, but spread over a few years, the >cost will not be great. And what is the real extra cost of an army at >war compared with maintaining the standing army around the world, >running exercises and so on? It is there, but it is a relatively >small sum. > >Third -- lots of the extra costs involved in the war are dollars >spent outside America, not least in the purchase of fuel. Guess how >America will pay for these? By printing dollars it is going to war to >protect. The same happens when production begins to replace hardware. >components, minerals, etc. are bought in with dollars that go >overseas and exploit America's trading advantage. > >The cost of war is not nearly as big as it is made out to be. The >cost of not going to war would be horrendous for the USA -- unless >there were another way of protecting the greenback's world trade >dominance. > >AMERICA'S TWO ACTIVE ALLIES > >Why are Australia and Britain supporting America in its transparent >Iraqi war ploy? > >Australia, of course, has significant US dollar reserves and trades >widely in dollars and extensively with America. A fall in the US >dollar would reduce Australia's debt, perhaps, but would do nothing >for the Australian dollar's value against other currencies. John >Howard, the Prime Minister, has long cherished the dream of a free >trade agreement with the USA in the hope that Australia can jump on >the back of the free ride America gets in trade through the dollar's >position as the major trading medium. That would look much less >attractive if the euro took over a significant part of the oil trade. > >Britain has yet to adopt the euro. If the US takes over Iraq and >blocks the euro's incursion into oil trading, Tony Blair will have >given his French and German counterparts a bloody nose, and gained >more room to manouevre on the issue -- perhaps years more room. >Britain would be in a position to demand a better deal from its EU >partners for entering the "eurozone" if the new currency could not >make the huge value gains guaranteed by a significant role in world >oil trading. It might even be in a position to withdraw from Europe >and link with America against continental Europe. > >On the other hand, if the US cannot maintain the oil trade dollar >monopoly, the euro will rapidly go from strength to strength, and >Britain could be left begging to be allowed into the club. > >THE OPPOSITION > >Some of the reasons for opposition to the American plan are obvious >-- America is already the strongest nation on earth and dominates >world trade through its dollar. If it had control of the Iraqi oil >and a base for its forces in the Middle East, it would not add to, >but would multiply its power. > >The oil-producing nations, particularly the Arab ones, can see the >writing on the wall and are quaking in their boots. > >France and Germany are the EU leaders with the vision of a resurgent, >united Europe taking its rightful place in the world and using its >euro currency as a world trading reserve currency and thus gaining >some of the free ride the United States enjoys now. They are the ones >who initiated the euro oil trade with Iraq. > >Russia is in deep economic trouble and knows it will get worse the >day America starts exploiting its take-over of Afghanistan by running >a pipeline southwards via Afghanistan from the giant southern Caspian >oil fields. Currently, that oil is piped northwards -- where Russia >has control. > >Russia is in the process of ramping up oil production with the >possibility of trading some of it for euros and selling some to the >US itself. Russia already has enough problems with the fact that oil >is traded in US dollars; if the US has control of Iraqi oil, it could >distort the market to Russia's enormous disadvantage. In addition, >Russia has interests in Iraqi oil; an American take over could see >them lost. Already on its knees, Russia could be beggared before a >mile of the Afghanistan pipeline is laid. > >ANOTHER SOLUTION? > >The scenario clarifies the seriousness of America's position and >explains its frantic drive for war. It also suggests that solutions >other than war are possible. > >Could America agree to share the trading goodies by allowing Europe >to have a negotiated part of it? Not very likely, but it is just >possible Europe can stare down the USA and force such an outcome. >Time will tell. What about Europe taking the statesmanlike, >humanitarian and long view, and withdrawing, leaving the oil to the >US, with appropriate safeguards for ordinary Iraqis and democracy in >Venezuela? > >Europe might then be forced to adopt a smarter approach -- perhaps >accelerating the development of alternative energy technologies which >would reduce the EU's reliance on oil for energy and produce goods it >could trade for euros -- shifting the world trade balance. > >Now that would be a very positive outcome for everyone. > >. . . . > >Geoffrey Heard is a Melbourne, Australia, writer on the environment, >sustainability and human rights. >. . . . > >Geoffrey Heard © 2003. Anyone is free to circulate this document >provided it is complete and in its current form with attribution and >no payment is asked. It is prohibited to reproduce this document or >any part of it for commercial gain without the prior permission of >the author. For such permission, contact the author at >gheard@surf.net.au. > >SOME REFERENCES AND FURTHER INFORMATION: > >http://www.ratical.org/ratville/CAH/RRiraqWar.html >'The Real Reasons for the Upcoming War With Iraq: A Macroeconomic and >Geostrategic Analysis of the Unspoken Truth' by W. Clark, January >2003 (revised 20 February), Independent Media Center, >www.indymedia.org > >http://www.indymedia.ie/cgi-bin/newswire.cgi?id=28334 >This war is about more than oil. OIL DOLLARS!!!! DOLLARS, THE EURO >AND WAR IN IRAQ. >This story is based on material posted by Richard Douthwaite on the >FEASTA list in Ireland. > >http://sf.indymedia.org/news/2002/12/1550023_comment.php#1551138 >USA intelligence agencies revealed in plot to oust Venezuela's >President > >http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp- >dyn?pagename=article&node=&contentId=A41444-2003Jan11¬Found=true >Washington Post >Split Screen In Strike-Torn Venezuela >By Mark Weisbrot Sunday, January 12, 2003; Page B04 > >http://www.atimes.com/global-econ/DD11Dj01.html >Asia Times online: Global Economy >US dollar hegemony has got to go >By Henry C K Liu > >http://www.feasta.org/energy.htm > >http://www.ratical.org/ratville/CAH/EnemyWithin.html >The Observer >The Enemy Within >by Gore Vidal London, Sunday 27 October 2002
This is a human security project to establish an independent and comprehensive public database of media-reported civilian deaths in Iraq resulting directly from military action by the USA and its allies in 2003. In the current occupation phase this database includes all deaths which the Occupying Authority has a binding responsibility to prevent under the Geneva Conventions and Hague Regulations. This includes civilian deaths resulting from the breakdown in law and order, and deaths due to inadequate health care or sanitation. Results and totals are continually updated and made immediately available on this page and on various IBC counters which may be freely displayed on any website, where they will be automatically updated without further intervention. Casualty figures are derived solely from a comprehensive survey of online media reports. Where these sources report differing figures, the range (a minimum and a maximum) are given. All results are independently reviewed and error-checked by at least three members of the Iraq Body Count project team before publication.
The project takes as its starting point and builds upon the earlier work of Professor Marc Herold who has produced the most comprehensive tabulation of civilian deaths in the war on Afghanistan from October 2001 to the present, and the methodology has been designed in close consultation with him.
Professor Herold commented: “I strongly support this initiative. The counting of civilian dead looms ever more importantly for at least two reasons: military sources and their corporate mainstream media backers seek to portray the advent of precision guided weaponry as inflicting at most, minor, incidental civilian casualties when, in truth, such is is not the case; and the major source of opposition to these modern ‘wars’ remains an informed, articulate general public which retains a commitment to the international humanitarian covenants of war at a time when most organized bodies and so-called ‘experts’ have walked away from them”.
Its industrial base is so uncompetitive that it consistently imports more than it exports; its current-account deficit, the gap between all its current foreign earnings and foreign spending, is now a stunning 5 per cent of GDP, continuing a trend that has lasted for more than 25 years and which is the cause of all that foreign debt. As a national community, it has virtually ceased to save so that government and individuals alike live on credit.
To finance the current-account deficit, a reflection of the lack of saving, the US relies on foreigners supplying it with the foreign currency it can't earn itself. The Old Europe that Donald Rumsfeld mocked last week has been helping to prop up the US economy, buying shares and bonds on Wall Street, taking over American companies and investing in real estate, compensating for the saving that the Americans aren't doing themselves
Even while I have been in the United States, a Congressional failure to continue the temporary extension of social security from 13 to 26 weeks has, almost casually, placed 750,000 unemployed Americans close to destitution. It has been little reported in the mainstream media, but on the streets people know the implications.
There is all the tinder for an anti-war movement over Iraq as powerful as that against the war in Vietnam. Distressed corporate America is considerable and growing; even in areas like criminal justice policy, popular opinion is wondering whether denying ex-prisoners access to social security and public housing forever - one of Clinton's so-called welfare 'reforms' - does anything more than create a permanent criminal class beyond the reach of society.
Now even the pro-gun-control documentary, Michael Moore's Bowling for Columbine, has been a surprise box-office sensation. The country is definitely on the turn.
Which is why either being simplistically anti-American or, alternatively, an uncritical follower of a foreign policy that is about to be fiercely challenged within the United States equally makes no sense. Rather, the task is to hold America to account for the values it purports to stand for. America's real friends are those who will do just that.
The retreat of equality and fairness over the last 20 years as key values around which we should organise ourselves economically and socially has become a rout. The new mantra, justified by hack right-wing economists, is that just as nature is a Darwinian struggle of the survival of the fittest, so we should extend the principle to economy and society. The natural order of things is to give free rein to those animal acquisitive spirits that will benefit us all in the long run. After all, where would be if we tried to suppress those 'natural' instincts with progressive taxation, caps on executive salaries, regulations that tried to make the rules of the game fair and all the rest? That would be - dread word - socialism. And we know where that leads.
If this bleak philosophy dominates the British national conversation, it is the ideological inspiration of George Bush's Republicans, standard-bearers of the rise of a particular brand of conservatism that has not only polluted American culture, but which, in my view, has become one of the US's least desirable exports. Last week, for example, witnessed one of the most extraordinarily unfair budget proposals made in any Western industrial country. Half the funds consecrated to a tax-cutting stimulus were earmarked for the very rich, whose dividends on their share portfolios would now be free from tax.
Europeans do not understand the curious civilisation that the current America is becoming, and the grip that a visceral and idiosyncratic conservatism has on its national discourse. They especially do not understand the undercurrents of an increasingly self-confident and subtle racism that is its own variant of the forces that in Europe gave us Le Pen and Pim Fortuyn. George Bush Jnr is a chip off the old multilateralist, transatlantic establishment, runs the European argument. He may seem hawkishly conservative but, in the end, he seeks UN resolutions like other American Presidents. Even at home, his bark is worse than his bite.
Wrong, wrong and wrong again. Anyone who thinks the Tory party is 'nasty' has not encountered contemporary American republicanism. Georgia's Republican Party, for example, is now lead by Ralph Reed, a long-time crusader against abortion, divorce and single parent families. He would regard last week's vote in the House of Lords allowing unmarried and gay couples to adopt as the work of Satan. He is part of US conservatism's ideological hard core.
America is not a happy place. A generation of increasingly conservative policies has shrunk the American middle and induced not just fantastic inequality but a sharp decline in social mobility and opportunity. The US's social contract, never more than minimalist, is now threadbare. Consumer confidence is low; job insecurity high. American capitalism is viewed with deep scepticism. Nor are the majority of Americans social conservatives and closet racists; they do not want the clock put back over women's rights, the environment and race.
The trouble was that this silent liberal majority was only prepared to voice its preoccupations at state rather than national level, if it bothered to vote at all. The Democrats had to find a way of voicing the concerns of the mass of Americans while not undermining the President during a national emergency, but to do that they had to have a powerful pitch based on a liberal ideology as animating and dynamic as that of the conservatives. They didn't and they lost.
But the game isn't up. America's conservatives, blinded by their ideology and in control of every lever of government, will overreach themselves and the reality of what they plan will become evident to all, stirring the apathetic voter and reminding the best of America what it stands for. Last week represented the highwater mark of American conservatism and, although it looks bleak, the beginnings of the long-awaited liberal revival. Not just the United States, but the world, needs it badly. In the meantime, despite its flaws, give thanks to the European Union for partial shelter from the conservative storm.
Wayne Morse, the senior senator from Oregon, did not resort to euphemism. He spoke of the "tyranny that American boys are being killed in South Vietnam to maintain in power." Moments before the hearing adjourned, Morse said he did not "intend to put the blood of this war on my hands."
It's hard to imagine the late senator going along with claims today that the U.S. government has a right to attack Iraq because of the doctrine of "anticipatory self-defense."
A fierce advocate of international law, Morse had no patience for double standards. In 1964 he told a national TV audience: "I don't know why we think, just because we're mighty, that we have the right to try to substitute might for right. And that's the American policy in Southeast Asia--just as unsound when we do it as when Russia does it.""
"Transfixed with tactical issues, none of the senators on television in recent days would dream of acknowledging the current relevance of a statement made by Morse a third of a century ago: "We're going to become guilty, in my judgment, of being the greatest threat to the peace of the world. It's an ugly reality, and we Americans don't like to face up to it.""
The media do not remind the citizenry of the history of that dire Guatemalan "threat" of 1954, nor the hugely undemocratic sequel to that earlier "regime change." They rarely mention that the pitbull actually helped Iraq acquire "weapons of mass destruction" (WMDs) in the 1980s when Saddam Hussein was fighting Iran, a U.S. enemy of the moment, and that he and Poodle Number One went to some pains to prevent any international condemnation of Iraq for using chemical weapons in those years. The media also fail to mention or reflect on the fact that Iraq didn't use such weapons during the Persian Gulf War when the United States would have retaliated.
To mention these things the media would have had to be willing to show the monumental U.S. hypocrisy in this demonization process and claim that Iraq's possession or use of WMDs poses a serious threat. They would have to recognize that Iraq can't use them without committing suicide, unless it did so once again against a target approved by the pitbull. This might lead to the further reflection that perhaps the real global problem is the pitbull's possession of WMDs, which he has used lavishly from Hiroshima to Vietnam to its depleted uranium "dirty" weapons employed in Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan, and which he is actively readying for use in the future as he prepares to dominate the world by threat and violence.
Really large-scale killing and torture to terrorize-"wholesale" terrorism-has been implemented by states, not by non-state terrorists. The reason people aren't aware of this is that states define terrorism and identify the terrorists, and they naturally exempt themselves as always "retaliating" and engaging in "counter-terror" even when their own actions are an exact fit to their own definitions.
Two Phases of Cambodian "Genocide"
The Times, along with everybody else in the mainstream media, also fails to mention that before Pol Pot came to power in 1975, the United States had devastated Cambodia for the first half of what a Finnish government's study referred to as a "decade" of genocide (not just the four years of Pol Pot's rule, 1975-78). The "secret bombing" of Cambodia by the Nixon-Kissinger gang may have killed as many Cambodians as were executed by the Khmer Rouge and surely contributed to the ferocity of Khmer Rouge behavior toward the urban elite and citizenry whose leaders had allied themselves with the foreign terrorists.
The U.S.-imposed holocaust was a "sideshow" to the Vietnam War, the United States bombing Cambodia heavily by 1969, helping organize the overthrow of Sihanouk in 1970, and in collaboration with its puppet Saigon government making period incursions into Cambodia in the 1960s and later. "U.S. B-52s pounded Cambodia for 160 consecutive days [in 1973], dropping more than 240,000 short tons of bombs on rice fields, water buffalo, villages (particularly along the Mekong River) and on such troop positions as the guerrillas might maintain," a tonnage that "represents 50 percent more than the conventional explosives dropped on Japan during World War II". This "constant indiscriminate bombing" was of course carried out against a peasant society with no air force or ground defenses. The Finnish government study estimates that 600,000 people died in this first phase, with 2 million refugees produced. Michael Vickerey estimated 500,000 killed in phase one.
At the end of the first half of the decade of genocide, with the Khmer Rouge victorious and occupying Phnom Penh in April 1975, Cambodia was a shattered, embittered society, on the verge of mass starvation with crops unsowed and vast numbers of refugees in and around Phnom Penh suddenly cut off from the U.S. aid that had kept them alive. High U.S. officials were estimating a million deaths from starvation before the Khmer Rouge takeover. The Khmer Rouge forced a mass exodus from Phnom Penh, whose population they were in no position to feed, an action interpreted in the West as simply a completely unjustified exercise in vengeance.
There is no question but that the Khmer Rouge were brutal and killed large numbers. Michael Vickerey estimated 150-300,000 executed and an excess of deaths in the four years of Pol Pot rule of 750,000. David Chandler estimates up to 100,000 executions (Newsweek, June 30, 1997). The Finnish study estimated the total deaths in the Pol Pot years at a million, encompassing both executions and deaths from disease, starvation and overwork. Other serious studies of Cambodia yield comparable numbers.
Whereas, the war in Iraq will cost hundreds of billions of dollars (former Bush economic adviser Lawrence Lindsey estimated the cost at as much as $200 billion), a cost that will come at the direct expense of working families; and also will divert urgently needed funds from job creation, healthcare and education; and
Whereas, the sudden urgency to disarm Iraq is widely believed to be a cynical ploy to distract Americans from the Bush Administration's abysmal economic record and to help the Republican Party; and
Whereas, the September 11 attacks and the "War on Terrorism" has become the guise under which Bush has carried out an agenda that has nothing to do with combating terrorism; and
Whereas, the "War on Terrorism" has been invoked to silence critics, stifle debate, curtail civil liberties, scapegoat and round up immigrants; and it has further been used as an excuse for union busting, from the administration's intervention in the west coast dock workers' struggle to the efforts to de-unionize federal workers in the Department of Homeland Security; and
Whereas, the "War on Terrorism" has perverted the very important task of actually reducing terrorist threats and turned it instead into a political weapon of repression and manipulation; and
Whereas, there is growing opposition to war in Iraq as shown by Congress being flooded with hundreds of thousands of calls and letters opposing the war during the recent debate on the war resolution; tens of thousands of people demonstrating against the war in at least three dozen cities and towns on October 6, including 25,000 in Central Park, and 1.5 million in Italy; 100,000 people demonstrating against the war in Washington, DC, on October 26, while another 60,000-80,000 demonstrated in San Francisco, 10,000 in St. Paul, 8,000 in Seattle, thousands in Denver and Chicago, additional demonstrations in Maine and Vermont, and internationally, 10,000 in Berlin, with demonstrations in 70 other German towns as well, 4,000 in Amsterdam, 1,500 in Copenhagen, 1,000 in Stockholm, and additional demonstrations in Rome, London, Tokyo, San Juan and Mexico City; and over 27,000 U.S. scholars signing an anti-war letter; students mobilizing on college campuses; four U.S. generals publicly opposing unilateral U.S. action in Iraq; and
Whereas, opposition to the war is also growing within the labor movement and among community organizations; AFL-CIO President John Sweeney recently wrote to Congress expressing concern that "the sudden urgency for a decision about war and peace… has as much to do with the political calendar as with the situation in Iraq. It is an apparent contradiction that there is no similar urgency to take action to address the economic crisis that is also inflicting
WFP Resolution on the U.S. War Against Iraq, continued
immediate suffering on so many of our people." Mr. Sweeney further called for assurances that "war is the last option, not the first, used to resolve this conflict." In addition, more and more local unions, central labor bodies and community organizations are speaking out each day as they consider it their duty to act on a matter that directly threatens their members and families;
Therefore be it resolved, that the Working Families Party oppose the current drive for war, oppose U.S. military action in Iraq, and oppose the Bush doctrine of "preemptive strikes;" and
Be it further resolved, that the Working Families Party opposes abuse of the legitimate need and effort to combat terrorism and condemn the invocation of the "War on Terrorism" to silence critics, curtail rights and bust unions; and
Be it further resolved, that the Working Families Party support the growing anti-war sentiment among the people of the United States and publicize its own current opposition to war in Iraq; and
Be it further resolved, that the Working Families Party send copies of this resolution to Senator Charles Schumer, Senator Hillary Clinton and the New York State Congressional Delegation and express dismay at their votes in favor of the war resolution in the face of massive opposition from their constituents.
Protocol 1, Article 51.2. states: "The civilian population as such, as well as individual civilians, shall not be the object of attack. Acts or threats of violence the primary purpose of which is to spread terror among the civilian population are prohibited."
Article 57: "Works or installations containing dangerous forces, namely dams, dikes and nuclear electrical generating stations, shall not be made the object of attack, even where these objects are military objectives, if such attack may cause the release of dangerous forces and consequent severe losses among the civilian population. "
Article 51 explicitly outlaws carpet or area bombing tactics: "Among others, the following types of attacks are to be considered as indiscriminate: an attack by bombardment by any methods or means which treats as a single military objective a number of clearly separated and distinct military objectives located in a city, town, village or other area containing a similar concentration of civilians or civilian objects; and an attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated."
Article 55: "Care shall be taken in warfare to protect the natural environment against widespread, long-term and severe damage."
The press talked for weeks about whether it was acceptable for U.S. forces to violate the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Is it unreasonable to expect at least equal attention to the question of whether U.S. assaults are violating international law?
An analysis of 33 skulls found on the Mexican peninsula of Baja California suggests that the first Americans were not north Asians who crossed to the American continent about 12,000 years ago.
This came as no surprise to Europeans however, as Iraq had made extra copies of the complete weapons declaration report and unofficially distributed them to journalists throughout Europe. The Berlin newspaper Die Tageszetung broke the story on December 19, 2002 in an article by Andreas Zumach.
At the same time, according to the investigation by Michael Niman, the Iraq government sent out official copies of the report on November 3, 2002. One, classified as "secret," was sent to the International Atomic Energy Agency, another copy went to the UN Security Council. The U.S. convinced Colombia, chair of the Security Council and current target of U.S. military occupation and financial aid, to look the other way while the report was removed, edited, and returned. Other members of the Security Council such as Britain, France, China and Russia, were implicated in the missing pages as well (China and Russia were still arming Iraq) and had little desire to expose the United States' transgression. So all members accepted the new, abbreviated version.
But what was in the missing pages that the Bush administration felt was so threatening that they had to be removed? What information were Europeans privy to that Americans were not?
According to Niman, "The missing pages implicated twenty-four U.S.-based corporations and the successive Ronald Reagan and George Bush Sr. administration in connection with the illegal supplying of Saddam Hussein government with myriad weapons of mass destruction and the training to use them." Groups documented in the original report that were supporting Iraq's weapons programs prior to Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait included:
- Eastman Kodak, Dupont, Honeywell, Rockwell, Sperry, Hewlett-Packard, and Bechtel,
- U.S. government agencies such as the Department of Energy, Department of Agriculture and Department of Defense,
- Nuclear weapons labs such as Lawrence-Livermore, Los Alamos and Sandia.
Beginning in 1983, the U.S. was involved in eighty shipments of biological and chemical components, including strains of botulism toxin, anthrax, gangrene bacteria, West Nile fever virus, and Dengue fever virus. These shipments continued even after Iraq used chemical weapons against Iran in 1984. Later, in 1988 Iraq used the chemical weapons against the Kurds.
But perhaps most importantly, the missing pages contain information that could potentially make a case for war crimes against officials within the Reagan and the Bush Sr. administrations. This includes the current Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld - for his collaboration with Saddam Hussein leading up to the massacres of Iraqi Kurds and acting as liaison for U.S. military aid during the war between Iraq and Iran.
Nobel Peace Prize candidate, Helen Caldicott, states that the tiny radioactive particles created when a DU weapon hits a target are easily inhaled through gas masks. The particles, which lodge in the lung, can be transferred to the kidney and other vital organs. Gulf War veterans are excreting uranium in their urine and semen, leading to chromosomal damage. DU has a half-life of 4.1 billion years. The negative effects found in one generation of US veterans could be the fate of all future generations of Iraqi people.
An August 2002 UN report states that the use of the DU weapons is in violation of numerous laws and UN conventions. Doug Rokke, ex-director of the Pentagons DU project says "We must do what is right for the citizens of the world- ban DU." Reportedly, more than 9600 Gulf War veterans have died since serving in Iraq during the first gulf war, a statistical anomaly. The Pentagon has blamed the extraordinary number of illnesses and deaths on a variety of factors, including stress, pesticides, vaccines and oil-well fire smoke. However, according to top-level U.S. Army reports and military contractors, "short-term effects of high doses (of DU) can result in death, while long-term effects of low doses have been implicated in cancer." Our own soldiers in the first Gulf War were often required to enter radioactive battlefields unprotected and were never warned of the dangers of DU. In effect, George Bush Sr. used weapons of mass destruction on his own soldiers. The internal cover-up of the dangers of DU has been intentional and widespread.
In addition to Doug Rocke, the Pentagon's original expert on DU, ex-army nurse Carol Picou has been outspoken about the negative effects of DU on herself and other veterans. She has compiled extensive documentation on the birth defects found among the Iraqi people and the children of our own Gulf War veterans. She was threatened in anonymous phone calls on the eve of her testimony to congress. Subsequently, her car, which contained sensitive information on DU, was mysteriously destroyed.
He said he was concernedby a 25 per cent increase in alcohol-related deaths in the past 10 years. This was compounded by a 32 per cent increase in alcohol misuse by young males aged between 18 and 24 in the past 12 years.
"All the indicators are upwards," Professor Drummond said. "If you look at women of the same age, there's actually been a 70 per cent increase in alcohol misuse over that period. There are huge marketing effects taking place. There's a lot of money spent on making drinking attractive to women and this is part of the reason."
Ordinary people who consider themselves honest and law-abiding citizens are involved in a massive rip-off that is costing insurance companies and the Government some £13.8bn in fraud and forgeries, criminologists told the conference. These hidden crimes included a range of non-serious offences from the non-payment of income tax and fraudulent insurance claims to stealing pens from work and a failure to return money that was accidentally "overchanged" in a shop.
At the same time, insurance companies, shops and services are engaged in a war with consumers, which is resulting in a deliberate policy of trying to rip off customers.
This includes everything from selling poor-quality food and overstating the benefits of holiday accommodation to unnecessary repairs to goods.
"We think that these illegal, unfair and shady practices committed by consumers and businesses alike are very important for the understanding of the morality of our society," said Professor Susanne Karstedt of Keele University.
"I think we have to see it as part of a vicious circle in which producers and consumers are engaging. We find that consumers are hitting back. These are the citizens and consumers of the middle classes who would reject the labels of criminals and crime for themselves and their own actions.
"We found that the more people were self interested, the more they were legal cynics and the more they were disengaged citizens, that is the lower were their citizenship values.The promotion of self interest in society obviously results in that type of behaviour."
Stephen Farrall, a criminologist from Keele, said young people were more likely to be engaged in such illegal behaviour, which has been increasing since the early 1990s.
"The early 1990s ... was, if you like, the high-tide mark for Thatcherite values and the acceleration towards a reliance on a market society," Dr Farrall said. "I don't think any of the people we interviewed would consider themselves to be dishonest or to be criminals.
"The offending was not just aimed at insurance claims, we have people ripping each other off in second-hand sales ... it's also about being a predator against one's neighbour."
BOURGEOIS OFFENCES
* Avoiding VAT by paying in cash
* Keeping money when given too much change
* Stealing from the office
* Not having a television licence
* Wrongly used ID card
* Padding out an insurance claim
* Getting friends to bend rules
* Accepting refunds from shops when they are not warranted
Then came December 22, 2001. Richard Reid, on an American Airlines flight from Paris to Miami, attempted to light his shoes on fire, using matches. His shoes, the police said, contained a plastic explosive and, had some passengers and flight attendants not taken quick action to restrain him, he would have been able to blow the entire plane out of the sky. But his lighter would not light the shoes fast enough, and everyone survived.
I was sure after this freakish incident that the lighters and matches would surely be banned. But, as my book tour began in February, there they were, the passengers with their Bic lighters and their books of matches. I asked one security person after another why these people were allowed to bring devices which could start a fire on board the plane, especially after the Reid incident. No one, not a single person in authority or holding an unloaded automatic weapon, could or would give me answer.
My simple question was this: If all smoking is prohibited on all flights, then why does ANYONE need their lighters and matches at 30,000 feet -- while I am up there with them?!
And why is the one device that has been used to try and blow up a plane since 9-11 NOT on the banned list? No one has used toenail clippers to kill anyone on Jet Blue, and no one has been blowing away the leaves in the aisle of the Delta Connection flight to Tupelo.
BUT SOME FRUITCAKE DID USE A BUTANE LIGHTER TO TRY AND KILL 200 PEOPLE ON AMERICAN AIRLINES FLIGHT #63. And this did nothing to force the Bush Administration to do something about it.
I began asking this question in front of audiences on my book tour. And it was on a dark and rainy night in Arlington, Virginia, at the Ollsson's Bookstore a couple miles from the Pentagon that I got my answer. After asking my Bic lighter question in my talk to the audience, I sat down to sign the books for the people in line. A young man walks up to the table, introduces himself, and lowering his voice so no one can hear, tells me the following:
"I work on the Hill. The butane lighters were on the original list prepared by the FAA and sent to the White House for approval. The tobacco industry lobbied the Bush administration to have the lighters and matches removed from the banned list. Their customers (addicts) naturally are desperate to light up as soon as they land, and why should they be punished just so the skies can be safe?
The lighters and matches were removed from the forbidden list.
I was stunned. I knew there had to be some strange reason why this most obvious of items had not been banned. Could the Bush mob be so blatant in their contempt for the public's safety? How could they do this, and at the same time, issue weekly warnings about the "next terrorist threat"? Would they really put Big Tobacco's demands ahead of people's lives?
Yes, of course, the answer has always been YES but not now, not in a time of national crisis, not NOW, so soon after the worst domestic mass murder in U.S. history!
Unless there was no real threat at all.
The hard and difficult questions must be asked: Is the "War on Terrorism" a ruse, a concoction to divert the citizens' attention?
Accept, if you will for just a moment, that as truly despicable as George W. Bush is, he would not be so evil as to help out his buddies in tobacco land that that would be worth suffering through another 9-11. Once you give the man that – and for once I am asking you to do just that – once you admit that not even he would allow the murder of hundreds or thousands more just so Marlboro addicts can light up outside the terminal, then a whole other door opens – and that door, my friends, leads to the Pandora's Box of 9-11, a rotten can of worms that many in the media are afraid to open for fear of where it might lead, of just how deep the stench goes.
What if there is no "terrorist threat?" What if Bush and Co. need, desperately need, that "terrorist threat" more than anything in order to conduct the systematic destruction they have launched against the U.S. constitution and the good people of this country who believe in the freedoms and liberties it guarantees?
Do you want to go there?
I do. I have filed a Freedom of Information Act demand to the FAA, asking that they give to me all documents pertaining to the decisions that were made to allow deadly butane lighters and books of matches on board passenger planes. I am not optimistic about what the results of this will be.
And let's face it - it's just one small piece of the puzzle. It is, after all, just a 99-cent Bic lighter. But, friends, I have to tell you, over the years I have found that it is PRECISELY the "little stories" and the "minor details" that contain within them the LARGER truths. Perhaps my quest to find out why the freedom to be able to start a fire on board a plane-full of citizens is more important than yours or my life will be in vain. Or maybe, just maybe, it will be the beginning of the end of this corrupt, banal administration of con artists who shamelessly use the dead of that day in September as the cover to get away with anything.
I think it's time we all stood up and started asking some questions of these individuals. The bottom line: Anyone who would brazenly steal an election and insert themselves into OUR White House with zero mandate from The People is, frankly - sadly - capable of anything...
Yet even after tragedies that could not have occurred except for the availability of guns, their significance is either played down or missed altogether. Had the youngsters in the celebrated schoolyard shootings of 1997–98 not had access to guns, some or all of the people they killed would be alive today. Without their firepower those boys lacked the strength, courage, and skill to commit multiple murders. Nevertheless newspapers ran editorials with titles such as “It’s Not Guns, It’s Killer Kids” (Fort Worth Star–Telegram) and “Guns Aren’t the Problem” (New York Post), and journalists, politicians, and pundits blathered on endlessly about every imaginable cause of youthful rage, from “the psychology of violence in the South” to satanism to fights on “Jerry Springer” and simulated shooting in Nintendo games."
While avowing his fondness for the American people and many of their achievements, Hutton is excoriating about the injustices and inequalities of the US economic model. His is a devastating critique of the economic waste and social cost of its Wall Street finance driven, short termist, high tech bubble style "boom/bust" economics. Radicals will find a great deal of valuable material to mine from Hutton's book in analyzing the price society pays for being shackled by the bizarre excesses of modern American capitalism."
The American Heritage® Dictionary of Idioms by Christine Ammer © 1997 by The Christine Ammer 1992 Trust"
In an increasingly plural society such as that of modern Britain it is necessary not only to respect the differing religious beliefs, feelings, and practices of all but also to protect them from scurrility, vilification, ridicule, and contempt. . . . I will not lend my voice to a view of the law relating to blasphemous libel which would render it a dead letter, or diminish its efficacy to protect religious feelings from outrage and insult."
"This book was used by many as an excuse to torture, maim, and kill many thousands of women. James became convinced at the Danish court that Witchcraft was real and that the central source of the Witch's power was the demonic pact. James focused attention on Witchcraft because his underlying fear was that magical means might be used to end his life as the divinely ordained king of Scotland.
"After his return from the Continent in 1590, he became intensely interested in sorcery and Witchcraft trials and particularly the trial of his political enemy, Bothwell (1590-1591). Witches were vigorously hunted and persecuted - to such an extent that some villages had no females left in them. The period ends with the publication of this Daemonologie in 1597. Because of the impact of the Daemonologie on the ruling classes, more trials were now held with the King's approval, and very many more convictions were obtained.
"This book should therefore be in every true Witch's library, at the very least as a monument to those who died.""
'In an increasingly plural society such as that of modern Britain it is necessary not only to respect the differing religious beliefs, feelings and practices of all but also to protect them from scurrility, vilification, ridicule and contempt... When nearly a century earlier Lord Macaulay protested in Parliament against the way the blasphemy laws were then administered, he added (Speeches, p. 116): "If I were a judge in India, I should have no scruple about punishing a Christian who should pollute a mosque" (1922) C.L.J. 127, 135. When Macaulay became a legislator in India, he saw to it that the law protected the religious feelings of all. In those days India was a plural society: today the United Kingdom is also.' (R v Lemon [1979] AC 617, p.658). "
My will is easy to decide, For there is nothing to divide. My kin don't need to fuss and moan- "Moss does not cling to a rolling stone." My body? Ah, If I could choose, I would to ashes it reduce, And let the merry breezes blow My dust to where some flowers grow. Perhaps some fading flower then Would come to life and bloom again. This is my last and final will. Good luck to all of you, Joe Hill
A MAN travelling in a desert met a Woman.
"Who art thou?" asked the Man, "and why dost thou dwell in this dreadful place?"
"My name," replied the Woman, "is Truth; and I live in the desert in order to be near my worshippers when they are driven from among their fellows. They all come, sooner or later."
"Well," said the Man, looking about, "the country doesn't seem to be very thickly settled here."
On the far-away island of Sala-ma-Sond, Yertle the Turtle was king of the pond. A nice little pond. It was clean. It was neat. The water was warm. There was plenty to eat. The turtles had everything turtles might need. And they were all happy. Quite happy indeed. They were... untill Yertle, the king of them all, Decided the kingdom he ruled was too small. "I'm ruler", said Yertle, "of all that I see. But I don't see enough. That's the trouble with me. With this stone for a throne, I look down on my pond But I cannot look down on the places beyond. This throne that I sit on is too, too low down. It ought to be higher!" he said with a frown. "If I could sit high, how much greater I'd be! What a king! I'd be ruler of all that I see!" So Yertle, the Turtle King, lifted his hand And Yertle, the Turtle King, gave a command. He ordered nine turtles to swim to his stone And, using these turtles, he built a new throne. He made each turtle stand on another one's back And he piled them all up in a nine-turtle stack. And then Yertle climbed up. He sat down on the pile. What a wonderful view! He could see 'most a mile! "All mine!" Yertle cried. "Oh, the things I now rule! I'm the king of a cow! And I'm the king of a mule! I'm the king of a house! And, what's more, beyond that I'm the king of a blueberry bush and a cat! I'm Yertle the Turtle! Oh, marvelous me! For I am the ruler of all that I see!" And all through the morning, he sat up there high Saying over and over, "A great king am I!" Until 'long about noon. Then he heard a faint sigh. "What's that?" snapped the king And he looked down the stack. And he saw, at the bottom, a turtle named Mack. Just a part of his throne. And this plain little turtle Looked up and he said, "Beg your pardon, King Yertle. I've pains in my back and my shoulders and knees. How long must we stand here, Your Majesty, please?" "SILENCE!" the King of the Turtles barked back. "I'm king, and you're only a turtle named Mack." "You stay in your place while I sit here and rule. I'm the king of a cow! And I'm the king of a mule! I'm the king of a house! And a bush! And a cat! But that isn't all. I'll do better than that! My throne shall be higher!" his royal voice thundered, "So pile up more turtles! I want 'bout two hundred!" "Turtles! More turtles!" he bellowed and brayed. And the turtles 'way down in the pond were afraid. They trembled. They shook. But they came. They obeyed. From all over the pond, they came swimming by dozens. Whole families of turtles, with uncles and cousins. And all of them stepped on the head of poor Mack. One after another, they climbed up the stack. Then Yertle the Turtle was perched up so high, He could see fourty miles from his throne in the sky! "Hooray!" shouted Yertle. "I'm the king of the trees! I'm king of the birds! And I'm king of the bees! I'm king of the butterflies! King of the air! Ah, me! What a throne! What a wonderful chair! I'm Yertle the Turtle! Oh, marvelous me! For I am the ruler of all that I see!" Then again, from below, in the great heavy stack, Came a groan from that plain little turtle named Mack. "Your Majesty, please... I don't like to complain, But down here below, we are feeling great pain. I know, up on top you are seeing great sights, But down here at the bottom we, too, should have rights. We turtles can't stand it. Our shells will all crack! Besides, we need food. We are starving!" groaned Mack. "You hush up your mouth!" howled the mighty King Yertle. "You've no right to talk to the world's highest turtle. I rule from the clouds! Over land! Over sea! There's nothing, no, NOTHING, that's higher than me!" But, while he was shouting, he saw with suprise That the moon of the evening was starting to rise Up over his head in the darkening skies. "What's THAT?" snorted Yertle. "Say, what IS that thing That dares to be higher than Yertle the King? I shall not allow it! I'll go higher still! I'll build my throne higher! I can and I will! I'll call some more turtles. I'll stack 'em to heaven! I need 'bout five thousand, six hundred and seven!" But, as Yertle, the Turtle King, lifted his hand And started to order and give the command, That plain little turtle below in the stack, That plain little turtle whose name was just Mack, Decided he'd taken enough. And he had. And that plain little lad got a bit mad. And that plain little Mack did a plain little thing. He burped! And his burp shook the throne of the king! And Yertle the Turtle, the king of the trees, The king of the air and the birds and the bees, The king of a house and a cow and a mule... Well, that was the end of the Turtle King's rule! For Yertle, the King of all Sala-ma-Sond, Fell off his high throne and fell Plunk! in the pond! And tosay the great Yertle, that Marvelous he, Is King of the Mud. That is all he can see. And the turtles, of course... all the turtles are free As turtles and, maybe, all creatures should be.
Basic Principles:
Perceive those things which cannot be seen
Pay attention even to trifles
Do nothing which is of no use
Plastic Jesus
This was one of the most heavily debated sings printed in Broadside, as it had been earlier when it was published in Sing Out! (14/2, 1964). Its publication in Broadside led to a barrage of angry letters from subscribers asking, "How can you publish something so blasphemous?" People canceled subscriptions and claimed they would never read the magazine again. In Sing Out!, articles were written defending the song. Gordon Friesen replied, "'Isn't the song sacrilegious?' We ask in turn, 'Where does the sacrilege lie really, with the song, or those greedy for profits, who debase the Savior by producing and peddling these cheap little trinkets in his image?'"(Broadside issue 39). Indeed, the song still provokes outrage from those who fail to recognize that its target is the purveyors of religious kitsch, not religion itself.
Marrs arranged his version of a song that was already in circulation, although it was frequently credited to him. Actually, it was written by two West Coast musicians, Ed Rush and George Cromarty, who were members of the Goldcast Singers. Ed Rush traced the song back to an African-American camp-meeting song with lyrics "I don't care if it rains or freezes, leaning on the arms of my Jesus," which was the theme song of a religious radio program broadcast from Baton Rouge in the 1940's (Broadside # 41). The parody lyrics are based on the line quoted above. Folklorist Richard Reuss found six variants of the religious words in the Folklore Archives at Indiana University (Broadside #41).
A: After much searching, (so much in the interim, goozrulz seems to have disappeared) I have found the answer to your question regarding the song that Paul Newman sings after his mother dies, in Cool Hand Luke. I refer to website (a fabulous review of CHL): www.filmsite.org/cool.html for this info.
"Dragline pays off the bets following the egg-eating contest and he
brags about Luke, his deceptively cool, witty performer: "That's my
darlin' Luke. He grin like a baby, but he bites like a gater." When Luke
receives notice in a telegram that his mother has died, he is given
space by the inmates to pay his last respects to her in the privacy and
quiet of his cell bunk. He strums on a banjo and sings a requiem for her
- it's a parody of a raunchy pop-gospel tune "Plastic Jesus," a song
that is about finding temporary solace with a plastic Virgin Mary:
Well, I don't care if it rains or freezes, long as I got my plastic Jesus, sittin' on the dashboard of my car.
Comes in colors, pink and pleasant, glows in the dark cause it's irridescent
Take it with you when you travel far.
Get yourself a sweet Madonna, dressed in rhinestones sittin' on a pedestal of abalone shell
Goin' ninety, I ain't scary [sic - 'wary'], 'cause I've got the Virgin Mary, assurin' me that I won't go to Hell.
Get yourself a sweet Madonna, dressed in rhinestones sittin' on a pedestal of abalone shell
Goin' ninety, I ain't scary, 'cause I've got the Virgin Mary, assurin' me that I won't go to Hell.
As for where you can find a copy of this song, I'm not really sure. There doesn't appear to be any soundtrack info for the movie (and if so, anything would be long out of print by now). Other recordings of the song "Plastic Jesus" are by Jello Biafra (featuring Mojo Nixon) on Prarie Home Invasion (1994), Flaming Lips on Transmissions from the Satellite Heart (1993) and ROC on ROC (1996). I'm not sure if these are similar to the version performed in CHL, but it's probably safe to say that while the words and melody might be the same/similar, the style would be dramatically different. (ROC plays electronica, Mojo Nixon does parodies, and who knows what Flaming Lips are capable of.) Hope this helps!
Well, I don't care if it rains or freezes,
Long as I have my plastic Jesus
Riding on the dashboard of my car
Through all trials and tribulations,
We will travel every nation,
With my plastic Jesus I'll go far.
{Refrain}
Plastic Jesus, plastic Jesus
Riding on the dashboard of my car
Through all trials and tribulations,
We will travel every nation,
With my plastic Jesus I'll go far.
I don't care if it rains or freezes
As long as I've got my Plastic Jesus
Glued to the dashboard of my car,
You can buy Him phosphorescent
Glows in the dark, He's Pink and Pleasant,
Take Him with you when you're travelling far
{Refrain}
I don't care if it's dark or scary
Long as I have magnetic Mary
Ridin' on the dashboard of my car
I feel I'm protected amply
I've got the whole damn Holy Family
Riding on the dashboard of my car
{Refrain}
You can buy a Sweet Madonna
Dressed in rhinestones sitting on a
Pedestal of abalone shell
Goin' ninety, I'm not wary
'Cause I've got my Virgin Mary
Guaranteeing I won't go to Hell
{Refrain}
I don't care if it bumps or jostles
Long as I got the Twelve Apostles
Bolted to the dashboard of my car
Don't I have a pious mess
Such a crowd of holiness
Strung across the dashboard of my car
{Refrain}
No, I don't care if it rains or freezes
Long as I have my plastic Jesus
Riding on the dashboard of my car
But I think he'll have to go
His magnet ruins my radio
And if we have a wreck he'll leave a scar
{Refrain}
Riding through the thoroughfare
With his nose up in the air
A wreck may be ahead, but he don't mind
Trouble coming, he don't see
He just keeps his eyes on me
And any other thing that lies behind
Plastic Jesus, Plastic Jesus
Riding on the dashboard of my car
Though the sun shines on his back
Makes him peel, chip, and crack
A little patching keeps him up to par
When pedestrians try to cross
I let them know who's boss
I never blow my horn or give them warning
I ride all over town
Trying to run them down
And it's seldom that they live to see the morning
Plastic Jesus, Plastic Jesus
Riding on the dashboard of my car
His halo fits just right
And I use it as a sight
And they'll scatter or they'll splatter near and far
When I'm in a traffic jam
He don't care if I say Damn
I can let all sorts of curses roll
Plastic Jesus doesn't hear
For he has a plastic ear
The man who invented plastic saved my soul
Plastic Jesus, Plastic Jesus
Riding on the dashboard of my car
Once his robe was snowy white
Now it isn't quite so bright
Stained by the smoke of my cigar
God made Christ a Holy Jew
God made Him a Christian too
Paradoxes populate my car
Joseph beams with a feigned elan
From the shaggy dash of my furlined van
Famous cuckold in the master plan
Naughty Mary, smug and smiling
Jesus dainty and beguiling
Knee-deep in the piling of my van
His message clear by night or day
My phosphorescent plastic Gay
Simpering from the dashboard of my van
When I'm goin' fornicatin
I got my ceramic Satan
Sinnin' on the dashboard of my Winnebago Motor Home
The women know I'm on the level
Thanks to the wild-eyed stoneware devil
Ridin' on the dashboard of my Winnebago Motor Home
Sneerin' from the dashboard of my Winnebago Motor Home
Leering from the dashboard of my van
If I weave around at night
And the police think I'm tight
They'll never find my bottle, though they ask
Plastic Jesus shelters me
For His head comes off, you see
He's hollow, and I use Him for a flask
Plastic Jesus, plastic Jesus
Riding on the dashboard of my car
Ride with me and have a dram
Of the blood of the Lamb
Plastic Jesus is a holy bar
ok, I know you will not believe this, but when I am linked to your the jesus page my 28.8 sportster runs 30% faster than on any other page! I accept jesus as the true web savior!
Note: The whole thirty proofs can be summed up in the one overriding proof: I exist.
Captain Invincible- Alan Arkin! After being accused of being a Communist by the McCarthy Committee, he was stripped of his super-hero status, and became an alcoholic. He has to learn how to use his special powers and reprogram his "amazing computer brain" in order to defeat the evil Mr. Midnight.
Mr. Midnight- Christopher Lee! A tyrannical madman who has stolen the HYPNORAY! He intends to conquer the world with said device and create a master race, but has his efforts thwarted by Captain Invincible. Sadly he is killed when hit by a huge model of the Earth.
Patricia- Australian detective who discovers our drunken washed up hero and helps him regain his abilities and his lost patriotism.
Julius- Small mutant rat/man/creature/muppet/thing, and one of Mr. Midnight's henchmen. He basically serves as scenery in the movie and has no true purpose...he's so gosh darn cute though!
The President- He was a boyscout who met Captain Invincible back in the 1950's. He gets Captain Invincible to once again become America's shining patriotic hero!
Beginning - NEWS ON THE MARCH!
2 1/2 minutes - Captain Invincible battles the Luftwafte!
8+ minutes - This is a really ineffective Mountain Dew commercial.
16 minutes - RANDOM ACT OF VIOLENCE AGAINST A FLAMETHROWER VOLKSWAGON!
19+ minutes - The President screams BULLSHIT over and over again!
21 minutes - This movie's a musical?!
26 minutes - Captain Invincible breaks into song!
42 1/2 minutes - Horny voyeuristic aliens impregnate Captain Invincible's mom!
51 minutes - Patricia and Captain Invincible are attacked by Killer Vacuum Cleaners!
61 minutes - Christopher Lee sings! This is a must see event!
80 minutes - More singing.
87 minutes - Captain Invincible fights the urge to drink.
92 1/2 minutes - Why fly when you can swing?
95 minutes - Captain Invincible flies through stock footage!
97+ minutes - Very patriotic End Credits.
There it lay for twenty years, until Ted Collins, manager of popular singer Kate Smith, approached Irving Berlin for a new patriotic song for Kate to introduce to mark the twentieth anniversary of the Armistice that ended World War I. Berlin had recently returned from a trip to England, during which he was saddened to see signs of another war in the making. He was more thankful than ever to come back to his peaceful adopted homeland (his family had come to America from Russia when Irving was a small boy), so he was motivated to answer Collins' request, on Kate's behalf.
After several days of futile attempts to write a new patriotic song, Berlin remembered the one he had written in 1918. He asked his secretary to retrieve it from the trunk, and he made a few changes to the lyrics. One was from "Stand beside her and guide her/ To the right with a light from above" to through the night," since "right wing" and "left wing" had taken on political connotations in the interim. The line "From the mountains to the prairies/To the oceans white with foam" had originally been "From the green fields of Virginia to the gold fields out in Nome", a decided improvement!
Now Kate Smith was the No. I popular songstress in America in 1938, and her weekly Kate Smith Hour was heard by many millions of radio listeners that Thursday, November 10. The shy composer was invited to attend the show, but he declined, opting to listen with a few friends in his office at his music publishing company in New York. Kate sang it as her closing number, after which Berlin's phone began to ring, as people began to ask, 'Where can we get that song that Kate Smith just sang.?" Berlin was so touched by those calls that he decided to attend the rebroadcast three hours later for the west coast audience. At the conclusion of the broadcast, Kate called Irving to the stage and gave him a bearhug that swept him off his feet!
The new anthem electrified the nation and Kate sang it on nearly every broadcast through December 1940, after which there was a ban on public performances of ASCAP songs. She had exclusive performance rights for a time. She recorded it for RCA Victor on March 21, 1939, and that version has been reissued countless times over the years.
The lyrics were inserted into the Congressional Record, and there was a movement to make the song our national anthem. Kate addressed Congress, imploring its members not to do that. She argued that the Star Spangled Banner was written during a battle (Francis Scott Key wrote it during the War of 1812). It fact, she recorded it on the flip side of God Bless America.
God Bless America was sung at both the Democratic and Republican national conventions in 1940, and again at the Republican national convention in Philadelphia July 31, 2000, the convention that nominated George W. Bush as our 43rd President. At the latter a videotape of Kate singing it on the Ed Sullivan Show in 1957 was played. Although it was recorded by Bing Crosby, Barry Wood, Gene Autry, and Horace Heidt's orchestra at the time, it was destined to be associated with Kate Smith forever, giving her a certain immortality, as well as a guaranteed standing ovation at all of her concerts.
In 1940 Irving Berlin established the God Bless America Foundation, with all royalties from its performance earned by either Berlin or Miss Smith going to the Boy and Girl Scouts of America. That arrangement exists to this day. These organizations were chosen, to quote the contract, because "the completely nonsectarian work of the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts is calculated to best promote unity of mind and patriotism, two sentiments that are inherent in the song itself."
When Warner Brothers made "This Is The Army" into a technicolor motion picture in 1943, Berlin insisted that there be a scene in which Kate herself re-created her radio introduction of God Bless America. She sang it complete with the seldom-heard verse. When she died in 1986, that clip was played as part of nearly every television obituary.
I don't know if he deserves a bit of sympathy, Forget your sympathy, that's all right with me. I was satisfied to drift along from day to day, Till they came and took my man away. Remember my forgotten man, You put a rifle in his hand; You sent him far away, You shouted, "Hip, hooray!" But look at him today! Remember my forgotten man, You had him cultivate the land; He walked behind the plow, The sweat fell from his brow, But look at him right now! And once, he used to love me, I was happy then; He used to take care of me, Won't you bring him back again? 'Cause ever since the world began, A woman's got to have a man; Forgetting him, you see, Means you're forgetting me Like my forgotten man.
Original German lyrics from a poem The Song of a Young Sentry by World War I German soldier, Hans Leip *22.9.1893 in Hamburg, †6.6.1983 in Fruthwilen, near Frauenfeld (Thurgau), Switzerland who wrote these verses before going to the Russian front in 1915, combining the name of his girlfriend, Lili (the daughter of a grocer), with that of a friend's girlfriend or by a wave given to Leip, while he was on sentry duty, by a young nurse named "Marleen" as she disappeared into the evening fog.
His poem was later published in a collection of his poetry in 1937.
The poems caught the attention of Norbert Schultze (born 1911 in Braunschweig, died 17.10.2002), who set this poem to music in 1938.
Schulze was already rich and famous before the success of The Girl under the Lantern, who awaited her lover by the barrack gate. His operas, film scores, marches and tunes for politically inspired lyrics were successful. In 1945 the Allies told Schultze to forget about composing but he got back to it in 1948.
The tune had a rocky road. The propaganda secretary of the Nationalist-Socialist party, Joseph Goebbels didn't like the song, he wanted a march. Lale Andersen didn't want to sing it and the DJ who was supposed to get it on the charts also gave it two thumbs down.
Recorded just before the war by Lale Andersen (Eulalia Bunnenberg), the song sold just 700 copies, until German Forces Radio began broadcasting it to the Afrika Korps in 1941.
The songs was immediately banned in Germany, for its portentous character, which did nothing to slow its spread in popularity.
After the German occupation of Yugoslavia, a radio station was established in Belgrade and beamed news, and all the propaganda fit to air, to the Africa Corps. Lieutenant Karl-Heinz Reintgen, the director of Radio Belgrade had a friend in the Africa Corps who had liked the tune. He aired Lale Anderson's version for the first time on 18. August 1941. General Feldmarschall Rommel liked the song and asked Radio Belgrade to incorporate the song into their broadcasts, which they did. The song soon became the signature of the broadcast and was played at 9:55 pm, just before sign-off.
After the song was broadcast there was no holding it back. The Allies listened to it and Lili Marleen became the favourite tune of soldiers on both sides, regardless of language.
The immense popularity of the German version spawned a hurried English version, supposedly when a British song publisher named J.J. Phillips reprimanded a group of British soldiers for singing the verses - in German. One irate soldier shouted back : "why don't you write us some English words?". Phillips and a British songwriter Tommie Connor soon had an English version in 1944. Anne Sheldon's English hit record started the songs popularity with the Allied countries. Vera Lynn sang it over the BBC to the Allied troops. The British Eighth Army adopted the song.
It was sung in military hospitals and blasted over huge speakers, along with propaganda nuggets, across the frontlines, in both directions.
Marlene Dietrich featured The Girl under the Lantern in public appearances, on radio and "three long years in North-Africa, Sicily, Italy, in Alaska, Greenland, Iceland, in England," as she later recalled.
An RCA US recording, by an anonymous chorus in June, made it to No. 13 in 1944. It hit the US charts again in 1968, the German charts again in 1981 and the Japanese charts in 1986.
The song is said to have been translated into more than 48 languages, including French, Russian and Italian and Hebrew. Tito in Yuogoslavia greatly enjoyed the song.
Lili Marlene is easily the most popular war song ever. Its theme of dreaming for one's lover is universal. Why is the song so popular? The last word goes to Lale Anderson : "Can the wind explain why it became a storm?"
The tubecards, the latest £250,000 phase of the award-winning ‘Bottle of Britain’ campaign, feature copylines such as ‘Have The Sunbeds, We’re Going To The Bar’, ‘Votz Zo Funny About Zeez Posters’, and ‘Rear Gunners Drink Lager Shandy’.
Posters from Spitfire campaigns in 1998 and 1999 included copylines such as ‘Downed All Over Kent, Just Like The Luftwaffe’, and ‘No Fokker Comes Close’.
Yes, Donald Duck as a Nazi, but we don't open on him. Instead we start with a marching band playing the title song, which is about making fun of Hitler. Naturally, this is the point of the entire film. The band seems to consist of caricatures of famous axis bigwigs. I'm pretty sure that's Göring playing the flute, and shaking his ass no less, and for some reason they have a Japanese guy (Hirohito?) on the sousaphone.
The band stomps around as we pan over to the house in which our hero lives. Now, there is one thing to be pointed out about Disney's vision of Nazi Germany. Swastikas everywhere. The branches of the trees, the wings of a windmill, Donald's garden fence, even the top of telephone poles. I'm surprised Donald's house isn't shaped like a swastika, though he does have swastika wallpaper.
Poor Donald, the marching band makes him hail in his sleep before he is woken up by his swastika alarm-clock and his swastika cuckoo-clock (with a little Hitler bird heiling, no less). Trying to go back to sleep he is pushed out of bed by an anonymous rifle with a bayonet attached.
Donald's morning routine starts with the ceremonious salutations of the portraits of Hitler, Hirohito, and Mussolini respectively. Though I'm not in any way some sort of expert, I doubt the german people even bothered to heil anyone but Hitler.
Donald then tries to go back to bed once again, but anonymous hands fling a bucket of water upon him forcing him to change into his Nazi clothes, complete with a swastika armband and a swastika hat. I think the anonymous hands might represent the oppressive the Nazi regime. No, I'm entirely serious.
Nazi breakfast! Proving to have his rebellious side intact Donald sneakily removes a can of coffee from a safe behind a picture (of Hitler of course). From it he removes a single coffee bean tied to a string which he proceeds to use like a tea bag, dunking it in a cup of water. Life in Disney Germany does indeed suck ass.
Next up is a perfume bottle labeled 'aroma of bacon and eggs', and a loaf of bread so hard Donald has to use a saw to cut off a piece. Enjoying this luxurious feast he is once again interrupted by the anonymous bayonet rifle thrusting a cope of ' Mein Kampf' upon him telling him to improve his mind. But alas, there is no time as the marching band marches straight into his home to work, making him carry the big drum no less.
Welcome to the Nazi cannon shell factory, envisioned as a hellish purgatory without escape. Here Donald works 48 hours a day for the glory of the führer. Anonymous bayonets points him to his place by the conveyor belt. His job consists of screwing on the top of the shells, and to heil the pictures of Hitler which go by from time to time. Hearing Donald Duck scream "Heil Hitler!" is just one of those things that has to be experienced first hand.
The job, of course, sucks ass. Screwing the heads on a bazillion shells while anonymous speakers blare in your ear, "Isn't the führer 'gah-lorious'?". Hailing his millionth picture of Hitler our little dissident can't contain himself and mutters some profanity below his breath, or so I presume, because Donald is immediately surrounded by rifles demanding that he goes to work on a big pile of shells. Work, damn you!
Vacation time, Hitler style! After the tedious work Donald gets to stand before a big canvas with mountains painted on them. Hooray! And while on vacation one should use the time to build up your body so you can work harder, which gives us... swastika shaped duck! Not a workout I would recommend.
Vacation takes about thirty seconds, before the kindness of the führer rewards Donald with overtime. Overtime which drives him insane, Disney style. Cue freaky dream sequence.
This is, eh, interesting to say the least. The dream sequence contains a butt load of shells, and a picture of Donald as Hitler. Hitler as a shell, Donald trading places with shells on the conveyor belt, the title music blaring frantically until Donald is finally crushed and blown to bits, and finds himself...
in bed, wearing stars and stripes sleep wear. Confused Donald jumps up and almost heils a shadow on the wall until he realizes that it's cast by a miniature statue of liberty, which he proceeds to kiss and then proclaims his love for America. The final scene is devoted to the face of Hitler, getting a tomato thrown in his face which then spells "The End."
Apparently, this film is banned by Disney and won't appear anywhere but on bootleg tapes, just as those offensive Bugs Bunny cartoons that were pulled from TV a while back. But really, if you take the historical context into account I don't see how anyone can be offended by these cartoons. As it stands now though, it seems we will be denied theses little slices of history, and that's a real shame.
Legalize It! - Bob Marley
In Iraq, the first US casualty was a Latino non- citizen, a Guatemalan orphan raised in Los Angeles called Jose Gutierrez. Although a precise breakdown of ethnic numbers is not available, the Pentagon's list of dead and wounded has included dozens of Spanish names. At least 10 out of almost 300 dead have been non-citizens.
An ethnic group has never before been the target of such a recruitment drive.
In the Vietnam war, when the US military was still conscripting soldiers for compulsory service, the de facto characteristic of the men who did the fighting and dying was class. Poor people - whether black, white or Mexican - were much more likely to be drafted, and more likely to find themselves in the front lines.
Now the military operates what Mr Jahnkow calls a "poverty draft" - selling itself as an attractive career option or stepping stone to further education in communities that have few other options. In the poorer parts of the country, army recruiters talk to children as early as primary school. At a predominantly Latino high school in east Los Angeles, students became so exasperated by the presence of army recruiters at careers fairs that they began a campaign to get rid of them with the slogan "students not soldiers".
Such activities are apparently common even across the border. A recruiter in San Diego told an Army radio show: "It's more or less common practice that some recruiters go to Tijuana to distribute pamphlets, or in some cases they look for someone to help distribute the information on the Mexican side." A recruiter who visited a technical high school in Tijuana in May triggered a diplomatic incident after the headmaster threw him out and the Mexican government protested vehemently to Washington. The army subsequently sought to deny that this was standard practice.
The evidence is in a report by the National Research Council in Washington, which says one quarter of our pets are obese: the same proportion as adults in the US with the same condition.
According to The Nutrient Requirements of Cats and Dogs, an adult dog weighing 35lbs should consume about 1,000 kilocalories a day, while the average 10lb cat needs only 275. But owners worried about their pets' erratic eating habits often go far beyond these guidelines. Fast food is becoming as big a menace to pets as to us, bringing similar risks such as heart disease, high blood pressure and diabetes.
Even after five years in the United States, I continue to be surprised by the omnipresence of patriotic conformism. This phenomenon long predates 11 September. When my son started playing baseball this year, he and his friends were made to recite the Little League pledge which begins: "I trust in God. I love my country and respect its laws." What has that got to do with sportsmanship? When, a few weeks later, he and I went to see our first ball game at Dodger Stadium, I was flabbergasted all over again when the crowd rose to sing the national anthem. This was just a routine game, not an international fixture. So what was with all the flag-waving?
With my son's education at stake, I can't help but ponder the link between what is fed to children as young as six and what American adults end up understanding about the wider world. There is much that is admirable in the unique brand of idealism that drives American society, with its unshakable belief in the constitutional principles of freedom and limitless opportunity. Too often, though, the idealism becomes a smokescreen concealing the uglier realities of the United States and the way it throws its economic, political and military weight around the globe. Children are recruited from the very start of their school careers to believe in Team America, whose oft-repeated mantra is: we're the good guys, we always strive to do the right thing, we live in the greatest country in the world. No other point of view, no other cultural mindset, is ever seriously contemplated. Schoolroom maps of North America detail city names, roads and rivers within the continental United States, but invariably leave the areas within Canada and Mexico blank, as though reality itself stopped at the national border.
People love to beat up on Americans for their ignorance of the wider world, and there is no lack of evidence to back them up. Every now and again, a gob-smacking poll will reveal that most of the population can't place the Middle East on the map, or think that Africa is part of Asia, or some similar nonsense. Ignorance is not, of course, an exclusively American vice, but there is something goofily compelling about its expression in so deeply insular a country as the United States. I spent the period between the fall of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany reporting for an international news agency; nine months into the year-long assignment, I learned that most US newspaper readers had no notion that East and West Germany had ever been divided.
In the recent build-up to the war in Iraq, a majority of Americans had no problem accepting two fallacious contentions put forward by the Bush administration: that Iraq had a hand in 11 September, and that Saddam Hussein was in cahoots with al-Qa'ida. Many lefty anti-war protesters saw this as evidence of a sinister manipulation by the White House, a glaring instance of the Big Lie theory of propaganda: that if governments - aided and abetted by a pliant, uncritical media - say something often enough and loud enough, people will believe it.
But I heard an even more pessimistic explanation from Hussein Ibish of the Arab American Anti-Discrimination Committee. Americans, he said, have been so ground down by decades of negative imagery from films and television depicting Middle Easterners as religious extremists and terrorists that they are simply unable to make distinctions. In their eyes, Saddam Hussein is Osama bin Laden. All Palestinians are suicide bombers. The demonisation was the same when the Vietnamese were tarred as "gooks" a generation ago; in America, there is nothing difficult about peddling stereotypical distortions of the enemy of the moment.
The United States is far from a monolith, though, and it has no lack of bright, inquisitive, well-read, well-travelled people who know their Slovakia from their Slovenia, who care deeply about the United States' image around the world and like to think they help improve it. Even this super-educated group, however, is not immune to the Team America ethic. If US voters largely fell in line over the Iraq war - despite widespread disquiet at the lack of UN support, despite alarm at the new doctrine of pre-emptive warfare, despite suspicions that the administration was exaggerating or fabricating claims about Saddam's weapons programmes - it was in part because too many people with the knowledge and intelligence to ask tough questions chose to roll over, drop their criticisms, ignore the evidence before their eyes and cheer on the home team.
Two examples. On 19 March, the day the war with Iraq began, two experts in child psychology appeared on a highly regarded radio show in southern California to talk about the best way parents should explain world events to their impressionable offspring. Betsy Brown Braun, a child development specialist, acknowledged the difficulty of justifying the morality of warfare to children forever being told to resolve their differences without resorting to violence. But her solution was simply to defer to the official line. Parents, she said, should explain that "we tried to talk to people in Iraq", but that this is "a dangerous situation that has to be stopped". "Think what you will about President Bush," she went on, "it is our job to let our children know that President Bush's number one concern is that everyone who lives in this United States is safe, that we're not trying to hurt anybody, that we want to keep all the people in the world safe."
The other guest on the show, clinical psychologist Richard Sherman, concurred. "We all need to be united," he said. "I think it's important that children in the families are supportive of what is going on. It avoids confusion for the child and additional worry and nightmares and so forth if everyone is working as a team." Was this sound professional advice, or grandstanding for the White House? Astonishingly, when challenged by irate listeners in the call-in segment of the programme, both experts expressed their personal opposition to the war and agreed, contrary to the message they were urging parents to give children, that non-military options had not in fact been exhausted. In other words, they thought it better to lie and pretend everything was dandy rather than entertain the possibility that the US government was making bad choices for its citizens and the world.
Example number two cropped up in The New Yorker, in a review of post-11 September literature by the well-regarded author and historian Louis Menand. Among the geopolitical interpretations he considered was Noam Chomsky's - as ignored by mainstream US opinion as it is revered on university campuses at home and abroad - in which US foreign policy is seen not as a force for global democratisation but as a blunt instrument of neo-imperialist conquest and corporate expansionism. It was possible, Menand allowed, that "Chomsky's interpretation will be the standard one among historians a hundred years from now". But then his argument took on an almost surreal twist. Chomsky's views, he said, were "a good reason never to worry about what future historians will think of us: they'll despise us no matter what. It's what we think of us that we need to be concerned about." I had to read that last sentence twice to be sure I had understood it right. But there it was: it's better to live in collective self-delusion, in Menand's view, than to face up to reality. Or, as Kurt Vonnegut slyly pointed out in Breakfast of Champions, written in the midst of the neo-imperialist folly in Vietnam: "It was as though the country were saying to its citizens, 'In nonsense is strength'."
The nonsense is instilled from an early age, by a school system that both reflects and reinforces the United States' societal desire to see itself in terms of what it should or could be, not in terms of what it is. Subjects constituting knowledge of the wider world - history, geography, economics, comparative religion, and so on - are clumped together and termed "social studies", an area of education with a distinct and rather peculiar cultural connotation. Which is to say it is a bit of a joke, an easy option for school sports coaches who need some back-up skill to carry out their classroom duties. In elementary and middle school, there is no requirement for specialist qualifications; history and geography are taught by general class teachers, so it is pure luck whether students actually learn something or just doze their way through the assigned textbooks. In high school there are dedicated history and geography teachers, some of whom do indeed give off sparks of genuine passion and commitment. Too often, though, social studies are used as a dumping ground. Students end up either with the basketball coach or else with some spare administrator kicked into the classroom to fill a bureaucratic hole. No wonder high school seniors consistently score worse in history than in any other subject.
The curriculum itself displays a similar lack of seriousness. In California, for example, no history or geography is introduced until the fourth grade (that is, age 9), and there is no exposure to the contemporary world outside the United States until high school. Even in the upper grades, most students will focus on 20th century US history, economics and US government institutions. So it is entirely possible to graduate from the school system, perhaps even excel academically, while barely knowing that the rest of the world exists.
The problem is not only with what is taught, but also how. In a hair-raising recent book called The Language Police: How Pressure Groups Restrict What Students Learn, a seasoned education specialist and sometime presidential adviser called Diane Ravitch chronicles how the censorial impulses of both the right and left conspire to bleed the content, and the life, out of school textbooks. Because the US textbook market is dominated by just four companies - Pearson, Vivendi, Reed Elsevier and McGraw Hill - and because they are terrified of having their titles dropped over some tiny unnoticed tidbit that some buyer somewhere deems to be offensive, the whole educational system is effectively hijacked by fundamentalist Christians at one end of the spectrum, and by politically correct left-liberals at the other. It might seem impossible to keep both of these happy at the same time, but that is exactly what the various "bias review" committees of the publishing houses set out to do, with crazy consequences. Out go references to dinosaurs (which might be considered an implicit recognition of Darwinian evolutionary theory); out go descriptions of extramarital sexual attraction, nudity, drinking, gambling, smoking and all mention of God, Satan or the occult; out go descriptions of black people who are petty criminals or on food stamps, or of Asian Americans who work hard (all of which would pander to racial stereotype); out go depictions of old people who are frail, or women who stay home to raise their children (gender stereotyping); out goes any suggestion that physical disability could be a noticeable hindrance of any kind.
As Ravitch argues, the right is interested in censoring topics, while the left wants to control language and images. For both, the intention is to try to engineer social behaviour by creating a hermetic bubble around the learning environment. The right believes that avoiding descriptions of bad behaviour on the page will led to more moral behaviour in real life; the left believes that describing an ideal society without prejudice or poverty will help bring it about. Either way, the purpose of education is betrayed because children are simply denied access to reality. And the students don't buy it; they are simply bored to tears.
Nowhere is the conflict-free approach more absurd than in the teaching of history. Since religion is a hot potato that nobody wants to confront head on, the great religious wars of the past are explained away as though they were about something else entirely. Thus, the Crusades come off primarily as a European grab for the jewellery and spices of Asia. Modern notions of acceptable language and behaviour are, more generally, allowed to intrude into the retelling of the past in absurd ways, as Ravitch discovered when she served on a committee compiling standardised test exams. One passage they considered, about class differences in ancient Egypt, was expunged on the grounds that any discussion of class difference, past or present, was "elitist". Another, about a School for Negro Girls in early 20th century Florida, was rejected because the word "negro", although perfectly acceptable in the context, is no longer considered PC. In fact all but the most recent texts are usually considered unacceptable because, as the president of one publishing company told Ravitch: "Everything written before 1970 was either gender biased or racially biased." If the system does not like the historical record, it has no hesitation in simply rewriting it.
The manipulation of education is more subtle and, arguably, more insidious than it was 50 years ago at the height of the Cold War and the great Red Scare. Then, the battle for hearts and minds was about the straightforward exclusion of certain books and topics in pursuit of a political agenda. Groups like the Minute Women lobbied ceaselessly against communism, socialism, socialised medicine and racial integration, arguing that schoolchildren were being brainwashed into believing in them.
These days, the issue is no longer banning books, even if that still goes on in parts of the heartland dominated by the Christian right, but rather systemic conformism. It used to be that an inspiring teacher could overcome the shortcomings of bland textbooks and blinkered administrative madness. But with the curriculum now much more closely defined and homogenised, textbooks designed for an ever wider audience and standardised testing on the increase, teachers are finding their leeway severely restricted. To a great degree, they have to teach to the test. And, since the test takes the form of multiple-choice questions, not essays, they are effectively forced into complicity with the textbook pretence that every historical struggle has now been settled and can be summarised in a few soothing lines of near-meaningless analytical blancmange.
None of this is cheery news to people in the education business. "The system we have is not one of enlightenment, but one of indoctrination," I was told by Daniel O'Connor, a specialist in the politics of education and chair of the department of liberal studies at the Long Beach campus of California State University. "Development of inquisitive minds is not what they are after. Where is the room for inquisitiveness on the part of the student when what is required is to get the answer right? Inquisitiveness is about questions, not answers." It is not just the school system which conspires to dampen the students' curiosity about the wider world, O'Connor suggested. Parents, especially middle-class parents, are increasingly concerned about shielding their offspring from what they see as pernicious or disturbing influences at school - anything from drugs on the playground to uncomfortable concepts being bandied around the classroom.
Just sending children off to school in the first place is a traumatic decision in a society where the pressure, increasingly, is to hold them back as long as possible to spare them any unnecessary stress. Parents are much more involved in the classroom than they used to be - partly the result of cuts in education, partly the result of the trend toward over-protectiveness - and so keep an eye on teachers to ensure they do nothing untoward or upsetting to their loved ones. In conservative parts of the country, this can lead to teachers being sued for saying anything too outspoken about politics or Darwinian evolution, or for assigning novels whose content is deemed to be unpatriotic, socially subversive or obscene. Even in liberal towns like Santa Monica, the constant surveillance has its effect. The emphasis in education is no longer on training children to be adults; it is, as O'Connor put it, about keeping students in a "child-like" state of blessed ignorance.
To find out how much a typical high school graduate actually knew, I talked to Charles Noble, the head of Cal State Long Beach's political science department who has been teaching first-year classes for years. Clearly, we are not talking Harvard or Stanford here. But these are still students enrolled at a four-year college course, putting them in the top 30 per cent of Californian school-leavers. One might also think taking political science classes would indicate an inherent interest. If the interest is there, however, it is pushed far into the shadows by blank fear. "They are so intimidated by political discourse, they feel certain they don't understand anything," Noble said. "If you ask them for an opinion, most of the time they won't tell you what they think. Even if they do, they almost apologise for having a view. On the rare occasion that a student is actually passionate, the others in class will roll their eyes."
Students, Noble said, complain that politics is too hard to understand, to which he retorts that if they can master the intricacies of baseball they shouldn't have too much trouble with the rules of elections, law-making and executive office. "I spend a lot of time convincing them that it is comprehensible," he said. "They sometimes look at us as if our role as teachers was to make them feel bad. Usually, at the start of the year, I just put it on the table and say, 'You don't know anything about this subject and you think I'm going to spend 15 weeks making you feel foolish about your ignorance.'" That usually gets their attention, at which point he can begin to explain how something as ordinary as membership of the Automobile Association affects political decisions - on road construction, vehicle tax rates and so on.
College is traditionally the time of life when Americans get politicised. Among my well-educated, well-travelled, liberal-minded neighbours in Santa Monica, many have described the scales falling from their eyes as they came to understand, after years of listening to pap about freedom and apple pie, how American power really operated in the world. That politicisation is still alive and well on more prestigious campuses where both the pro-Bush right and the dissenting left have been re-energised in the wake of 11 September. The evidence of Cal State Long Beach, however, suggests that further down, in the state universities and community colleges, young people are growing more apolitical. Noble said that a few years ago there were usually one or two environmental activists in his classes; these days, the only signs of political life come from religious anti-abortion advocates. The essential problem, in Noble's view, is a society that has lost touch with its own system of government. "How do you talk politically," he asks, "in a country that has no political culture?"
In the immediate aftermath of 11 September, many Americans were seized by a thirst to know what was behind the destruction at the Pentagon and the World Trade Center. "Here we are under devastating attack," said a participant at a teach-in I attended, one of dozens that sprang up in California alone in the first few weeks, "and we have no idea who did this thing and why." College professors and other experts eagerly came forward to initiate discussion on everything from US policy in the Middle East and Afghanistan to the wellsprings of the very ignorance that had caught the country so badly by surprise.
As time went by, however, the desire for understanding gave way to a more visceral craving for reassurance. Tell us the world won't blow up tomorrow, people thought as anthrax-laced letters hit the eastern seaboard and the now-ubiquitous phrase "weapons of mass destruction" entered the popular lexicon. Tell us US power is still worth something. Tell us our way of life is not going to come to an end. On such insecurities did the Bush administration build its War on Terror, with its imagery of good versus evil, its with-us-or-against-us attitude, and its insistence that US military might, not the old international consensus, should be the centrepiece of a new world order.
The President said 11 September happened because people who resented US freedoms wanted to prevent their spread around the world. And an unnerved country was inclined to believe him, because he cast America as a lone, heroic colossus whose sacrifices could be borne with forebearance, even joy. How much more reassuring than the possibility that the United States had in fact betrayed its own democratic principles by doing business with tyrants and monsters, and withheld from whole populations the very freedoms and elemental notions of justice it prized so much at home.
Soon, all the worst, self-deluding impulses of Team America kicked in. The mainstream media gave the White House the benefit of the doubt on just about everything, even as the administration instituted a wave of secret arrests and closed court hearings, reserved the right to remove whole categories of suspects from the civilian justice system, jacked up the military budget without establishing an adequate fund for domestic security, tore up international treaties and pushed for a whole new generation of nuclear weapons. Nobody seemed to want to believe that these things were happening, or if they were that they were really as grave as they sounded.
And the same soothing message, the same drip-feed of political Prozac, found its way quickly into the education system. Trust the President and everything will be okay. Educators sent notes home to parents on how to deal with the aftermath of 11 September, but not on how to explain why it had happened. Rather, they recommended close parental supervision of television newscasts to make sure nobody got upset. Educational books appeared, purporting to tell schoolchildren what they need to know about 11 September. But mostly they were filled with meaningless platitudes about Americans being united by patriotism and the firm belief that terrorism is a Bad Thing.
The ignorance and self-delusion have been compounded by the deep-seated anti-intellectualism of the current President. Intellectuals have never exactly been popular in US politics, but George W Bush, a C student and proud of it, is in a category of his own when it comes to disregarding or even openly campaigning against objective reality. Manipulating intelligence reports on Iraq isn't much of a stretch for an administration that ignores scientific research on global warming, or insists on a link between abortion and breast cancer, even though no such link has been found. The Christian fundamentalist agenda is so strong that Aids researchers at the National Institutes of Health are now afraid of using words like "homosexual", "gay" or "anal sex" in their work. As one scientist advised his colleagues in an e-mail quoted by The New York Times: "Assume you are living in Stalinist Russia when communicating with the United States government."
Ignorance, self-delusion, free-floating disregard for the facts and an unswerving belief in its own infallibility: such are the hallmarks of today's America. People don't understand what their government is up to because they don't understand how government works and because the media isn't giving them any clues. Those responsible for the country's education prefer to avoid giving offence than to impart any actual information. The disconnect between the people and the rulers they elect, and between the rulers and those most directly affected by the consequences of their actions, is little short of frightening. A glimpse into history suggests empires often build up these illusory images of themselves, images that through their deceptive power eventually conspire to bring them down. It happened to the Romans, and to the Japanese, and to the Soviet empire. Could the United States be so very different?*
What is "medical futility"?
"Medical futility" refers to interventions that are unlikely to produce any significant benefit for the patient. Two kinds of medical futility are often distinguished:
1. quantitative futility, where the likelihood that an intervention will benefit the patient is exceedingly poor, and
2. qualitative futility, where the quality of benefit an intervention will produce is exceedingly poor.
Both quantitative and qualitative futility refer to the prospect of benefiting the patient. A treatment that merely produces a physiological effect on a patient's body does not necessarily confer any benefit that the patient can appreciate.
What are the ethical obligations of physicians when an intervention is clearly futile?
The goal of medicine is to help the sick. You have no obligation to offer treatments that do not benefit your patients. Futile interventions are ill advised because they often increase a patient's pain and discomfort in the final days and weeks of life, and because they can expend finite medical resources.
Although the ethical requirement to respect patient autonomy entitles a patient to choose from among medically acceptable treatment options (or to reject all options), it does not entitle patients to receive whatever treatments they ask for. Instead, the obligations of physicians are limited to offering treatments that are consistent with professional standards of care.
Who decides when a particular treatment is futile?
The ethical authority to render futility judgments rests with the medical profession as a whole, not with individual physicians at the bedside. Thus, futility determinations in specific cases should conform with more general professional standards of care.
While a patient may decide that a particular outcome is not worth striving for (and consequently reject a treatment), this decision can be based on personal preferences and not necessarily on futility.
What if the patient or family requests an intervention that the health care team considers futile?
In such situations, you have a duty as a physician to communicate openly with the patient or family members about interventions that are being withheld or withdrawn and to explain the rationale for such decisions. It is important to approach such conversations with compassion for the patient and grieving family. For example, rather than saying to a patient or family, "there is nothing I can do for you," it is important to emphasize that "everything possible will be done to ensure the patient's comfort and dignity."
In some instances, it may be appropriate to continue temporarily to make a futile intervention available in order to assist the patient or family in coming to terms with the gravity of their situation and reaching a point of personal closure. For example, a futile intervention for a terminally ill patient may be continued temporarily in order to allow time for a loved one arriving from another state to see the patient for the last time.
What is the difference between futility and rationing?
Futility refers to the benefit of a particular intervention for a particular patient. With futility, the central question is not, "How much money does this treatment cost?" or "Who else might benefit from it?" but instead, "Does the intervention have any reasonable prospect of helping this patient?"
What is the difference between a futile intervention and an experimental intervention?
Making a judgment of futility requires solid empirical evidence documenting the outcome of an intervention for different groups of patients. Futility establishes the negative determination that the evidence shows no significant likelihood of conferring a significant benefit. By contrast, treatments are considered experimental when empirical evidence is lacking and the effects of an intervention are unknown.
"Ever since the year 1613, if not before, it has been accepted in our law that no action is maintainable against a judge for anything said or done by him in the exercise of a jurisdiction which belongs to him. The words which he speaks are protected by an absolute privilege. The orders which he gives, and the sentence which he imposes, cannot be made the subject of civil proceedings against him. No matter that he was under some gross error or ignorance or was activated by envy, hatred and malice, and all uncharitableness, he is not liable to an action.. (Lord Denning)"
2. Pay with cash where possible. Electronic transactions leave a detailed dossier of your activities that can be accessed by the government or sold to telemarketers. Paying with cash is one of the best ways to protect privacy and stay out of debt.
3. Install anti-spyware, anti-virus, and firewall software on your computer. If your computer is connected to the Internet, it is a target of malicious viruses and spyware. There are free spyware-scanning utilities available online, and anti-virus software is probably a necessary investment if you own a Windows-based PC. Firewalls keep unwanted people out of your computer and detect when malicious software on your own machine tries to communicate with others.
4. Use a temporary rather than a permanent change of address. If you move in 2005, be sure to forward your mail by using a temporary change of address order rather than a permanent one. The junk mailers have access to the permanent change of address database; they use it to update their lists. By using the temporary change of address, you'll avoid unwanted junk mail.
5. Opt out of prescreened offers of credit. By calling 1-888-567-8688 or by visiting https://www.optoutprescreen.com/, you can stop receiving those annoying letters for credit and insurance offers. This is an important step for protecting your privacy, because those offers can be intercepted by identity thieves.
6. Choose Supermarkets that Don't Use Loyalty Cards. Be loyal to supermarkets that offer discounts without requiring enrollment in a loyalty club. If you have to use a supermarket shopping card, be sure to exchange it with your friends or with strangers.
7. Opt out of financial, insurance, and brokerage information sharing. Be sure to call all of your banks, insurance companies, and brokerage companies and ask to opt out of having your financial information shared. This will cut down on the telemarketing and junk mail that you receive.
8. Request a free copy of your credit report by visiting http://www.annualcreditreport.com. All Americans are now entitled to a free credit report from each of the three nationwide credit reporting agencies, Experian, Equifax, and Trans Union. You can engage in a free form of credit monitoring by requesting one of your three reports every four months. By staggering your request, you can check for errors regularly and identify potential problems in your credit report before you lose out on a loan or home purchase. Currently, these reports are available to residents of most western states. By September 2005, all Americans will have free access to their credit report.
9. Enroll all of your phone numbers in the Federal Trade Commission's Do-Not-Call Registry. The Do-Not-Call Registry (http://www.donotcall.gov or 1-888-382-1222) offers a quick and effective shield against unwanted telemarketing. Be sure to enroll the numbers for your wireless phones, too.
10. File a complaint. If you believe a company has violated your privacy, contact the Federal Trade Commission, your state Attorney General, and the Better Business Bureau. Successful investigations improve privacy protections for all consumers.
Obviously, if residents touch or threaten a prostitute, that's a criminal act. But Kuszelewski points out that "Watching and Besetting" is also a criminal offence, that simply standing and staring/watching someone is criminal harassment. (It's a law oft used against stalkers.)
Since prostitution itself is not illegal, protesters might be liable for interfering in a prostitute's ability to conduct business affairs. "She has lost income because of them. It is clear they have violated someone's civil rights."
Kensington Police Station (Open 24 hours a day) 72-74 Earls Court Road Kensington London W8 6EQ Tel: 020 7376 1212
Hollywood might just manage to undermine Americans' growing belief that they are the chosen ones
John Sutherland - Monday December 8, 2003 - The Guardian
According to a poll taken a few months ago by the Barna Institute, 79% of Americans believe that "every person has a soul that will live forever, either in God's presence or absence". With the exception of the Jews (for whom the afterlife is tooth-fairy territory), the Muslims and some freethinkers, America is more solidly Christian today than at any time since the Pilgrim Fathers.
And optimistic with it. Only 0.5% of today's believers believe they are destined for the fiery pit; 64% "know" they are heaven-bound. And, as they alight from the celestial stretch limo, it won't be Allah or Jehovah who greets them, but all-American Almighty - wearing a Laker's vest, sneakers and a reversed baseball cap. Hallelujah!
God, as General "Jerry" Boykin assures his co-religionists, has rewarded America by installing a godly man in the White House. General Jerry is the Christian soldier assigned by the administration to hunt down Osama, an ungodly man. According to an earlier poll taken by CNN, more than half of adult Americans believe implicitly in the Book of Revelation. Which means they will be "raptured" without warning into heaven. When? The current rapture-index count (see www.raptureready.com) is 145 - in the "fasten your seatbelts" zone. Soon, brethren, soon.
Christian self-confidence distorts American foreign policy. Domestically the separation of church and state is crumbling. America is slipping inexorably towards theocracy. Resistance to this trend has traditionally come from two quarters: the press and the universities. Neither functions effectively any more. Newspapers won't offend what their market research tells them is an inflexibly "faith-based" readership. Universities are similarly neutered. They don't burn flags; they wear them, neatly enamelled, on their lapels as tokens of American pride.
One citadel of resistance remains - the "Left Coast Hollywood Kooks". The ragged remnant of "Clintonian Democrats", headed by Fonda, Streisand, Dreyfuss and Sheen still keep the liberal faith. Last Tuesday at the Beverly Hilton, there was a gala function by a caucus of such Kooks for their America Coming Together (Act) initiative. The aim was to raise a war chest for Democratic candidates in 2004. The Kooks' "Hate Bush Bash" was lambasted for days in advance by the ultra-conservative webmaster, Matt Drudge. Drudge (who stood in for Rush Limbaugh on his radio programme, while the hard right's most famous junkie was cleaning up) is the scourge of America's Liberals. His web assault aimed to frighten off donors to Act. It probably did.
Drudge's website also mobilised the mass write-in which got CBS's TV movie The Reagans booted into the long grass - where, artistically, it belonged. The biopic is tendentious and clumsy. James Brolin (Mr Barbra Streisand) hams up the president as half Mr Magoo, half Bela Lugosi. Losing The Reagans was no loss. But the spectacle of a major network being beaten up by a populist website is troubling.
Hollywood, if it wants to make a political difference, should stick to what it does best, which it has done with the hilariously subversive film, Bad Santa. The anti-hero of the title is a department-store Father Christmas (in fact a career thief) played by Billy Bob Thornton. BS is foul-mouthed and filthy. His main recreation (in brief intervals of sobriety) is anal intercourse, in full Santa fig, with "heavy" ladies. Rudolph's haunches may not be safe from violation, one fears, when big babes are scarce.
Bad Santa defecates, vomits, urinates and ejaculates on Christianity's most sacred festival. The film has been duly anathematised by the watchdogs of the faithful as "humanist, pagan obscenity". A boycott has been ordained. And ignored. On its first weekend, Bad Santa (in every sense) outgrossed the competition. By Christmas, an estimated 20 million movie-goers will have seen it, many of them, statistically, churchgoers. I don't know about you, but that gives me a warm feeling. Christmas cheer, almost.
Nearly six out of ten adults (57%) say the president is doing an "excellent job of leading the country," while one-third (36%) disagree with that perspective. Surprisingly few people have no opinion on this matter (7%), indicating that Americans are quite engaged in monitoring the president's performance in office.
Three particular population groups emerged as those most likely to affirm the excellence of President Bush's leadership. Four out of five people from each segment agreed that Mr. Bush is doing an excellent job: evangelicals (82%), Republicans (84%) and conservatives (79%).
Other groups who were more likely than the norm to give the president positive evaluations included people who are actively involved in their faith (66% of whom said he is doing an excellent job), whites (64%), married people (64%), residents of the western (64%) and southern states (62%), and those who are upscale (i.e., 59% of those who have a college degree and a household income exceeding $60,000).
Four segments stood out as having the least regard for the job performance of the president. Those groups included African-Americans (52% of whom disagreed that he is doing an excellent job), atheists and agnostics (43%), liberals (43%), and Democrats (43%).
[For von Tischendorf's own account of his ventures to retrieve this ms., see The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible vol. 4 (NY/Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1962), pp. 378-79].
"Or as pollster George Gallup has put it: "We revere the Bible, but we don't read it."
___Worse, Gallup said, the percentage of people with a college education has more
than tripled since 1935 "but the level of biblical knowledge appears to have hardly
budged."
___The evidence from Gallup and several other surveys, many by publishing houses,
makes that clear._For example, despite the talk about how important the Ten
Commandments are to the moral health of American society, six out of 10 Americans
can't name half of them, much less in order.
___And a 1997 Barna Research poll showed 12 percent of Christians think Noah's
wife was Joan of Arc, while 80 percent of born-again Christians believe it is the Bible
that says "God helps them that help themselves."
___Actually, Ben Franklin said that. But don't feel bad if you got it wrong. George W.
Bush, who famously cited Jesus as his favorite political philosopher, also cited
Franklin's adage as the Christian basis for his policy of "compassionate conservatism."
___This biblical illiteracy is especially confounding to religious leaders, given the
ubiquity of the Bible in American life"
2. If any man shall offer to run away, or keep any Secret from the Company, he shall be marroon'd with one Bottle of Powder, one Bottle of Water, one small Arm and shot.
3. If any Many shall steel any Thing in the Company, or game, to the Value of a Piece of Eight, he shall be marroon'd or shot.
4. If at any Time we should meet another Marrooner (that is Pyrate) that Man that shall sign his Articles without the Consent of our Company, shall suffer such Punishment as the Captain and Company shall think fit.
5. That Man that shall strike another whilst these Articles are in force, shall receive Mose's Law (that is 40 stripes lacking one) on the bare Back.
6. That Man that shall snap his Arms, or smoak Tobacco in the Hold, without a cap to his Pipe, or carry a Candle lighted without a Lanthorn, shall suffer the same Punishment as in the former
7. That Man that shall not keep his Arms clean, fit for an Engagement, or neglect his Business, shall be cut off from his Share, and suffer such other Punishment as the Captain and the Company shall think fit.
8. If any Man shall lose a Joint in time of an Engagement he shall have 400 pieces of Eight; if a limb 800.
9. If at any time you meet with a prudent Woman, that Man that offers to meddle with her, without her Consent, shall suffer present Death.
2) Every man shall be called fairly in turn by the list on board of prizes, because over and above their proper share, they are allowed a shift of clothes. but if they defraud the company to the value of even one dollar in plate, jewels or money, they shall be marooned. If any man rob another he shall have his nose and ears slit, and be put ashore where he shall be sure to encounter hardships.
3) None shall game for money, either with dice or cards.
4) The lights and candles shall be put out at eight at night, and if any of the crew desire to drink after that hour they shall sit upon the open deck without lights.
5) Each man shall keep his piece, cutlass and pistols at all times clean and ready for action.
6) No boy or woman to be allowed amongst them. If any man shall be found seducing one of the latter sex and carrying her to sea in disguise, he shall suffer death.
7) He that shall desert the ship or his quarters in time of battle shall be punished by death or marooning.
8) None shall strike another aboard the ship, but every man's quarrel shall be ended on shore by sword or pistol in this manner: at the word of command from the Quartermaster, each man being previously placed back to back, shall turn and fire immediately. If any man do not, the Quartermaster shall knock the piece out of his hand. If both miss their aim, they shall take to their cutlasses, and he that draws first blood shall be declared the victor.
9) No man shall talk of breaking up their way of living till each has a share of £1,000. Every man who shall become a cripple or lose a limb in the service shall have eight hundred pieces of eight from the common stock, and for lesser hurts proportionately.
10) The Captain and the Quartermaster shall each receive two shares of a prize, the Master Gunner and Boatswain, one and one quarter, and private gentlemen of fortune one share each.
11) The musicians shall have rest on the Sabbath Day only, by right, on all other days, by favor only.
These pitiful evasions gave rise to the statute 16 Car. I. c. 10. §. 8. whereby it was enacted, that if any person be committed by the king himself in person, or by his privy council, or by any of the members thereof, he shall have granted unto him, without any delay upon any pretence whatsoever, a writ of habeas corpus, upon demand or motion made to the court of king's bench or common pleas; who shall thereupon, within three court days after the return is made, examine and determine the legality of such commitment, and do what to justice shall appertain, in delivering, bailing, or remanding such prisoner. Yet still in the case of Jenks, before alluded to, who in 1676 was committed by the king in council for a turbulent speech at Guildhall, new shifts and devices were made use of to prevent his enlargement by law; the chief justice (as well as the chancellor) declining to award a writ of habeas corpus ad subjiciendum in vacation, though at last he thought proper to award the usual writs ad deliberandum, &c, whereby the prisoner was discharged at the Old Bailey. Other abuses had also crept into daily practice, which had in some measure defeated the benefit of this great constitutional remedy. The party imprisoning was at liberty to delay his obedience to the first writ, and might wait till a second and a third, called an alias and a pluries, were issued, before he produced the party: and many other vexatious shifts were practiced to detain state-prisoners in custody. But whoever will attentively consider the English history may observe, that the flagrant abuse of any power, by the crown or it's ministers, has always been productive of a struggle; which either discovers the exercise of that power to be contrary to law, or (if legal) restrains it for the future. This was the case in the present instance. The oppression of an obscure individual gave birth to the famous habeas corpus act, 31 Car. II. c. 2. which is frequently considered as another magna carta of the kingdom; and by consequence has also in subsequent times reduced the method of proceeding on these writs (though not within the reach of that statute, but issuing merely at the common law) to the true standard of law and liberty.
Blackstone was not a success at the Bar, nor as a judge of the Court of Common Pleas to which he was appointed in 1770. He was elected to Parliament in 1861 as a Tory supporting the Earl of Bute. His record in the Commons was undistinguished, as befitted a placeman who supported the aristocratic Whig establishment. He spoke out against the American colonists and was active in securing the expulsion from the Commons of the populist, John Wilkes. The Commentaries were criticized, not least by Jeremy Bentham, for their complacency about the genius of the common law and in their adulation of the British Constitution as the epitome of perfection in balancing the interests of King, Lords and Commons. While Blackstone's philosophy was borrowed and shallow, his sense of history as reflected in his statement of the law was generally strong. Politically, suggests Brian Simpson, he was "an old Whig for whom the Glorious Revolution was a living reality, a Revolution which had produced a constitution with perfect checks and balances." (See A.W.B. Simpson, Dictionary of Legal Biography, pp. 57-61).
Secondly, it should be noted that historically habeas corpus allowed only the most limited review. So it
was that in many cases, the scope of review came to be extended by a linked application for certiorari -
certiorari-in-aid of habeas corpus as it was known. Daisy Hopkins was just such a case. By bringing up
the whole record, the court could be satisfied that there was real substance in the complaint and not
merely some technical procedural flaw.
The real point to be made is that strictly speaking the only form of review available on habeas corpus is
as to the soundness of the reason given for detention. As Lord Mansfield observed in Sommersett's
Case : "The only question before us is whether the cause on the return is sufficient." True, as the law
developed, there were cases where the court was prepared to go behind the return and to review some
prior determination upon which it rested. But that was because the courts chose to act just as if
certiorari-in-aid had in fact been used.
The essential point I make is that it is no heresy to contemplate, as I do, subsuming habeas corpus
within the wider scope of judicial review. That rather would be to re-unite it with certiorari as so often in
the past it was, or at any rate was assumed to be, united.
"The air of England is too pure for a slave to breathe in".
I mention the case not just because no habeas corpus lecture would be complete without it, but also to make three short final points. First this: Sommersett's case took six months to decide; judicial review, I assure you, can do much better! Second, great though the issue there was, that was not a public law case at all. Rather it was a dispute between the slave and his owner, although of course the writ had to be directed towards the ship's captain. I can see no purpose whatever in retaining habeas corpus as a private law remedy. If anyone today is wrongly detained by a private citizen, his remedy surely would be to obtain an immediate injunction. Third and finally this. Tempting though it is to glory nostalgically in our proud past, we should instead have the courage to recognise and build on our present success. Remedies and processes are only ever as good as the judges who administer them. Bring habeas corpus into the evolving process of judicial review and I do not think the judges will fail you.
"Give Santa the Sack
People might say that that's because we adults all know it's fake, but I think we're in a state of sad confusion about myths and fairy tales and the result is a muddling of half-truths and lies. The Santa game should be confined to the privacy of the family home. All public images and displays of Santa-worship should be banned.
A rather outspoken priest once opined that the real purpose of religious education in British schools was to inoculate children against religion. By giving them fake religiosity in small doses, schools ensured that, should they ever come up against the genuine article in later life, they would be completely immune to it."
To the Editor: Re "Placebo Effect Is More Myth Than Science, Study Says" (news article, May 24): It is self-evident that the so-called placebo effect is just as imaginary as is the therapeutic effect of any other kind of faith healing. In addition, the term is an offensive relic of medical paternalism. What is a placebo? A lie that the physician tells the patient. Accordingly, the placebo is not a species of treatment, but a species of deception - just as malingering is not a species of illness, but a species of deception. An ounce of clear thinking is worth a pound of research into the mysteries of the obvious. THOMAS SZASZ, M.D. Syracuse, May 24, 2001
Could we develop a biological guidance system with the compliance and dispensability of a pigeon but with a man's resourcefulness and ability to infiltrate plausibly? What we need, in a nutshell, is a human who doesn't mind being blown up. He'd make the perfect on-board guidance system. But suicide enthusiasts are hard to find.
[...]
As luck would have it, we have just the thing to hand: a ready-made system of mind-control which has been honed over centuries, handed down through generations. Millions of people have been brought up in it. It is called religion and, for reasons which one day we may understand, most people fall for it (nowhere more so than America itself, though the irony passes unnoticed). Now all we need is to round up a few of these faith-heads and give them flying lessons.
When a wave of Asiatic cholera first hit England in late 1831, it was thought to be spread by "miasma in the atmosphere." By the time of the Soho outbreak 23 years later, medical knowledge about the disease had barely changed, though one man, Dr John Snow, a surgeon [actually an anesthesiologist] and pioneer of the science of epidemiology, had recently published a report speculating that it was spread by contaminated water -- an idea with which neither the authorities nor the rest of the medical profession had much truck."
Snow lived in Frith Street, so his local contacts made him ideally placed to monitor the epidemic which had broken out on his doorstep. His previous researches had convinced him that cholera, which, as he had noted, "always commences with disturbances of the functions of the alimentary canal," was spread by a poison passed from victim to victim through sewage-tainted water; and he had traced a recent outbreak in South London to contaminated water supplied by the Vauxhall Water Company -- a theory that the authorities and the water company itself were, not surprisingly, reluctant to believe. Now he saw his chance to prove his theories once and for all, by linking the Soho outbreak to a single source of polluted water.
From day one he patrolled the district, interviewing the families of the victims. His research led him to a pump on the corner of Broad Street and Cambridge Street, at the epicenter of the epidemic. "I found," he wrote afterwards, "that nearly all the deaths had taken place within a short distance of the pump." In fact, in houses much nearer another pump, there had only been 10 deaths -- and of those, five victims had always drunk the water from the Broad Street pump, and three were schoolchildren who had probably drunk from the pump on their way to school.
Dr Snow took a sample of water from the pump, and, on examining it under a microscope, found that it contained "white, flocculent particles." By 7 September, he was convinced that these were the source of infection, and he took his findings to the Board of Guardians of St James's Parish, in whose parish the pump fell. Though they were reluctant to believe him, they agreed to remove the pump handle as an experiment. When they did so, the spread of cholera dramatically stopped. [actually the outbreak had already lessened for several days]"
Whitehead's findings were published in The Builder a year later, along with a report on living conditions in Soho, undertaken by the magazine itself. They found that no improvements at all had been made during the intervening year. "Even in Broad-street it would appear that little has since been done... In St Anne's-Place, and St Anne's-Court, the open cesspools are still to be seen; in the court, so far as we could learn, no change has been made; so that here, in spite of the late numerous deaths, we have all the materials for a fresh epidemic... In some [houses] the water-butts were in deep cellars, close to the undrained cesspool... The overcrowding appears to increase..." The Builder went on to recommend "the immediate abandonment and clearing away of all cesspools -- not the disguise of them, but their complete removal."
Nothing much was done about it. Soho was to remain a dangerous place for some time to come."
Where do I begin To tell the story of how great a love can be The sweet love story that is older than the sea The simple truth about the love she brings to me Where do I start With her first hello She gave new meaning to this empty world of mine There'd never be another love, another time She came into my life and made the living fine She fills my heart She fills my heart with very special things With angels'¯ songs , with wild imaginings She fills my soul with so much love That anywhere I go I'm never lonely With her around, who could be lonely I reach for her hand-it's always there How long does it last Can love be measured by the hours in a day I have no answers now but this much I can say I know I'll need her till the stars all burn away And she'll be there
To Carthage then I came, where a cauldron of unholy loves sang all about mine ears. I loved not yet, yet I loved to love, and out of a deep-seated want, I hated myself for wanting not. I sought what I might love, in love with loving, and safety I hated, and a way without snares. For within me was a famine of that inward food, Thyself, my God; yet, through that famine I was not hungered; but was without all longing for incorruptible sustenance, not because filled therewith, but the more empty, the more I loathed it. For this cause my soul was sickly and full of sores, it miserably cast itself forth, desiring to be scraped by the touch of objects of sense. Yet if these had not a soul, they would not be objects of love. To love then, and to be beloved, was sweet to me; but more, when I obtained to enjoy the person I loved, I defiled, therefore, the spring of friendship with the filth of concupiscence, and I beclouded its brightness with the hell of lustfulness; and thus foul and unseemly, I would fain, through exceeding vanity, be fine and courtly. I fell headlong then into the love wherein I longed to be ensnared. My God, my Mercy, with how much gall didst Thou out of Thy great goodness besprinkle for me that sweetness? For I was both beloved, and secretly arrived at the bond of enjoying; and was with joy fettered with sorrow-bringing bonds, that I might be scourged with the iron burning rods of jealousy, and suspicions, and fears, and angers, and quarrels.
"Out, out, brief candle!
Life's but a walking shadow, a poor player
That struts and frets his hour upon the stage
And then is heard no more; it is a tale
Told by an idiot, full of sound and fury,
Signifying nothing.
- Shakespeare, Macbeth
This particular heresy bids fair to be replaced by ``All the world's a Sun'' or ``All the world's a 386'' (this latter being a particularly revolting invention of Satan), but the words apply to all such without limitation. Beware, in particular, of the subtle and terrible ``All the world's a 32-bit machine'', which is almost true today but shall cease to be so before thy resume grows too much longer.
Exodus 20:1-17 (NIV)
1 And God spoke all these words:
2 "I am the LORD your God, who brought you out of Egypt, out of the land of
slavery."
3 "You shall have no other gods before me."
4 "You shall not make for yourself an idol in the form of anything in heaven above or
on the earth beneath or
in the waters below."
5 "You shall not bow down to them or worship them; for I, the LORD your God, am a
jealous God,
punishing the children for the sin of the fathers to the third and fourth generation of
those who hate me,
6 but showing love to a thousand [generations] of those who love me and keep my
commandments."
7 "You shall not misuse the name of the LORD your God, for the LORD will not hold
anyone guiltless who
misuses his name."
8 "Remember the Sabbath day by keeping it holy."
9 "Six days you shall labor and do all your work,
10 but the seventh day is a Sabbath to the LORD your God. On it you shall not do any work,
neither you, nor
your son or daughter, nor your manservant or maidservant, nor your animals, nor the alien
within your
gates."
11 "For in six days the LORD made the heavens and the earth, the sea, and all that is
in them, but he rested on
the seventh day. Therefore the LORD blessed the Sabbath day and made it holy."
12 "Honor your father and your mother, so that you may live long in the land the LORD
your God is giving
you."
13 "You shall not murder."
14 "You shall not commit adultery."
15 "You shall not steal."
16 "You shall not give false testimony against your neighbor."
17 "You shall not covet your neighbor's house. You shall not covet your neighbor's
wife, or his manservant or maidservant, his ox or donkey, or anything that belongs to your
neighbor."
The Latest Decalogue by Arthur Hugh Clough (1819-1861)
Thou shalt have one God only; who
Would be at the expense of two?
No graven images may be
Worshipped, except the currency:
Swear not at all; for, for thy curse
Thine enemy is none the worse:
At church on Sunday to attend
Will serve to keep the world thy friend:
Honour thy parents, that is, all
From whom advancement may befall;
Thou shalt not kill; but need'st not strive
Officiously to keep alive:
Do not adultery commit;
Advantage rarely comes of it:
Thou shalt not steal; an empty feat,
When it's so lucrative to cheat:
Bear not false witness; let the lie
Have time on its own wings to fly:
Thou shalt not covet, but tradition
Approves all forms of competition.
- Arthur Hugh Clough (1819-1861)
"Yes - and like it. As far as I know it's one of the few pieces of his that's lasted. The "Thou shalt not kill; but need'st not strive..." couplet is widely quoted, in particular by doctors, ironically enough, who took it literally as advice on how to deal obliquely with situations that suggest euthanasia (Clough himself meant it cynically, of course)."
So, how do we do it? In four words:
CHEAP NEW ZEALAND LABOUR!"
The church has now been forced to restrict areas within the virtual world, including the altar and pulpit.
Cyber wardens can also instantly log out anyone who swears and blasphemes, consigning them to virtual hell.
But the cyber wardens are struggling to develop new security to rid the blasphemers from their midst.
A spokesman said they were looking for more money so they can employ wardens around the clock.
He insisted the church would carry on and added that John Wesley, the 18th century founder of Methodism, which sponsors the site, faced similar abuse.
The site was launched as a unique chance for Christians to worship interactively.
It attracts up to 10,000 visitors a day who can log on and choose a 3-D character which can kneel, sing hymns, hear a sermon and even shout "Hallelujah"!
However, the less pious - particularly from Australia and the US - have logged in as Satan, ranted from the virtual pulpit and shouted expletives in the aisles.
The church is run by a campaigning Christian online magazine, Ship of Fools, which takes a light-hearted approach to religion.
Much fuss had been made in advance of this picnic. Almost a month before the King and Queen of England ate their first hot dogs, Elanor Roosevelt expressed concern about the upcoming event in her syndicated column called "My Day," dated May 25, 1939: Oh dear, oh dear, so many people are worried that the 'dignity of our country will be imperiled by inviting Royalty to a picnic, particularly a hot dog picnic! My mother-in-law has sent me a letter which begs that she control me in some way. In order to spare my feelings, she has written on the back a little message: "Only one of many such." She did not know, poor darling, that I have "many such" right here in Washington. Let me asure you, dear readers, that if it is hot there will be no hot dogs, and even if it is cool there will be plenty of other food, and the elder members of the family and the more important guests will be served with due formality.
Episodes with the original content are now only available on home-made tapes, although a rare Time Life DVD series was briefly produced that made many of the cartoons available without most of the music videos. Another double DVD set, "The History of Beavis and Butthead" was also produced in limited numbers. MTV also responded by broadcasting the program after 11:00 PM, and adding a disclaimer reminding viewers that:
"Beavis and Butt-head are not role models. They're not even human, they're cartoons. Some of the things they do could cause a person to get hurt, expelled, arrested... possibly deported. To put it another way, don't try this at home."
BEAVIS AND BUTTHEAD WALKING TO STEWART'S HOUSE
Beavis: Hey! Butthead. How come we're going to Stewart's house?
Butthead: 'Cuz I heard he's got diarrhea.
Beavis: Oh. Yeah. heh heh
Stuart's mom: Thank you boys for bringing Stewart's homework to school for him. He's sooo sick. He spent all night in the bathroom.
Butthead: Really? Diarrhoea?
Stuart's mom: Yes, I'm afraid so.
Beavis & Butthead: heh heh ..... heh heh (Beavis imitates taking a dump)
Stuart's mom: Now boys.... come on. Say, have you boys eaten breakfast?
Butthead: Uhhhhhhh....
Beavis: Ummmmmmmmmm, I think I did once.
Stuart's mom: Well, you can't go to school on an empty stomach. Heeeeere. I made some breakfast burritos for Stewart. He's not feeling well enough to eat.
Butthead: Whoa! Burritos for breakfast!
Beavis: Yeah! Yeah! Cool!
Stuart's mom: You boys eat up. I'm going to check on Stewart. He probably needs more "T.P."
Butthead: Hey, Beavis. Ya think she's gonna put a thermometer up his butt?
Beavis: Yeah! And then she's gonna put it in his mouth!!
Beavis & Butthead: heh heh .... heh heh (eating burritos)
Beavis & Butthead: YEAAAAAAAAAACH! OOOOOOOOOAAH!! GAAAAAG!!
Butthead: What the hell is this crap? Ptui! This isn't a burrito!
Beavis: Yeah. I got eggs in mine! She tricked us!
Butthead: No wonder Stewart's got diarrhea.
Beavis: Yeah. heh heh..... Let's see what else they have.
TAKING ALL THE FOOD FROM THE KITCHEN
Butthead: This sucks! There's nothing good here. (Beavis finds where the sugar is kept) Hey! Buttmunch.... give me some...
Beavis: No way, punk! (Hyper attack)
Butthead: Settle down, Beavis..... pretty cool.
VAN DRIESSEN'S CLASSROOM
(Beavis having a Hyper Fit...)
Mr. Van Dreesen: It's ironic that we in this country who cherish freedom occasionally support governments who are less responsive to human rights. We're very fortunate.....(FADE OUT)....
Butthead: What's your problem Beavis? Settle down.
Mr. Van Dreesen: ...the struggle for freedom is by no means over. It still goes on today in places like.... Nicaragua... El Salvador... and Panama.
Beavis: (shirt over head) NIC..AR..A..GUA. Agua....Agua for my bunghole.... buunnghooooole!
Mr. Van Dreesen: Beavis! Please sit down...
Beavis: Are you threatening me? I AM CORNHOLIO!
Mr. Van Dreesen: Come on Beavis. Take your seat... Now, technically America is not a democracy but a republic....
Beavis: (to Daria) ...you have T.P.? T.P. for my bunghole?
Daria: Get out of here Beavis.
Beavis: Ummmmmmm. Okay. Heh heh ... heh heh... (walks out of class) I AM CORNHOLIO. I need T.P. for my bunghooooole. Bunghoooole!
Mr. Van Dreesen: Uh... Beavis... where are you going?...... Where did Beavis go?
Butthead: Heh heh ... heh heh... that was cooooool. Heh heh ..
Beavis: (HALLWAY) Bunnnnnghooooole.... heh heh!! (to janitor) I AM CORNHOLIO! I need T.P. for my bunghole. heh..heh..yeah.... heh heh... Hey! Would you like to seeeeee my bunghole? heh heh heh....
Mr. Van Dreesen: Butthead... where did Beavis go?
Butthead: Uhhh... I dunno...
Mr. Van Dreesen: Is Beavis having some kind of a problem I should know about?
Butthead: Uhhhh... he ate like 27 candy bars and then like drank a 6-pack of root beer!
Mr. Van Dreesen: Hmmmmm.... that's strange. I just read about a study that says sugar isn't supposed to cause hyperactivity.
Beavis: (GIRLS RESTROOM) Heh heh.... heh ... ahhhhhhh.... heh heh heh.. yeah! This'll be cool... (enters bathroom) I AM CORNHOLIO!!! Whoa... that was cool heh heh.. I NEED T.P. FOR MY BUNGHOLE!! heh heh COME OUT WITH YOUR PANTS DOWN!! (looks under stalls) Oh... yeah. Uhhh nevermind.
CUT TO SPANISH CLASS
Beavis: Nicaragua.... arriba.... andelay.... I AM CORNHOLIO!! I NEED T.P. FOR MY BUNGHOLE!!!
Spanish teacher: Senor Beavis! Donde esta tu hallpass?
Beavis: Are you threatening me? You will give my T.P. ... bungholio!
Spanish teacher: Beavis.... just what in the hell do you think you are doing?
Beavis: DO NOT MAKE MY BUNGHOLE ANGRY! Do you have any oleo?
Spanish teacher: Get the hell outta my class and go straight to the principal's office. NOW!
Beavis: Ummmmmmm.... okay. THE PRINCIPAL.... he will give me T.P.! heh heh I would hate for my bungholio to get polio... Where I come from we have no bunghole... heh heh heh heh
Spanish teacher: "Ahhh, las luces aprendidas, pero nadie en casa....." (The lights are on, but nobody's home....)
CUT TO PRINCIPAL McVICKER'S OFFICE
McVicker: Uhhhh... look! I don't know what your problem is... but I simply cannot have students wandering the hallways during class, interrupting other classes and giving prophesies of a great plague. Beavis Oh... yeah. Sorry 'bout that.
McVicker: Wait! What was that? Did you just say you were sorry?
Beavis: Ummmmmmmmm..... ummmmmmmmm
McVicker: You did! You just said you were sorry. Uh... didn't you?
Beavis: Uhhhh... yeah. heh heh...
McVicker:(Sad Music) You see! I knew it. You kids have never apologized to me once! Maybe this is a new day for you. Maybe punishment isn't the answer! I'm gonna let you go. Ya know... I'm actually proud of you today. Take some candy with you.... (Beavis leaves)
Secretary: Now, you're going right back to class, right Beavis?
Beavis: Yeah... uhhhhh... no. NO! I must get T.P. for my bunghole! (pulls shirt over head) I am the great Cornholio!!! heh heh .... heh heh
Secretary: Do you need a hall pass?
Beavis: Are you threatening me? heh heh... yeah! I need no hall pass. (Leaves) I heed holio for my bunghole! (WANDERING THE HALLS, SAD MUSIC) I am the great Cornholio! I have no bunghole! BUNGHOLEEEIIIOOOOO! I need T.P. for my bunghole! We are without bungholes!
My grandfather once said that the story of Jesus was really a retelling of a far older tale, one told in many mythologies over many ages. He'd have felt vindicated had he lived long enough to read Tom Harpur's The Pagan Christ.
Harpur's one of Canada's most respected and well-known Christian thinkers. He's a former Anglican priest, and he was a professor of the New Testament at the University of Toronto from 1964 to 1971. A Rhodes Scholar, he's done post-graduate work in the early Fathers of the Church at Oxford under some of the world's foremost academics. He's covered ethical and spiritual matters for The Toronto Star for the past 30 years, he's regularly appeared on Canada's major radio and television networks, and he's written numerous best-selling religious books. When someone like this challenges the existence of the historical Jesus and champions Gnosticism, people take notice.
An old and esoteric religious tradition, Gnosticism proclaims that human souls are incarnate expressions of the Godhead. According to the Gnostic account, at birth each of us emerges from eternity to become a finite, embodied, and separate consciousness. In Harpur's words:
The vitalizing item of ancient knowledge was the prime datum that man is himself, in his real being, a spark of divine fire struck off like the flint flash from the Eternal Rock of Being, and buried in the flesh of body to support its existence with an unquenchable radiant energy. On this indestructible fire the organism and its functions were 'suspended,' as the Greek Orphictheology phrased it, and all their modes and activities were the expression of this ultimate divine principle of spiritual intelligence, energizing in matter."
During our incarnation, we forget our cosmic origins and suffer within a state of existential amnesia that Gnosticism hopes to remedy. Valentinus, a second century Gnostic, expressed this best when he wrote, "What liberates is the knowledge of who we were, what we became; where we were, whereinto we have been thrown; whereto we speed, wherefrom we are redeemed; what birth is, and what rebirth." To the Gnostics, each of us is a slumbering Christ.
Gnostic Christianity was the first "heresy" to be persecuted by the Church. Gnostic writings were destroyed, while Gnostic teachers were often killed. Despite this, Gnosticism has survived as the most powerful subterranean spiritual current in Western culture. It can be found among the troubadours in thirteenth-century France, and in the Renaissance hermeticism of John Dee and Giordano Bruno. It appears in the poetry of William Blake and the philosophies of Georg Hegel and Karl Marx. As a staple of Freemasonry it framed the thoughts of America's founding fathers. It informed Carl Jung and Aldous Huxley, as well as the 1960s counterculture and the makers of The Matrix trilogy. In his most recent book, Harpur not only taps into this widespread Gnostic current, he also demonstrates that it runs far deeper than we ever imagined.
The Pagan Christ draws upon the research of such scholars as Alvin Boyd Kuhn to argue that Christianity's central myths were formulated in Egypt many thousands of years before the Gospels were written. Harpur focuses on Horus, a mythical figure whose miraculous birth was heralded by a star in the east; who was baptized by someone who was later decapitated; who had twelve followers; who walked on water, cast out demons, and healed the sick; who was transfigured on a mountain; who was crucified between two thieves, buried in a tomb, and resurrected; and who was known as the KRST or "anointed one," as well as the "good shepherd," "the lamb of God," "the bread of life," "the son of man," "the Word," and the "fisher." Harpur goes on to argue that this myth was never intended to be taken as a literal story about a supernatural person named Horus; instead, Horus symbolizes humanity itself. By representing both our divine and our human natures, Horus is Everyman and Everywoman; his story is the Gnostic story of human consciousness. The legend of Horus resurfaced in the myths of later saviors, like Tammuz, Adonis, Mithras, Dionysus, Krishna, and Buddha. By deconstructing the evidence for the historical Jesus, Harpur backs up his assertion that the Jesus narrative is simply one more variation on this archetypal theme.
The defining feature of traditional Christianity is its literal treatment of this allegorical pagan tradition. Harpur writes:
Not only did the early Christians take over almost completely the myths and teachings of their Egyptian masters, mediated in many cases by the Mystery Religions and by Judaism in its many forms, but they did everything in their power, through forgery and other fraud, book burning, character assassination, and murder itself, to destroy the crucial evidence of what had happened. In the process, the Christian story itself, which most likely began as a kind of spiritual drama, together with a 'sayings' source based on the Egyptian material, was turned into a form of history in which the Christ of the myth became a flesh-and-blood person identified with Jesus (Yeshua or Joshua) of Nazareth. The power of the millennia-old Christ mythos to transform the whole of humanity was all but destroyed in the literalist adulation of 'a presumptive Galilean paragon.' Centuries of darkness were to follow.
Harpur suggests that it's time the darkness gave way to the dawn, for religious literalism to be put aside in favor of the revelatory power of spiritual allegory.
A book like this is certain to incite controversy, and The Pagan Christ has had its share, much of which has been unfair. It takes courage for someone with Harpur's background to promote such views. He may well have opened himself up to devastating slander and professional marginalization. If so, he'll be in good company. Gnosticism is forever persecuted and forever precious.
The Pagan Christ reminds us that beneath our political and economic systems, beneath both culture and character, lies the spiritual imagination. This is the faculty that connects the mundane periphery of our existence to its sacred core, the faculty that informs our deepest yearnings and illuminates our ethical pathways. The American abolitionists knew this, as did Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. Unfortunately, the social justice and environmental activists of the modern age have largely abandoned the spiritual imagination, allowing it to be captured by apocalyptic fundamentalists like Pat Robertson and Mel Gibson. If we want to challenge fundamentalism, it's not enough to point out its many hypocrisies and flaws; we have to take the battle straight to the heart of the spiritual imagination. On this terrain, visionary allegory of the kind Harpur recommends may be the only virtue powerful enough to triumph over dogmatic literalism.
Harpur isn't the only religious scholar to come to this conclusion. In Omens of Millennium [Riverhead Books, 1996], Harold Bloom wrote that the cruelties of neo-conservatism "might well provoke a large-scale Gnosticism of the insulted and injured, rising up to affirm and defend the divine spark in themselves." Given the increasing popularity of books like The Pagan Christ, perhaps the rebellion has finally begun.
— 28 September 2004
Perhaps you have read the book and are puzzled about whether to accept the conspiracy theory about the life and nature of Christ that the author attributes to the Catholic Church. If you haven't yet read it, like many, you have probably heard enough intriguing details about the book that you can no longer put it off. If you are about to read it, you might be unclear about how to evaluate The Da Vinci Code in terms of its truth claims. I would like to offer you what I hope you will experience as a bit of relief. As a historian, I can assure you that you are not missing any truth about Christian history or doctrine, art or architecture, for which you will be indebted to The Da Vinci Code. It is a work of fiction that should be read as such. It does not document any historical discoveries, either artistic or theological, and it is not a piece of controversial scholarship with which the academic community is struggling. It is a novel, much like the romances and mysteries that one finds in supermarkets. Here are a few simple facts to help you sort things out as you turn the pages of Brown's awkward but tantalizing conspiracy theories. I hope that they will help you whether you read it in order to be part of the in-crowd or simply just to see what the fuss is all about.
The fourth century Vatican cover-up that Brown discusses at some length (see, for example, pages 37, 159 and 234) is impossible for some very simple reasons. I say this not because I am concerned about safeguarding the good reputation of the Vatican but because there was no Vatican in the fourth century. The papal residence from about 311-1305 was indeed in Rome. It was the Lateran palace, which was a gift from Emperor Constantine to the bishop of Rome. Constantine's wife Fausta had received it as part of her dowry. The Lateran palace's first resident was Pope Melchiades. There was not another pope in Rome, living at the same time, occupying a place called the Vatican. From 1305-1376, the popes lived in Avignon (France), where they could keep an eye on the activities of the independent-minded French rulers. A change in the political climate in France led to the papacy's return to Rome in 1377. Gregory XI was the first pope to live and work in a place known in ancient Rome as Vatican Hill, where a new residence was built. This is the building, many renovations later, that is part of what we know today as Vatican City. Thus, the eleventh century knights to whom Brown refers on p.158, could not possibly have been blackmailed by the Vatican. In this very basic example, getting a simple set of dates right tells the reader that what follows might be fun to think about, but is also flatly untrue. The confusion, I think, lies in the fact that Brown never notes that he is using historical names and places in order to create a work of fiction. On the contrary, he wants you to believe that he has his facts straight.
Another reason to read with caution is that Brown alludes throughout the book to a conspiracy by the Roman Catholic Church. Again, timing is everything: until the sixteenth century Protestant Reformations (there was more than one), the Roman Catholic Church did not exist. The most obvious question here is Roman Catholic as opposed to what? The Catholic Church (not Roman) certainly existed in various places such as Greece, Armenia, Italy, Ethiopia and North Africa. Today some of these Catholic churches (which are still Catholic) call themselves Orthodox. Brown is correct in noting that, in the first few centuries, there were groups that consciously separated from mainline (Catholic but not Roman) Christianity. This usually happened when a group wanted to express its moral offense over sinful or embarrassing events in the Catholic Church. For numerous, complex and, most Christian theologians agree, legitimate reasons, they are what their Catholic contemporaries considered to be heretics. They include several distinct groups such as the Gnostics (more on them in a moment), the Donatists (3rd century) and the Cathars (13th century). The Catholic Church was simply the mainline church until the Reformations, and includes such well-known members as St. Augustine, St. John Chrysostom, St. Athanasius, Sts. Francis and Clare, and St. Anthony. Catholic simply means universal and it was certainly that from the days of the earliest church. All of the mainline churches were Catholic and the Pope in Rome (not the Vatican) was just one of several bishops called pope. Alexandria, Jerusalem, Antioch and Constantinople also had popes. The early Roman popes had nothing resembling the powerful position that Brown describes. Rather, Christians recognized Rome as an important city because it was the site of Peter's martyrdom. They invested the bishop of Rome with special spiritual status because he was Peter's successor, but it was many centuries before this translated into the form of power that Brown describes. Of course, people also had great love for Jerusalem, because of its association with Jesus. However, you won't find that in The Da Vinci Code because the book emphasizes the factoids that sell.
The Roman Catholic Church grew out of the sixteenth century Catholic Counter-Reformation, which was a response to the Protestant Reformations. It was led by the Roman pope but was not limited to his participation. Catholics in Germany, England and elsewhere also supported the Counter-Reformation. In the modern sense of the term "Roman Catholic", the church "emerged" at a particularly painful moment in history. However, it was more of a metamorphosis, as are most historical events. Dan Brown collapses the modern structure of the Roman Catholic Church into the early church in Rome. The former has a political, theological, social and spiritual history that is related to the early church, especially through the continuous chain of bishops and some core beliefs about Christ. However, they are as different in structure, worldview and process as any two institutions could be.
These are just two examples of why The Da Vinci Code cannot be read as a theory that "fits" within the real history of the Catholic Church, Roman or otherwise. From the questions I have been asked, I realize that many readers are unclear about what to take seriously since the publication information is at odds with Brown's claims. That is, on the fly leaf, where the publication information is printed, the publisher acknowledges that "All of the characters and events in this book are fictitious, and any resemblance to actual persons, living or dead, is purely coincidental." Publishers print these disclaimers in order to protect themselves from lawsuits. If Dan Brown had let that statement stand alone, as do most fiction writers, there would probably be little confusion about the historical truthfulness of the book. But a statement he makes on the page prior to the prologue is misleading. He writes: "All descriptions of artwork, architecture, documents, and secret rituals in this novel are accurate." Long before Brown's book hit the market, I spent many hours studying the Last Supper. I have only one noteworthy observation about the author's conclusion that John the Evangelist is actually Mary Magdalen: Brown does a stylistic reading of the picture. If you follow his logic, you will notice something that would seem important, especially to Brown, which he does not mention. According to his criteria for what constitutes a female figure, Jesus must be a woman, as well. Given some of the book's other pointless descriptions and embarrassing clichés, I am somewhat surprised that he did not suggest this. I wonder whether the sequel will depict Jesus and Mary as a lesbian couple.
Perhaps the most disappointing perspective that Brown portrays as accurate is his view of the Church as a violent, characteristically exclusive, power-hungry institution that was practically dreamed up by a few patriarchs in order to sustain their own privileged positions. Such a view is divorced from the historical evidence on many, many levels. For one, it ignores the fact that the earliest church was comprised of what biblical scholars call the am-haretz (people of the land), who were the poor, forgotten and outcast. This is true of the apostles as well as the majority of Jesus' followers. This matter is not a biblical problem that scholars debate. As I was reading one of Brown's accounts of the allegedly power hungry early church leaders, I suddenly remembered a story told by a priest about his missionary days in China. He had just arrived in a small farming village and was introduced to several members of the parish. The leader of the community was named Peter and he said to my friend: "I am Peter and these are my brothers James and John and we are fishermen." They all burst out laughing because of the obvious parallel between their names and occupations and those of the Gospel characters. Yet with the stroke of a pen Brown carelessly recasts simple farmers and fishermen as CEOs.
There is plenty of historical evidence that reveals that the early church leaders sometimes had to give their lives while proclaiming the Gospel. This was especially true in the third century when the worst persecutions occurred under the emperor Decius. Brown's view of early church power structures does not and cannot account for the martyrs' willingness to die for the one in whom God's very self was revealed. Nor does it recognize what was really happening: that it took several centuries for the church to develop a vocabulary to describe Jesus as fully God and fully human. This is to be expected when trying to express something for the first time. God had never become human before and yet the earliest followers of Jesus suddenly had to some to terms with their experience of the risen Lord. Brown's account also ignores the evidence that suggests that decisions about the nature of Christ did not come primarily from the top down, but rather, grew up out of the soil of the church, where the experience of the risen Jesus was tried, tested, and lived. Here is the basic situation: the bishops were educated to greater or lesser degrees, and spoke and wrote any number of different languages. The church as a whole went from being a renewal movement within Judaism in the first century to a community of gentiles from all walks of life by the fourth century. With all of these changes and variables, communication was difficult. Is it any wonder that it took several hundred years for the church to develop a theological statement that could make some linguistic sense of the miraculous manifestation of God in Christ?
The final theological and historical difficulty with Brown's book that I would like to mention (although there are countless others that I could discuss) is its overarching Gnostic bent. Very briefly, Gnosticism is a bastardized version of Christianity that has been around since almost the very beginning of the church. Its fundamental principle is that the mainstream (again, Catholic) church misinterpreted the message of Jesus and that there is, at any given time, only a select few who have the secret knowledge (gnosis = knowledge in Greek) about Jesus' "true" message. Basically, each of the Gnostic attacks against the mainline church was met by the majority of Christians with arguments from logic as well as from scripture and the Tradition. By the time Constantine arrived on the scene (c.313), Gnosticism had been stamped out and condemned as a paranoid, puritanical sect and one that was ultimately unrecognizable as Christian teaching. This is simply a historical fact, which is one of the reasons that the Catholic church, as well as the Anglican, Orthodox and mainline Protestant churches have been able to say with confidence throughout history, which teachings are true to the ministry and message of Christ, and which are not. Basically, it boils down to love, expressed through compassion, service and authenticity. The Da Vinci Code takes these principles and banishes them, presenting an overly simplistic, conspiratorial version of mainline (Catholic) Christianity that is foreign to the shape of the actual early church. It depicts a stale, masculine, uninspired corporation with a business plan that, in the end, was about as successful as Enron's. Brown portrays authentic Christianity as that which Langdon, Sophie, Sauniére and Teabing are seeking. Ironically, the version he presents is Gnostic through and through.
Along with countless other scholars, as well as pastors and discerning readers, in the end I am left with a lingering question: Why is The Da Vinci Code so popular? There are other novels of the same genre that are much more appealing, especially in terms of imagery and the quality of writing. Robert Hellenga's The Sixteen Pleasures is a prime example. It is about a forbidden text called the Aretino that reveals the secrets of sexual pleasure. Hellenga writes convincingly in the voice of a young woman and the story is set in the breathtaking city of Florence, Italy. The narrative is intriguing, the characters have depth and the plot is clever. And yet The Sixteen Pleasures did not achieve anything remotely comparable to Brown's success in terms of the sheer number of readers. My sense is that people are reading The Da Vinci Code because of the title and its agenda, which is to misrepresent both church history and art history in the name of pop fiction.
The internet has put information at our fingertips which, on the one hand, is wonderful, and yet, it also breeds ignorance. Cautious teachers of all levels warn their students about taking information for research from the internet at face value. There is, quite simply, a great deal of garbage posted on countless websites and my sense is that the availability of knowledge has created an appetite for it. The problem is that, left to their own devices, many people do not know how to discern between fact and fiction on topics foreign to them, especially when the two are carelessly interwoven. Brown has provided his readers with a great deal of "information" about Leonardo and his works and it doesn't seem to matter to many whether or not it is true, which leaves me wondering why his readers want the information at all. My sense is that the book's success has to do with something very simple: it reduces a set of very complex questions to very simple, pat answers that also stir up very strong emotions about the church. Catholics are not pleased with the book because it misrepresents Christianity and paints the church in a very negative light. What is even more disturbing is the fact that it intentionally trivializes the mystery of Christ while misrepresenting church history. On page 233 Brown writes: "Jesus' establishment as 'the Son of God' was officially proposed and voted on by the Council of Nicaea." By taking the Council of Nicaea out of context Brown makes the divinity of Christ seem like the random claim of a few bishops rather than the result of the whole church's effort to articulate the ineffable experience of God in human history.
In the end Brown paints a historically and theologically inaccurate and simplistic explanation of Christianity. Those who accept his fictional rendition of Christianity do not have to grapple with the mystery of faith in Jesus. The book provides one-dimensional answers to difficult questions. Perhaps that is what some people want. But as believers will confirm, no novel ever reaches the bottom of the Jesus mystery. The church itself has never attempted to do so and it would never succeed if it did. That is part of what makes Christianity so fascinating. The other part is that Christians believe that their story they claim for their own is true. Sometimes that requires wrestling with mystery and non-literal truths. My sense is that those who accept Brown's version of things are not engaged in an authentic search for Christ. If that is the case, it probably doesn't matter to them that Brown has created an inauthentic representation of Christian faith. While that is a topic for another article and a different moment, I hope this piece has increased your awareness of some of the historical reasons that Brown's fictional story should not be read as if it were factual.
ile the ABC News feature focused on Brown's fascination with an alleged marriage between Jesus and Mary Magdalene, The Da Vinci Code contains many more (equally dubious) claims about Christianity's historic origins and theological development. The central claim Brown's novel makes about Christianity is that "almost everything our fathers taught us about Christ is false." Why? Because of a single meeting of bishops in 325, at the city of Nicea in modern-day Turkey. There, argues Brown, church leaders who wanted to consolidate their power base (he calls this, anachronistically, "the Vatican" or "the Roman Catholic church") created a divine Christ and an infallible Scripture—both of them novelties that had never before existed among Christians.
Watershed at Nicea
Brown is right about one thing (and not much more). In the course of Christian history, few events loom larger than the Council of Nicea in 325. When the newly converted Roman Emperor Constantine called bishops from around the world to present-day Turkey, the church had reached a theological crossroads.
Led by an Alexandrian theologian named Arius, one school of thought argued that Jesus had undoubtedly been a remarkable leader, but he was not God in flesh. Arius proved an expert logician and master of extracting biblical proof texts that seemingly illustrated differences between Jesus and God, such as John 14:28: "the Father is greater than I." In essence, Arius argued that Jesus of Nazareth could not possibly share God the Father's unique divinity.
In The Da Vinci Code, Brown apparently adopts Arius as his representative for all pre-Nicene Christianity. Referring to the Council of Nicea, Brown claims that "until that moment in history, Jesus was viewed by His followers as a mortal prophet … a great and powerful man, but a man nonetheless."
In reality, early Christians overwhelmingly worshipped Jesus Christ as their risen Savior and Lord. Before the church adopted comprehensive doctrinal creeds, early Christian leaders developed a set of instructional summaries of belief, termed the "Rule" or "Canon" of Faith, which affirmed this truth. To take one example, the canon of prominent second-century bishop Irenaeus took its cue from 1 Corinthians 8:6: "Yet for us there is but one God, the Father, from whom all things came and for whom we live; and there is but one Lord, Jesus Christ."
The term used here—Lord, Kyrios—deserves a bit more attention. Kyrios was used by the Greeks to denote divinity (though sometimes also, it is true, as a simple honorific). In the Greek translation of the Old Testament (the Septuagint, pre-dating Christ), this term became the preferred substitution for "Jahweh," the holy name of God. The Romans also used it to denote the divinity of their emperor, and the first-century Jewish writer Josephus tells us that the Jews refused to use it of the emperor for precisely this reason: only God himself was kyrios.
The Christians took over this usage of kyrios and applied it to Jesus, from the earliest days of the church. They did so not only in Scripture itself (which Brown argues was doctored after Nicea), but in the earliest extra-canonical Christian book, the Didache, which scholars agree was written no later than the late 100s. In this book, the earliest Aramaic-speaking Christians refer to Jesus as Lord.
In addition, pre-Nicene Christians acknowledged Jesus's divinity by petitioning God the Father in Christ's name. Church leaders, including Justin Martyr, a second-century luminary and the first great church apologist, baptized in the name of the triune God—Father, Son, and Holy Spirit—thereby acknowledging the equality of the one Lord's three distinct persons.
The Council of Nicea did not entirely end the controversy over Arius's teachings, nor did the gathering impose a foreign doctrine of Christ's divinity on the church. The participating bishops merely affirmed the historic and standard Christian beliefs, erecting a united front against future efforts to dilute Christ's gift of salvation.
"Fax from Heaven"?
With the Bible playing a central role in Christianity, the question of Scripture's historic validity bears tremendous implications. Brown claims that Constantine commissioned and bankrolled a staff to manipulate existing texts and thereby divinize the human Christ.
Yet for a number of reasons, Brown's speculations fall flat. Brown correctly points out that "the Bible did not arrive by fax from heaven." Indeed, the Bible's composition and consolidation may appear a bit too human for the comfort of some Christians. But Brown overlooks the fact that the human process of canonization had progressed for centuries before Nicea, resulting in a nearly complete canon of Scripture before Nicea or even Constantine's legalization of Christianity in 313.
Ironically, the process of collecting and consolidating Scripture was launched when a rival sect produced its own quasi-biblical canon. Around 140 a Gnostic leader named Marcion began spreading a theory that the New and Old Testaments didn't share the same God. Marcion argued that the Old Testament's God represented law and wrath while the New Testament's God, represented by Christ, exemplified love. As a result Marcion rejected the Old Testament and the most overtly Jewish New Testament writings, including Matthew, Mark, Acts, and Hebrews. He manipulated other books to downplay their Jewish tendencies. Though in 144 the church in Rome declared his views heretical, Marcion's teaching sparked a new cult. Challenged by Marcion's threat, church leaders began to consider earnestly their own views on a definitive list of Scriptural books including both the Old and New Testaments.
Another rival theology nudged the church toward consolidating the New Testament. During the mid- to late-second century, a man from Asia Minor named Montanus boasted of receiving a revelation from God about an impending apocalypse. The four Gospels and Paul's epistles achieved wide circulation and largely unquestioned authority within the early church but hadn't yet been collected in a single authoritative book. Montanus saw in this fact an opportunity to spread his message, by claiming authoritative status for his new revelation. Church leaders met the challenge around 190 and circulated a definitive list of apostolic writings that is today called the Muratorian Canon, after its modern discoverer. The Muratorian Canon bears striking resemblance to today's New Testament but includes two books, Revelation of Peter and Wisdom of Solomon, which were later excluded from the canon.
By the time of Nicea, church leaders debated the legitimacy of only a few books that we accept today, chief among them Hebrews and Revelation, because their authorship remained in doubt. In fact, authorship was the most important consideration for those who worked to solidify the canon. Early church leaders considered letters and eyewitness accounts authoritative and binding only if they were written by an apostle or close disciple of an apostle. This way they could be assured of the documents' reliability. As pastors and preachers, they also observed which books did in fact build up the church—a good sign, they felt, that such books were inspired Scripture. The results speak for themselves: the books of today's Bible have allowed Christianity to spread, flourish, and endure worldwide.
Though unoriginal in its allegations, The Da Vinci Code proves that some misguided theories never entirely fade away. They just reappear periodically in a different disguise. Brown's claims resemble those of Arius and his numerous heirs throughout history, who have contradicted the united testimony of the apostles and the early church they built. Those witnesses have always attested that Jesus Christ was and remains God himself. It didn't take an ancient council to make this true. And the pseudohistorical claims of a modern novel can't make it false.
The Holy Grail is a favorite metaphor for a desirable but difficult-to-attain goal, from the map of the human genome to Lord Stanley's Cup. While the original Grail — the cup Jesus allegedly used at the Last Supper — normally inhabits the pages of Arthurian romance, Dan Brown's recent mega–best-seller, The Da Vinci Code, rips it away to the realm of esoteric history.
But his book is more than just the story of a quest for the Grail — he wholly reinterprets the Grail legend. In doing so, Brown inverts the insight that a woman's body is symbolically a container and makes a container symbolically a woman's body. And that container has a name every Christian will recognize, for Brown claims that the Holy Grail was actually Mary Magdalene. She was the vessel that held the blood of Jesus Christ in her womb while bearing his children.
Over the centuries, the Grail-keepers have been guarding the true (and continuing) bloodline of Christ and the relics of the Magdalen, not a material vessel. Therefore Brown claims that “the quest for the Holy Grail is the quest to kneel before the bones of Mary Magdalene," a conclusion that would surely have surprised Sir Galahad and the other Grail knights who thought they were searching for the Chalice of the Last Supper.
The Da Vinci Code opens with the grisly murder of the Louvre's curator inside the museum. The crime enmeshes hero Robert Langdon, a tweedy professor of symbolism from Harvard, and the victim's granddaughter, burgundy-haired cryptologist Sophie Nevue. Together with crippled millionaire historian Leigh Teabing, they flee Paris for London one step ahead of the police and a mad albino Opus Dei "monk" named Silas who will stop at nothing to prevent them from finding the "Grail."
But despite the frenetic pacing, at no point is action allowed to interfere with a good lecture. Before the story comes full circle back to the Louvre, readers face a barrage of codes, puzzles, mysteries, and conspiracies.
With his twice-stated principle, "Everybody loves a conspiracy," Brown is reminiscent of the famous author who crafted her product by studying the features of ten earlier best-sellers. It would be too easy to criticize him for characters thin as plastic wrap, undistinguished prose, and improbable action. But Brown isn't so much writing badly as writing in a particular way best calculated to attract a female audience. (Women, after all, buy most of the nation's books.) He has married a thriller plot to a romance-novel technique. Notice how each character is an extreme type…effortlessly brilliant, smarmy, sinister, or psychotic as needed, moving against luxurious but curiously flat backdrops. Avoiding gore and bedroom gymnastics, he shows only one brief kiss and a sexual ritual performed by a married couple. The risqué allusions are fleeting although the text lingers over some bloody Opus Dei mortifications. In short, Brown has fabricated a novel perfect for a ladies' book club.
Brown's lack of seriousness shows in the games he plays with his character names — Robert Langdon, "bright fame long don" (distinguished and virile); Sophie Nevue, "wisdom New Eve"; the irascible taurine detective Bezu Fache, "zebu anger."; The servant who leads the police to them is Legaludec, "legal duce." The murdered curator takes his surname, Saunière, from a real Catholic priest whose occult antics sparked interest in the Grail secret. As an inside joke, Brown even writes in his real-life editor (Faukman is Kaufman).
While his extensive use of fictional formulas may be the secret to Brown's stardom, his anti-Christian message can't have hurt him in publishing circles: The Da Vinci Code debuted atop the New York Times best-seller list. By manipulating his audience through the conventions of romance-writing, Brown invites readers to identify with his smart, glamorous characters who've seen through the impostures of the clerics who hide the "truth&"; about Jesus and his wife. Blasphemy is delivered in a soft voice with a knowing chuckle: "[E]very faith in the world is based on fabrication."
But even Brown has his limits. To dodge charges of outright bigotry, he includes a climactic twist in the story that absolves the Church of assassination. And although he presents Christianity as a false root and branch, he's willing to tolerate it for its charitable works.
(Of course, Catholic Christianity will become even more tolerable once the new liberal pope elected in Brown's previous Langdon novel, Angels & Demons, abandons outmoded teachings. "Third-century laws cannot be applied to the modern followers of Christ," says one of the book's progressive cardinals.)
Where Is He Getting All of This?
Brown actually cites his principal sources within the text of his novel. One is a specimen of academic feminist scholarship: The Gnostic Gospels by Elaine Pagels. The others are popular esoteric histories: The Templar Revelation: Secret Guardians of the True Identity of Christ by Lynn Picknett and Clive Prince; Holy Blood, Holy Grail by Michael Baigent, Richard Leigh, and Henry Lincoln; The Goddess in the Gospels: Reclaiming the Sacred Feminine and The Woman with the Alabaster Jar: Mary Magdalen and the Holy Grail, both by Margaret Starbird. (Starbird, a self-identified Catholic, has her books published by Matthew Fox's outfit, Bear & Co.) Another influence, at least at second remove, is The Woman's Encyclopedia of Myths and Secrets by Barbara G. Walker.
The use of such unreliable sources belies Brown's pretensions to intellectuality. But the act has apparently fooled at least some of his readers — the New York Daily News book reviewer trumpeted, "His research is impeccable."
But despite Brown's scholarly airs, a writer who thinks the Merovingians founded Paris and forgets that the popes once lived in Avignon is hardly a model researcher. And for him to state that the Church burned five million women as witches shows a willful — and malicious—ignorance of the historical record. The latest figures for deaths during the European witch craze are between 30,000 to 50,000 victims. Not all were executed by the Church, not all were women, and not all were burned. Brown’s claim that educated women, priestesses, and midwives were singled out by witch-hunters is not only false, it betrays his goddess-friendly sources.
A Multitude of Errors
So error-laden is The Da Vinci Code that the educated reader actually applauds those rare occasions where Brown stumbles (despite himself) into the truth. A few examples of his "impeccable" research: He claims that the motions of the planet Venus trace a pentacle (the so-called Ishtar pentagram) symbolizing the goddess. But it isn't a perfect figure and has nothing to do with the length of the Olympiad. The ancient Olympic games were celebrated in honor of Zeus Olympias, not Aphrodite, and occurred every four years.
Brown's contention that the five linked rings of the modern Olympic Games are a secret tribute to the goddess is also wrong — each set of games was supposed to add a ring to the design but the organizers stopped at five. And his efforts to read goddess propaganda into art, literature, and even Disney cartoons are simply ridiculous.
No datum is too dubious for inclusion, and reality falls quickly by the wayside. For instance, the Opus Dei bishop encourages his albino assassin by telling him that Noah was also an albino (a notion drawn from the non-canonical 1 Enoch 106:2). Yet albinism somehow fails to interfere with the man's eyesight as it physiologically would.
But a far more important example is Brown's treatment of Gothic architecture as a style full of goddess-worshipping symbols and coded messages to confound the uninitiated. Building on Barbara Walker's claim that "like a pagan temple, the Gothic cathedral represented the body of the Goddess," The Templar Revelation asserts: "Sexual symbolism is found in the great Gothic cathedrals which were masterminded by the Knights Templar...both of which represent intimate female anatomy: the arch, which draws the worshipper into the body of Mother Church, evokes the vulva." In The Da Vinci Code, these sentiments are transformed into a character's description of "a cathedral's long hollow nave as a secret tribute to a woman's womb...complete with receding labial ridges and a nice little cinquefoil clitoris above the doorway."
These remarks cannot be brushed aside as opinions of the villain; Langdon, the book's hero, refers to his own lectures about goddess-symbolism at Chartres.
These bizarre interpretations betray no acquaintance with the actual development or construction of Gothic architecture, and correcting the countless errors becomes a tiresome exercise: The Templars had nothing to do with the cathedrals of their time, which were commissioned by bishops and their canons throughout Europe. They were unlettered men with no arcane knowledge of "sacred geometry" passed down from the pyramid builders. They did not wield tools themselves on their own projects, nor did they found masons' guilds to build for others. Not all their churches were round, nor was roundness a defiant insult to the Church. Rather than being a tribute to the divine feminine, their round churches honored the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.
Actually looking at Gothic churches and their predecessors deflates the idea of female symbolism. Large medieval churches typically had three front doors on the west plus triple entrances to their transepts on the north and south. (What part of a woman's anatomy does a transept represent? Or the kink in Chartres's main aisle?) Romanesque churches — including ones that predate the founding of the Templars — have similar bands of decoration arching over their entrances. Both Gothic and Romanesque churches have the long, rectangular nave inherited from Late Antique basilicas, ultimately derived from Roman public buildings. Neither Brown nor his sources consider what symbolism medieval churchmen such as Suger of St.-Denis or William Durandus read in church design. It certainly wasn't goddess-worship.
False Claims
If the above seems like a pile driver applied to a gnat, the blows are necessary to demonstrate the utter falseness of Brown's material. His willful distortions of documented history are more than matched by his outlandish claims about controversial subjects. But to a postmodernist, one construct of reality is as good as any other.
Brown's approach seems to consist of grabbing large chunks of his stated sources and tossing them together in a salad of a story. From Holy Blood, Holy Grail, Brown lifts the concept of the Grail as a metaphor for a sacred lineage by arbitrarily breaking a medieval French term, Sangraal (Holy Grail), into sang (blood) and raal (royal). This holy blood, according to Brown, descended from Jesus and his wife, Mary Magdalene, to the Merovingian dynasty in Dark Ages France, surviving its fall to persist in several modern French families, including that of Pierre Plantard, a leader of the mysterious Priory of Sion. The Priory — an actual organization officially registered with the French government in 1956 — makes extraordinary claims of antiquity as the "real" power behind the Knights Templar. It most likely originated after World War II and was first brought to public notice in 1962. With the exception of filmmaker Jean Cocteau, its illustrious list of Grand Masters — which include Leonardo da Vinci, Issac Newton, and Victor Hugo — is not credible, although it's presented as true by Brown.
Brown doesn't accept a political motivation for the Priory's activities. Instead he picks up The Templar Revelation’s view of the organization as a cult of secret goddess-worshippers who have preserved ancient Gnostic wisdom and records of Christ’s true mission, which would completely overturn Christianity if released. Significantly, Brown omits the rest of the book’s thesis that makes Christ and Mary Magdalene unmarried sex partners performing the erotic mysteries of Isis. Perhaps even a gullible mass-market audience has its limits.
From both Holy Blood, Holy Grail and The Templar Revelation, Brown takes a negative view of the Bible and a grossly distorted image of Jesus. He's neither the Messiah nor a humble carpenter but a wealthy, trained religious teacher bent on regaining the throne of David. His credentials are amplified by his relationship with the rich Magdalen who carries the royal blood of Benjamin: "Almost everything our fathers taught us about Christ is false," laments one of Brown's characters.
Yet it's Brown's Christology that's false — and blindingly so. He requires the present New Testament to be a post-Constantinian fabrication that displaced true accounts now represented only by surviving Gnostic texts. He claims that Christ wasn't considered divine until the Council of Nicea voted him so in 325 at the behest of the emperor. Then Constantine — a lifelong sun worshipper — ordered all older scriptural texts destroyed, which is why no complete set of Gospels predates the fourth century. Christians somehow failed to notice the sudden and drastic change in their doctrine.
But by Brown's specious reasoning, the Old Testament can't be authentic either because complete Hebrew Scriptures are no more than a thousand years old. And yet the texts were transmitted so accurately that they do match well with the Dead Sea Scrolls from a thousand years earlier. Analysis of textual families, comparison with fragments and quotations, plus historical correlations securely date the orthodox Gospels to the first century and indicate that they're earlier than the Gnostic forgeries. (The Epistles of St. Paul are, of course, even earlier than the Gospels.)
Primitive Church documents and the testimony of the ante-Nicean Fathers confirm that Christians have always believed Jesus to be Lord, God, and Savior — even when that faith meant death. The earliest partial canon of Scripture dates from the late second century and already rejected Gnostic writings. For Brown, it isn't enough to credit Constantine with the divinization of Jesus. The emperor's old adherence to the cult of the Invincible Sun also meant repackaging sun worship as the new faith. Brown drags out old (and long-discredited) charges by virulent anti-Catholics like Alexander Hislop who accused the Church of perpetuating Babylonian mysteries, as well as 19th-century rationalists who regarded Christ as just another dying savior-god.
Unsurprisingly, Brown misses no opportunity to criticize Christianity and its pitiable adherents. (The church in question is always the Catholic Church, though his villain does sneer once at Anglicans — for their grimness, of all things.) He routinely and anachronistically refers to the Church as "the Vatican," even when popes weren't in residence there. He systematically portrays it throughout history as deceitful, power-crazed, crafty, and murderous: "The Church may no longer employ crusades to slaughter, but their influence is no less persuasive. No less insidious."
Goddess Worship and the Magdalen
Worst of all, in Brown's eyes, is the fact that the pleasure-hating, sex-hating, woman-hating Church suppressed goddess worship and eliminated the divine feminine. He claims that goddess worship universally dominated pre-Christian paganism with the hieros gamos (sacred marriage) as its central rite. His enthusiasm for fertility rites is enthusiasm for sexuality, not procreation. What else would one expect of a Cathar sympathizer?
Astonishingly, Brown claims that Jews in Solomon's Temple adored Yahweh and his feminine counterpart, the Shekinah, via the services of sacred prostitutes — possibly a twisted version of the Temple's corruption after Solomon (1 Kings 14:24 and 2 Kings 23:4-15). Moreover, he says that the tetragrammaton YHWH derives from "Jehovah, an androgynous physical union between the masculine Jah and the pre-Hebraic name for Eve, Havah."
But as any first-year Scripture student could tell you, Jehovah is actually a 16th-century rendering of Yahweh using the vowels of Adonai ("Lord"). In fact, goddesses did not dominate the pre-Christian world — not in the religions of Rome, her barbarian subjects, Egypt, or even Semitic lands where the hieros gamos was an ancient practice. Nor did the Hellenized cult of Isis appear to have included sex in its secret rites.
Contrary to yet another of Brown's claims, Tarot cards do not teach goddess doctrine. They were invented for innocent gaming purposes in the 15th century and didn't acquire occult associations until the late 18th. Playing-card suites carry no Grail symbolism. The notion of diamonds symbolizing pentacles is a deliberate misrepresentation by British occultist A. E. Waite. And the number five — so crucial to Brown's puzzles — has some connections with the protective goddess but myriad others besides, including human life, the five senses, and the Five Wounds of Christ.
Brown's treatment of Mary Magdalene is sheer delusion. In The Da Vinci Code, she's no penitent whore but Christ's royal consort and the intended head of His Church, supplanted by Peter and defamed by churchmen. She fled west with her offspring to Provence, where medieval Cathars would keep the original teachings of Jesus alive. The Priory of Sion still guards her relics and records, excavated by the Templars from the subterranean Holy of Holies. It also protects her descendants — including Brown's heroine.
Although many people still picture the Magdalen as a sinful woman who anointed Jesus and equate her with Mary of Bethany, that conflation is actually the later work of Pope St. Gregory the Great. The East has always kept them separate and said that the Magdalen, "apostle to the apostles," died in Ephesus. The legend of her voyage to Provence is no earlier than the ninth century, and her relics weren't reported there until the 13th. Catholic critics, including the Bollandists, have been debunking the legend and distinguishing the three ladies since the 17th century.
Brown uses two Gnostic documents, the Gospel of Philip and the Gospel of Mary, to prove that the Magdalen was Christ's "companion," meaning sexual partner. The apostles were jealous that Jesus used to "kiss her on the mouth" and favored her over them. He cites exactly the same passages quoted in Holy Blood, Holy Grail and The Templar Revelation and even picks up the latter's reference to The Last Temptation of Christ. What these books neglect to mention is the infamous final verse of the Gospel of Thomas. When Peter sneers that "women are not worthy of Life," Jesus responds, "I myself shall lead her in order to make her male.... For every woman who will make herself male will enter the Kingdom of Heaven."
That's certainly an odd way to "honor" one's spouse or exalt the status of women.
The Knights Templar
Brown likewise misrepresents the history of the Knights Templar. The oldest of the military-religious orders, the Knights were founded in 1118 to protect pilgrims in the Holy Land. Their rule, attributed to St. Bernard of Clairvaux, was approved in 1128 and generous donors granted them numerous properties in Europe for support. Rendered redundant after the last Crusader stronghold fell in 1291, the Templars' pride and wealth — they were also bankers — earned them keen hostility.
Brown maliciously ascribes the suppression of the Templars to “Machiavellian” Pope Clement V, whom they were blackmailing with the Grail secret. His "ingeniously planned sting operation" had his soldiers suddenly arrest all Templars. Charged with Satanism, sodomy, and blasphemy, they were tortured into confessing and burned as heretics, their ashes "tossed unceremoniously into the Tiber."
But in reality, the initiative for crushing the Templars came from King Philip the Fair of France, whose royal officials did the arresting in 1307. About 120 Templars were burned by local Inquisitorial courts in France for not confessing or retracting a confession, as happened with Grand Master Jacques de Molay. Few Templars suffered death elsewhere although their order was abolished in 1312. Clement, a weak, sickly Frenchman manipulated by his king, burned no one in Rome inasmuch as he was the first pope to reign from Avignon (so much for the ashes in the Tiber).
Moreover, the mysterious stone idol that the Templars were accused of worshiping is associated with fertility in only one of more than a hundred confessions. Sodomy was the scandalous — and possibly true — charge against the order, not ritual fornication. The Templars have been darlings of occultism since their myth as masters of secret wisdom and fabulous treasure began to coalesce in the late 18th century. Freemasons and even Nazis have hailed them as brothers. Now it's the turn of neo-Gnostics.
Twisting da Vinci
Brown's revisionist interpretations of da Vinci are as distorted as the rest of his information. He claims to have first run across these views "while I was studying art history in Seville," but they correspond point for point to material in The Templar Revelation. A writer who sees a pointed finger as a throat-cutting gesture, who says the Madonna of the Rocks was painted for nuns instead of a lay confraternity of men, who claims that da Vinci received "hundreds of lucrative Vatican commissions" (actually, it was just one…and it was never executed) is simply unreliable.
Brown's analysis of da Vinci's work is just as ridiculous. He presents the Mona Lisa as an androgynous self-portrait when it's widely known to portray a real woman, Madonna Lisa, wife of Francesco di Bartolomeo del Giocondo. The name is certainly not — as Brown claims — a mocking anagram of two Egyptian fertility deities Amon and L'Isa (Italian for Isis). How did he miss the theory, propounded by the authors of The Templar Revelation, that the Shroud of Turin is a photographed self-portrait of da Vinci?
Much of Brown's argument centers around da Vinci's Last Supper, a painting the author considers a coded message that reveals the truth about Jesus and the Grail. Brown points to the lack of a central chalice on the table as proof that the Grail isn't a material vessel. But da Vinci's painting specifically dramatizes the moment when Jesus warns, "One of you will betray me" (John 13:21). There is no Institution Narrative in St. John's Gospel. The Eucharist is not shown there. And the person sitting next to Jesus is not Mary Magdalene (as Brown claims) but St. John, portrayed as the usual effeminate da Vinci youth, comparable to his St. John the Baptist. Jesus is in the exact center of the painting, with two pyramidal groups of three apostles on each side. Although da Vinci was a spiritually troubled homosexual, Brown's contention that he coded his paintings with anti-Christian messages simply can't be sustained.
Brown's Mess
In the end, Dan Brown has penned a poorly written, atrociously researched mess. So, why bother with such a close reading of a worthless novel? The answer is simple: The Da Vinci Code takes esoterica mainstream. It may well do for Gnosticism what The Mists of Avalon did for paganism — gain it popular acceptance. After all, how many lay readers will see the blazing inaccuracies put forward as buried truths?
What's more, in making phony claims of scholarship, Brown's book infects readers with a virulent hostility toward Catholicism. Dozens of occult history books, conveniently cross-linked by Amazon.com, are following in its wake. And booksellers' shelves now bulge with falsehoods few would be buying without The Da Vinci Code connection. While Brown's assault on the Catholic Church may be a backhanded compliment, it's one we would have happily done without.
Sandra Miesel, medievalist and Catholic journalist, writes from Indianapolis.
What is The Da Vinci Code?
The Da Vinci Code is a novel. Its publisher, Doubleday, released it with much fanfare in March 2003 and heavily promoted it. As a result, it debuted at #1 on the New York Times bestseller list and has remained on it since, selling millions of copies. The publisher claims that it is "the bestselling adult novel of all time within a one-year period."
So popular has The Da Vinci Code become that it has created a marketing boom for books related to the novel, and it has become the subject of a major motion picture scheduled to be released in 2005.
What is The Da Vinci Code About?
It is a thriller story involving secret societies, conspiracies, the Catholic Church, and the fictional "truth" about Jesus Christ. Here is the author's own summary:
A renowned Harvard symbologist is summoned to the Louvre Museum to examine a series of cryptic symbols relating to Da Vinci's artwork. In decrypting the code, he uncovers the key to one of the greatest mysteries of all time . . . and he becomes a hunted man.1
During the course of the novel it is alleged that the Catholic Church is perpetuating a major, centuries-long conspiracy to hide the "truth" about Jesus Christ from the public, and it or its agents are willing to stop at nothing, including murder, to do so.
What does Leonardo da Vinci have to do with the story?
Da Vinci is portrayed as a former head of the conspiracy guarding the "truth" about Jesus Christ. In the novel he is said to have planted various codes and secret symbols in his work, particularly in his painting of the Last Supper. According to the novel, this painting depicts Jesus' alleged wife, Mary Magdalene, next to him as a symbol of her prominence in his true teaching. In reality, the figure that Dan Brown identifies as Mary Magdalene is John the Evangelist, who traditionally has been regarded as the youngest of the apostles and so is often pictured in medieval art without a beard.
Why should a Catholic be concerned about the novel?
Although a work of fiction, the book claims to be meticulously researched, and it goes to great lengths to convey the impression that it is based on fact. It even has a "fact" page at the front of the book underscoring the claim of factuality for particular ideas within the book. As a result, many readers-both Catholic and non-Catholic-are taking the book's ideas seriously.
The problem is that many of the ideas that the book promotes are anything but fact, and they go directly to the heart of the Catholic faith. For example, the book promotes these ideas:
* Jesus is not God; he was only a man.
* Jesus was married to Mary Magdalene.
* She is to be worshiped as a goddess.
* Jesus got her pregnant, and the two had a daughter.
* That daughter gave rise to a prominent family line that is still present in Europe today.
* The Bible was put together by a pagan Roman emperor.
* Jesus was viewed as a man and not as God until the fourth century, when he was deified by the emperor Constantine.
* The Gospels have been edited to support the claims of later Christians.
* In the original Gospels, Mary Magdalene rather than Peter was directed to establish the Church.
* There is a secret society known as the Priory of Sion that still worships Mary Magdalene as a goddess and is trying to keep the truth alive.
* The Catholic Church is aware of all this and has been fighting for centuries to keep it suppressed. It often has committed murder to do so.
* The Catholic Church is willing to and often has assassinated the descendents of Christ to keep his bloodline from growing.
Catholics should be concerned about the book because it not only misrepresents their Church as a murderous institution but also implies that the Christian faith itself is utterly false.
Should other Christians be concerned about the book?
Definitely. Only some of the offensive claims of The Da Vinci Code pertain directly to the Catholic Church. The remainder strike at the Christian faith itself. If the book's claims were true, then all forms of Christianity would be false (except perhaps for Gnostic/feminist versions focusing on Mary Magdalene instead of Jesus).
Who is the author of the book?
The author is Dan Brown. He is a former English teacher who has authored three previous books. The first two, Digital Fortress and Deception Point, were techno-thrillers. With his third novel, Angels & Demons, he turned to writing thrillers involving religion and the Vatican. The Da Vinci Code continues in that vein, and it was popular enough to revive sales of the previous books (which had lackluster performance) and pull them onto the bestseller list.
Brown plans to use The Da Vinci Code as the springboard for a new series of similar books using its hero, Robert Langdon, and which will be "set in Paris, London, and Washington D.C."2 In the next novel, slated for release in summer 2005, "Langdon will find himself embroiled in a mystery on U.S. soil. This new novel explores the hidden history of our nation's capital."3
What is the author's religious background?
He claims to be a Christian-of a sort. A "Frequently Asked Questions" page on his web site contains the following exchange:
ARE YOU A CHRISTIAN?
I am, although perhaps not in the most traditional sense of the word. If you ask three people what it means to be Christian, you will get three different answers. Some feel being baptized is sufficient. Others feel you must accept the Bible as immutable historical fact. Still others require a belief that all those who do not accept Christ as their personal savior are doomed to hell. Faith is a continuum, and we each fall on that line where we may. By attempting to rigidly classify ethereal concepts like faith, we end up debating semantics to the point where we entirely miss the obvious-that is, that we are all trying to decipher life's big mysteries, and we're each following our own paths of enlightenment. I consider myself a student of many religions. The more I learn, the more questions I have. For me, the spiritual quest will be a life-long work in progress.4
What is a "symbologist"?
According to Webster's Dictionary, a symbologist is "one who practices, or who is versed in, symbology," the latter being defined as "the art of expressing by symbols." Needless to say, this is not a common term. Brown uses the term not just to refer to a person who has studied symbolism but as the name of a pseudo-academic discipline. In fact, Harvard University has no department of symbology, and thus the idea of making the hero of the novel "a renowned Harvard symbologist" is simply fanciful.
What claims does the book make about the research that was done for it?
On the acknowledgements page of the novel, Brown issues extensive thanks designed to convey the impression that he has done thorough research:
For their generous assistance in the research of this book, I would like to acknowledge the Louvre Museum, the French Ministry of Culture, Project Gutenberg, Bibliothèque Nationale, the Gnostic Society Library, the Department of Paintings Study and Documentation Service at the Lourvre, Catholic World News, Royal Observatory Greenwich, London Record Society, the Muniment Collection at Westminster Abbey, John Pike and the Federation of American Scientists, and the five members of Opus Dei (three active, two former) who recounted their stories, both positive and negative, regarding their experiences inside Opus Dei.
He also thanks a bookstore for "tracking down so many of my research books" as well as a long list of specific individuals.
It is not clear how many of these acknowledgements represent Brown padding the list to make it sound more impressive and enhance his credibility. For example, Project Gutenberg is an online library of public domain texts, and Brown's "acknowledgement" may signify no more than that he looked at a text on one of the Project Gutenberg web sites. The same may well be true of others included in the list. The acknowledgements of museums, libraries, and similar institutions may mean no more than that he used their facilities and that they did nothing special to assist his research.
This, in fact, appears to be the case regarding his acknowledgement of Catholic World News. When contacted by Catholic Answers, the editor of Catholic World News, Phil Lawler, stated:
We were surprised and bemused to learn that Catholic World News had been listed in the acknowledgments of this book.
We cannot recall any contact whatsoever with Dan Brown. He is not listed among our past or present subscribers.
Since many of our stories are free and available to anyone who visits our web site, it is possible that he received some information from Catholic World News-just as anyone can receive information from any public news service. Certainly we never did any research for him or answered any questions from him.
What are the major sources inspiring the book?
The author's web page (www.danbrown.com) lists a partial bibliography for the book, including titles such as:
* Holy Blood, Holy Grail by Michael Baigent, Richard Leigh, and Henry Lincoln
* The Messianic Legacy by Michael Baigent, Richard Leigh, and Henry Lincoln
* The Dead Sea Scrolls Deception by Michael Baigent and Richard Leigh
* The Goddess in the Gospels: Reclaiming the Sacred Feminine by Margaret Starbird
* The Woman with the Alabaster Jar: Mary Magdalene and the Holy Grail by Margaret Starbird
* The Templar Revelation: Secret Guardians of the True Identity of Christ by Lynn Picknett and Clive Prince
* Jesus and the Lost Goddess: The Secret Teachings of the Original Christians by Timothy Freke and Peter Gandy
* When God Was a Woman by Merlin Stone
* The Chalice and the Blade: Our History, Our Future by Riane Eisler
These titles represent works of New Age speculation that run counter to established history, focus on alleged secret societies and conspiracy theories, attempt to reinterpret the Christian faith, and are imbued with radical feminist agendas. Historians and religious scholars do not take these works seriously.
The author of The Da Vinci Code does take them seriously. As the list reveals, he is particularly dependent on the works by Margaret Starbird and the trio of authors Michael Baigent, Richard Leigh, and Henry Lincoln. An additional, particularly important source for Brown is the book The Templar Revelation.
Who is Margaret Starbird?
Her web site describes her as a "Roman Catholic scholar" whose researchers alerted her to "an underground stream of esoteric devotees of the 'sacred feminine' incarnate in Mary Magdalene." Afterwards, while still purporting to be Catholic, she began publishing books extolling "the 'Sacred Union' of Jesus and Mary Magdalene." According to her web site:
* "Starbird's research traces the origin and extent of the heresy of the Holy Grail, whose medieval adherents believed that Jesus was married and that his wife and child emigrated to Gaul, fleeing persecutions of the infant Christian community in Jerusalem."
* "Starbird's new book explodes the myth of the celibate Jesus, revealing truths encoded in symbolic numbers in the Gospels themselves by the authors of the Greek New Testament. This book demonstrates unequivocally that the 'Sacred Union' of Jesus and his Lost Bride was the true cornerstone of early Christianity."
* "Starbird's latest book explains how the painful situation in the Roman Catholic priesthood has roots in systematic denial of the 'Bride' as partner and in the insistence on a celibate Jesus, encouraging worship of the ascendant masculine principle stripped of its feminine partner."
* "Early Christianity was fundamentally egalitarian but later influences conspired to curtail the role of women in the Church. This text seeks to reclaim the gender-balanced Christianity implicit in the Gospels."
* "Her inevitable conclusion is that 'sacred union' was originally at the very heart of the Christian Gospels.5
Who are Baigent, Leigh, and Lincoln?
They are the authors of the book Holy Blood, Holy Grail, which in 1982 popularized in the English-speaking world the idea that Jesus was married to Mary Magdalene and that his bloodline survives in Europe today under the protectorship of an organization known as the Prieure d'Sion ("the Priory of Sion" in The Da Vinci Code). Authors Carl Olson and Sandra Miesel note:
So fundamental is this book to The Da Vinci Code that Dan Brown borrowed two of the authors' names for his character Leigh Teabing (whose surname is an anagram of Baigent). Both Baigent and Lincoln are Masonic historians while Leigh is a fiction writer. . . .
Brown borrows the Holy Blood, Holy Grail theses with both hands. His fictional Priory likewise guards the "Grail Secret" of the Holy Blood-with documents to prove it-as well as the precious bones of the Magdalen.6
After the success of Holy Blood, Holy Grail, the trio went on to author the book Messianic Legacy, which continued the themes of their prior work but with modifications. Subsequently the authors have produced a number of other books related to The Da Vinci Code and its themes.
What is The Templar Revelation?
This is yet another iconoclastic New Age book. In the words of one reviewer, L. D. Meagher, the book attempts to convince you that:
Everything you know about Christianity is wrong. The Nativity is a myth, the ministry of Jesus has been misrepresented, and the Crucifixion may have been a publicity stunt that went awry. The truth has been purposely suppressed for two millennia by men who were bent on promoting their own agenda, beginning with early church leaders including the apostles Peter and Paul. Who says so? The same people who claim the Shroud of Turin is a photograph of Leonardo da Vinci.7
That is correct. In their prior book, Turin Shroud: In Whose Image?, Lynn Picknett and Clive Prince maintain that the Shroud of Turin is a fake made with a primitive photographic process developed by Leonardo da Vinci and used to record his own image on cloth. Now they're back with a new book that picks up where their prior one left off:
Their research into the shroud convinced them that Leonardo was a leading member of a mysterious society called the Priory of Sion. They believe the Priory arose in the Middle Ages alongside another secret order, the Knights Templar. Unlike the Templars, however, Picknett and Prince claim the Priory of Sion is alive and well and carefully manipulating events today.8
As one might suspect, the work is far from scholarly. Meagher characterizes the authors' way of evaluating evidence as follows:
That which seems to have neither merit nor meaning must be both true and vitally important. Armed with this upside-down viewpoint, Picknett and Price plunge into an investigation of the shadow world of heresy and occultism. . . .
Nothing in The Templar Revelation rises to anything like the level of "definite proof." Instead, its conclusions are based on the flimsiest of premises, which are supported by the slimmest of indirect and circumstantial evidence or, just as often, by the assertion that the lack of evidence justifies their conclusions.
In the end, Picknett and Prince propose that a murky conspiracy has been at work for nearly 2,000 years. Two conspiracies in fact: one, involving all denominations of the Christian faith and spearheaded by the Vatican, suppresses the truth while the other, stage-managed by the Priory of Sion, hides it.9
It is upon The Templar Revelation that Dan Brown, author of The Da Vinci Code, is largely dependent for his claims regarding Leonardo da Vinci.
2. What The Da Vinci Code Claims
What specific claims does the book make on its "fact" page?
The "fact" page asserts factuality for certain claims regarding the Priory of Sion, Opus Dei (a major focus of the book), and the descriptions found in the book of art, architecture, and rituals.
Although the "fact" page presents the book's most overt claims to accuracy, the novel itself implies that much more is factual than what is stated on this page. The book is written in a way that suggests that its claims regarding the Priory of Sion, the Catholic Church, and Christ are to be taken seriously. The author's own remarks outside of the book suggest the same. On his personal web page, he speaks of the historical "secret" he reveals in The Da Vinci Code and states:
The secret I reveal is one that has been whispered for centuries. It is not my own. Admittedly, this may be the first time the secret has been unveiled within the format of a popular thriller, but the information is anything but new.10
What does the book claim regarding the Priory of Sion?
According to the "fact" page, the Priory of Sion-a European secret society founded in 1099-is a real organization. In 1975, Paris's Bibliothèque Nationale discovered parchments known as Les Dossiers Secretes, identifying numerous members of the Priory of Sion, including Sir Isaac Newton, Botticelli, Victor Hugo, and Leonardo da Vinci.
The novel goes on to depict the Priory of Sion as a secret society defending the bloodline of Jesus Christ and Mary Magdalene. Because it allegedly holds the secret of this bloodline, it is persecuted by the Catholic Church. The organization also is devoted to worshiping "the sacred feminine" and holds orgies as a form of ritual worship.
What were Les Dossiers Secretes?
They are a group of documents found in the Bibliothèque Nationale that ostensibly established the historical pedigree of the Priory of Sion secret society. The documents were popularized in the 1970s and formed the basis of the books Holy Blood, Holy Grail, The Messianic Legacy, and, later, The Da Vinci Code. The documents were created by a group headed by a convicted confidence trickster named Pierre Plantard.
Though The Da Vinci Code continues to regard the documents as authentic, many other writers of esoteric "history" have acknowledged that they are fakes. Even the authors of Holy Blood, Holy Grail and The Messianic Legacy later came to question them. Authors Carl Olson and Sandra Miesel note:
The Messianic Legacy recounts much hugger-mugger about missing documentation and forged signatures until Baigent and company begin to doubt Plantard's candor. Well they should have, because the dossiers give every appearance of having been "salted" into the library with pseudonymous by-lines and falsified publication dates. The process somewhat resembles recent cases of people inserting spurious information about works of art into existing library catalogues to create a false pedigree for their merchandise.
Dan Brown's other major source of esoteric ideas, The Templar Revelation, dismisses the dossiers as fabrications.11
What is the real story on the Priory of Sion?
The Priory of Sion was a club founded in 1956 by four young Frenchmen. Two of its members were André Bonhomme (who was president of the club when it was founded) and Pierre Plantard (who previously had been sentenced to six months in prison for fraud and embezzlement).
The group's name is based on a local mountain in France (Col du Mont Sion), not Mount Zion in Jerusalem. It has no connection with the Crusaders, the Templars, or previous movements incorporating "Sion" into their names.
The organization broke up after a short time, but in later years Pierre Plantard revived it, claimed he was the "grand master" or leader of the organization, and began making outrageous claims regarding its antiquity, prior membership, and true purposes. It was he who claimed that the organization stemmed from the Crusades, he (in conjunction with later associates) who composed and salted Les Dossiers Secretes in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and he who created the story that the organization was guarding a secret royal bloodline that could one day return to political power.
What evidence is there that this is the history of the Priory?
After Plantard's claims regarding the Priory came to public attention, his former associates contradicted him. In a 1996 statement made to the BBC by the Priory of Sion's original president, André Bonhomme stated:
The Priory of Sion doesn't exist anymore. We were never involved in any activities of a political nature. It was four friends who came together to have fun. We called ourselves the Priory of Sion because there was a mountain by the same name close-by. I haven't seen Pierre Plantard in over twenty years and I don't know what he's up to but he always had a great imagination. I don't know why people try to make such a big thing out of nothing.12
The BBC itself concluded:
There's no evidence for a Priory of Sion until the 1950s; to find it, you go to the little town of St. Julien. Under French law every new club or association must register itself with the authorities, and that's why there's a dossier here showing that a Priory of Sion filed the proper forms in 1956. According to a founding member, this eccentric association took its name not from Jerusalem but from a nearby mountain (Col du Mont Sion, alt. 786 m). The dossier also notes that the Priory's self-styled grand master, Pierre Plantard, who is central to this story, has done time in jail.13
For an extensive chronology of the events surrounding Pierre Plantard, the Priory of Sion, and its eventual demise, see the online materials assembled by researcher Paul Smith at: www.priory-of-sion.com
What evidence is there that Pierre Plantard was a confidence trickster?
Paul Smith notes:
Pierre Plantard was sentenced on December 17, 1953, by the court of St. Julien-en-Genevois to six months in prison for breaking the French law relating to "Abus de Confiance" (fraud and embezzlement).
The evidence for this is found in a letter written by the Mayor of Annemasse in 1956 to the sub-prefect of St. Julien-en-Genevois, which can be found in the file that contains the 1956 statutes of the Priory of Sion and the 1956 registration documents of the Priory of Sion:
In our archives we have a note from the I.N.S.S.E dated 15 December 1954 advising us that Monsieur Pierre Plantard was sentenced on 17 December 1953 by the court in St. Julien-en-Genevois to six months imprisonment for a 'breach of trust' under articles 406 and 408 of the Penal Code.14
In the 1980s, Plantard asserted that he had spent a number of years in retirement from the Priory of Sion, during which time a man named Roger-Patrice Pelat had served as its grand master. Following the death of Pelat, Plantard claimed to have regained his position as Priory grand master.
Pelat, however, had been involved in a corruption scandal, and Plantard eventually became involved in the investigation of this scandal by the French courts. Paul Smith notes:
When Judge Thierry Jean-Pierre became the presiding French judge heading the enquiry into the Patrice Pelat financial corruption scandal of the 1980s, Plantard voluntarily came forward during the 1990s offering evidence to the enquiry, claiming that Pelat had been a "Grand Master of the Priory of Sion." The judge ordered a search of Plantard's house, which uncovered a hoard of Priory of Sion documents, claiming Plantard to be the "true King of France." The judge subsequently detained Plantard for a forty-eight hour interview and, after asking Plantard to swear on oath, Plantard admitted that he made everything up; whereupon Plantard was given a serious warning and advised not to "play games" with the French judicial system. This happened in September 1993, and it was all reported in the French press of the period. This was the reason for the final termination of the Priory of Sion in 1993.15
Pierre Plantard died in 2002.
How does the Priory of Sion presented in The Da Vinci Code compare with the Priory of Sion co-founded by Plantard?
Olson and Miesel note that, in order to suit his own agenda of promoting worship of "the Sacred Feminine," Brown adapted the Priory of Sion as presented in Holy Blood, Holy Grail and similar works:
Spurious documents, interviews, and admiring books [concerning the actual Priory] multiplied. Lists of famous grand masters were produced. Goddess-worship, however, was not part of the agenda, unlike Brown's version of the Priory. In 1975, Plantard began calling himself "Plantard de St. Clair" to pretend a connection with a noble Scottish family involved with Freemasonry who'd built the strange Chapel of Rosslyn near Edinburgh. (This is why The Da Vinci Code claims the blood of Christ survived most directly in the Plantard and St. Clair families [260, 442].)16
Despite The Da Vinci Code's indirect acknowledgement of Plantard, the secret society at the core of the book remains a product of the fevered imagination of a convicted con man. Olson and Miesel conclude:
Although the false history of the Priory has been repeatedly exposed in France and on the BBC in 1996, not to mention tireless debunking by researcher Paul Smith since at least 1985, Dan Brown wants his readers to think it's real and that its preposterous claims are genuine. The commercial need to feed the public's taste for conspiracy clearly is trumping truth.17
What does The Da Vinci Code claim regarding Opus Dei?
According to the "fact" page:
The Vatican prelature known as Opus Dei is a deeply devout Catholic sect that has been the topic of recent controversy due to reports of brainwashing, coercion, and a dangerous practice known as "corporal mortification." Opus Dei has just completed construction of a $47 million National Headquarters at 243 Lexington Avenue in New York City.
The novel goes on to describe Opus Dei as "a Catholic Church" and portrays it as an order of monks with members serving as assassins, one of whom (a "hulking albino" named Silas) is a key character in the book.
What is the history of the real-world Opus Dei?
According to Opus Dei's U.S. communications director, Brian Finnerty:
The real Opus Dei was founded in Spain in 1928 by a Catholic priest, St. Josemaría Escrivá, with the purpose of promoting lay holiness. It began to grow with the support of the local bishops there and was approved as a secular institute of pontifical right by the Holy See in 1950. Opus Dei's work has been blessed and encouraged by Popes John XXIII, Paul VI, John Paul I, and John Paul II. In 1982, John Paul II established it as a personal prelature of the Catholic Church after careful study of its role in the Church's mission. The culmination of the Church's support for Opus Dei and its message came with the 2002 canonization of its founder. Pope John Paul has called Opus Dei's founder "the saint of ordinary life."18
How does the real-world Opus Dei compare to the one in The Da Vinci Code?
There is a large number of inaccuracies in the picture of Opus Dei painted by the novel. Some of the most significant are catalogued and critiqued by Finnerty:
* The author evinces a remarkable lack of understanding of the structure of the Catholic Church and its various component institutions. Besides his mischaracterization of Opus Dei as "a sect," he variously calls it "a Catholic Church," a "congregation," a "personal Prelature of the Pope himself," and a "Personal Prelature of Vatican City."
* Calling Opus Dei "a Catholic Church" makes no sense. Opus Dei provides supplemental spiritual formation rather than ordinary diocesan functions, except in a few isolated cases in which the Pope or a bishop has asked Opus Dei to take care of some task. Moreover, it is intrinsic to the concept "catholic" that there can be only one Catholic Church, the Catholic Church, and Opus Dei is a fully integrated part of it.
* Congregation is also a term that cannot be applied to Opus Dei, since it refers to religious. The very raison d'etre of Opus Dei is to provide a way of holiness for people who are not called to life in a religious order. For the same reason, the depiction of the Opus Dei villain as a monk in robes and Opus Dei's centers as cloistered residence halls where people withdraw from the world to live a life of prayer is the exact opposite of reality.
* The various permutations of "personal prelature" the author uses to describe Opus Dei are redolent of something like the papal equivalent of a personal army, i.e., an extra-legal operation not subject to the rest of the Church's established authorities. "Personal" does not mean that Opus Dei belongs personally to the Pope or Vatican officials but refers to the fact that the prelature's jurisdiction applies to persons rather than a particular territory.
* Opus Dei places special emphasis on helping lay people seek holiness in their daily lives. It has no monks, nor any members anything like the novel's creepy albino character named Silas.
* The author's descriptions of Opus Dei's "practices," as represented by Silas's bloody purging rituals, are at best grossly distorted and at worst fabrications. He has taken pious accounts of the penances of some of the Church's great saints, including St. Josemaría Escrivá, and transformed them into a monstrous horror show.
* Likewise, teaching the faith, giving spiritual guidance, and being a Christian witness ("brainwashing," "coercion," or "recruiting," for the author) are fundamental aspects of the Christian faith, not just Opus Dei practices.
* The idea that Opus Dei entered a corrupt bargain with Pope John Paul II-bailing out the Vatican Bank in exchange for status as a personal prelature-is offensive and has no basis in reality.19
Has Opus Dei responded to the publisher of The Da Vinci Code regarding its misrepresentation in the book?
It has. When contacted by Catholic Answers, Finnerty, Opus Dei's U.S. communications director, explained that the organization sent a letter of protest to the publisher:
Shortly before the publication of The Da Vinci Code, we sent a letter to Doubleday pointing out some of the numerous misrepresentations in the novel and explaining that the "portrayal of Opus Dei in the book is false and inaccurate in almost every way."
The letter explained what the real Opus Dei is all about: "The basic activity of the prelature of Opus Dei is giving spiritual guidance to help them live the Gospel in their daily lives. This past October [2002], Pope John Paul II canonized Opus Dei's founder, St. Josemaria Escriva, before several hundred thousand people, just a fraction of those who have benefited from Opus Dei's spiritual formation."
Whether the organization will take legal action against the publisher remains to be seen.
What does The Da Vinci Code claim regarding the origin of the Bible?
The book states: "The Bible is a product of man, my dear. Not of God. . . . The Bible, as we know it today, was collated by the pagan Roman emperor Constantine the Great" (231).
This is false. The process by which the Bible formed was one that took time; it was not collated at any one time. Nor did Constantine have anything to do with the process, either before or after he converted to Christianity.
What evidence is there that the Bible formed independently of Constantine?
The Old Testament canon had been forming for centuries. Jesus and the apostles already recognized the authority of the Old Testament writings that existed in their time, as illustrated by the following verses:
* "And beginning with Moses and all the prophets, he interpreted to them in all the scriptures the things concerning himself" (Luke 24:27).
* "You search the scriptures, because you think that in them you have eternal life; and it is they that bear witness to me" (John 5:39).
* "And Paul went in, as was his custom, and for three weeks he argued with them from the scriptures, explaining and proving that it was necessary for the Christ to suffer and to rise from the dead" (Acts 17:2-3).
* "From infancy you have known the holy Scriptures, which are able to make you wise for salvation through faith in Christ Jesus" (2 Tim. 3:15, NIV).
In the first century the apostles and their associates wrote the books of the New Testament, which were passed down to succeeding generations of Christians and read in the churches. In the second and third centuries, Gnostic heretics began to manufacture writings that falsely claimed to be from the apostles, but since they had not been passed down in the churches from the beginning, they were rejected. In response to these new, false writings the churches drew up lists of the authentic books that had been handed down from the apostles. A famous list of the sacred writings from the mid-second century is known as the Muratorian Canon.
The process by which the canon of Scripture was formed was largely complete by the time of Constantine (the early fourth century), and he made no contribution to it. There were a few Old Testament books (known today as the deuterocanonical books or "apocrypha") that continued to be discussed after Constantine's time, into the late fourth century-further illustrating that he did not collate the Bible. No Bible scholar holds that Constantine played such a role in the development of Scripture. Dan Brown is simply wrong.
To view some of the early lists of the books of the Bible, see "The Old Testament Canon" at: www.catholic.com/library/Old_Testament_Canon.asp
What does The Da Vinci Code claim regarding the early Church's recognition of Christ's divinity?
Referring to the First Council of Nicaea, which took place in A.D. 325, The Da Vinci Code states:
Until that moment in history, Jesus was viewed by His followers as a mortal prophet . . . a great and powerful man, but a man nonetheless. A mortal. . . . By officially endorsing Jesus as the Son of God, Constantine turned Jesus into a deity.20
It is true that Constantine, following his conversion to Christ, presided over the First Council of Nicaea, but it is not true that Constantine "turned Jesus into a deity" or that Christians had not viewed Jesus as God prior to this event.
Constantine had called the Council together to settle a dispute that had arisen when a priest from Egypt named Arius began to deny that Jesus was God, causing a scandal by repudiating the faith of Christians everywhere. Arius gained a number of followers (known as Arians) and the controversy between the Arians and traditional Christians grew so sharp that the emperor called the Council to settle the matter. Personally, Constantine tended to support the position of the Arians, but he recognized the authority of the bishops in articulating the Christian faith, and the bishops of the Council reaffirmed the traditional Christian teaching that Jesus was fully divine. It was thus the bishops of the Council of Nicaea who reaffirmed the historic Christian position against Arius and his followers. Constantine recognized their authority to do so in spite of the fact he would have preferred a different outcome.
What evidence is there that Christians regarded Christ as God before the Council of Nicaea?
Christ's divinity is stressed repeatedly in the New Testament. For example, we are told that Jesus' opponents sought to kill him because he "called God his Father, making himself equal with God" (John 5:18).
When quizzed about how he has special knowledge of Abraham, Jesus replies, "Truly, truly, I say to you, before Abraham was, I am" (John 8:58), invoking and applying to himself the personal name of God-"I Am" (Ex. 3:14). His audience understood exactly what he was claiming about himself. "So they took up stones to throw at him; but Jesus hid himself, and went out of the temple" (John 8:59).
In John 20:28, Thomas falls at Jesus' feet, exclaiming, "My Lord and my God!" And Paul tells us that Jesus chose to be born in humble, human form even though he could have remained in equal glory with the Father, for he was "in the form of God" (Phil. 2:6).
The Da Vinci Code asserts that the canon of Scripture was altered at the order of Constantine to support his new doctrine21. How do you answer this?
Brown is asserting this in order to deny the evidence that exists against his position. He cannot back this claim up, for there is no evidence for it whatsoever. No Scripture scholar-Christian or non-Christian-supports this position. There is a number of reasons for this, some of which we will see below, but one reason is that the writings of the Church Fathers (and even non-Christian historians) before the time of Constantine show that Christians regarded Jesus as God.
Consider the following quotations, all of which predate the Council of Nicaea:
* Ignatius of Antioch: "For our God, Jesus Christ, was conceived by Mary in accord with God's plan: of the seed of David, it is true, but also of the Holy Spirit" (Letter to the Ephesians 18:2 [A.D. 110]).
* Tatian the Syrian: "We are not playing the fool, you Greeks, nor do we talk nonsense, when we report that God was born in the form of a man" (Address to the Greeks 21 [A.D. 170]).
* Clement of Alexandria: "The Word, then, the Christ, is the cause both of our ancient beginning-for he was in God-and of our well-being. And now this same Word has appeared as man. He alone is both God and man, and the source of all our good things" (Exhortation to the Greeks 1:7:1 [A.D. 190]).
* Tertullian: "God alone is without sin. The only man who is without sin is Christ; for Christ is also God" (The Soul 41:3 [A.D. 210]).
* Origen: "Although he was God, he took flesh; and having been made man, he remained what he was: God" (The Fundamental Doctrines 1:0:4 [A.D. 225]).
For more quotations illustrating the same point, see: www.catholic.com/library/Divinity_of_Christ.asp
What does The Da Vinci Code claim regarding Jesus' relationship to Mary Magdalene?
The book claims that the two were married. In fact, it claims that Jesus got Mary Magdalene pregnant, and the two had a daughter. The book states:
Mary Magdalene was pregnant at the time of the crucifixion. For the safety of Christ's unborn child, she had no choice but to flee the Holy Land. . . . It was there in France that she gave birth to a daughter. Her name was Sarah.22
Later the book claims that this union gave rise to a bloodline that still exists in prominent European families (including one of the book's main characters, Sophie Neveu). It also claims that the Catholic Church knows about this and has covered it up for centuries, even resorting to murdering Christ's own descendants to protect the secret:
Behold . . . the greatest cover-up in human history. Not only was Jesus Christ married, but He was a father. . . .
The early Church feared that if the lineage were permitted to grow, the secret of Jesus and Magdalene would eventually surface and challenge the fundamental Catholic doctrine-that of a divine Messiah who did not consort with women or engage in sexual union. . . . Many of the Vatican's Grail quests here were in fact stealth missions to erase members of the royal bloodline.23
How do you respond to these claims?
It is irresponsible and offensive for Brown to impugn the faith of countless Catholics in this fashion. He has no solid evidence to support these contentions, and in the absence of such evidence it is unacceptable to smear the faith of millions with these charges.
A comparable smear would be saying that Lutherans have been murdering the descendants of Luther or that Jewish leaders have been murdering the descendants of Moses. If such charges were made, particularly with no evidence, they would be regarded instantly as vicious and bigoted slanders against what other people hold sacred.
Claiming that Catholics have been killing the descendants of their God is a vile and unacceptable assault on their faith. People of all faiths should regard Dan Brown as the viciously bigoted man that it takes to make this kind of charge.
What is one to make of The Da Vinci Code's specific claim that Jesus was married to Mary Magdalene?
It is impossible to take this claim seriously.
The reason that Brown and a handful of others (chiefly New Age authors) have tried to identify Mary Magdalene as the wife of Jesus is obvious: She is one of the few women disciplines of Christ who is prominent, whose name we know, and whom we don't know was married to someone else. Other female disciples of Jesus are known to be married to others (e.g., Joanna the wife of Chuza [Luke 8:3]) or are too insignificant ("the other Mary" [Matt. 28:1]) or we don't know their names (the Syro-Phoenecian woman [Matt. 15:28]). If one wants to force Jesus into the role of being married, Mary Magdalene is one of the few prominent and (seemingly) available women to be pushed into the role of being his wife.
Furthermore, there is nothing in the New Testament that states or implies that Jesus was married to Mary Magdalene. According to the New Testament, Mary of Magdala was a devout follower of Christ and one of the first witnesses of his Resurrection (cf. Matt. 28:1), but not his wife. There is no evidence in the New Testament or the writings of the Church Fathers that she was married to Jesus.
Jesus also said things that indicated that he wasn't married to anyone. He explained that some voluntarily refrain from marrying in order to be fully consecrated to God. He says that they "have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake" (Matt. 19:12). He portrays voluntary abstention from marriage as the highest form of consecration, and as the spiritual leader of the Christian movement, it would be strange for him to hold up such a standard if he himself did not meet it.
Moreover, the early Church was unanimous in regarding Jesus as unmarried. This is not a later doctrine of the Church Fathers but something found in the New Testament itself. The authors of the New Testament regularly depict the Church as "the bride of Christ" (2 Cor. 11:2; Eph. 5:21-33; cf. Rev. 21:9-10). This metaphor would never have developed if a flesh-and-blood "Mrs. Jesus" was living just down the street. Only if Christ was celibate would the Church have come to be depicted metaphorically as his bride.
What does Brown claim regarding Mary Magdalene's role in the early Church?
Brown asserts that in the original Gospels, Mary Magdalene rather than Peter was directed to establish the Church:
According to these unaltered gospels, it was not Peter to whom Christ gave directions with which to establish the Christian Church. It was Mary Magdalene. . . . Jesus was the original feminist.24
Again, there is no basis for this claim. None of the early manuscripts of the Gospels nor any of the quotations of the Gospels in the writings of the early Church Fathers suggest that anything of the kind was said at any stage in the history of the Gospels. Brown's assertion that "Jesus was the original feminist" is simply pandering to modern secular sensibilities. It in no way represents the historical evidence that exists.
Appealing to prior "unaltered" gospels that had not been doctored by Constantine or others in the early Church is fatuous. There is no evidence that Constantine ordered any copies of Scripture to be changed. If one wishes to claim that he did give such an order, one should be able to back it up with a citation from a contemporary source, but no such passage can be found. None of the surviving records of the period-or even the records of later centuries-record Constantine or any one else attempting to alter the texts of the existing canon to change this or any other doctrine. Brown simply has no evidence to back up his claim.
If Constantine or any one else had tried to change Scripture, Christians would have refused. The Christian Church had just come through an age of persecution in which Christians had been burned at the stake for refusing to deny their Lord and the Scriptures he gave them. To allow those writings to be mutilated would be unthinkable, and any attempt to change them would have resulted in an enormous controversy that would be mentioned in the writings of the period.
It would have been a practical impossibility to change Scripture, because thousands of copies were in existence all across the Mediterranean world, from Europe to North Africa. There was no central registry of who had copies of the Bible, so there was no way to track them down and edit them. There were simply too many copies floating in circulation.
But even if all of the copies then known to exist had been tracked down and altered, this would not have affected the copies of Scripture that by this time already had been lost. Many of the early manuscripts of Scripture that we now have were waiting, lost, in the desert until their discovery by modern archaeology. But when we look at these copies, they teach the same doctrines as later copies and show no evidence of having been censored.
Moreover, the writings of the early Church Fathers from before the time of Constantine show the same teachings and quote the Gospels as saying the same things as in the canonical Gospels.
3. Responding to Fans of The Da Vinci Code
How can I help others understand how offensive The Da Vinci Code is?
Point out the offensive claims made by the book, particularly the ones regarding Jesus and early Christianity. Point out that the claims are false-that Brown does not have the evidence to support them. The idea that Jesus had a wife is absurd. One of the major themes of the New Testament is that of the Church as the Bride of Christ. This theme would never have arisen in Christian circles if Jesus had a human wife. It was the fact that he was not married in the ordinary sense that led to the Church being described as his Bride. What Brown is doing amounts to smearing the most important and sacred beliefs of millions of people for the sake of getting his novel on the bestseller list.
To help others understand how offensive these are, encourage fans of the novel to imagine parallel situations involving other religions or groups of people. For example, a major publisher would never produce a novel that portrayed the Jewish faith as perpetrating a murderous, centuries-long, global conspiracy. Such a book would be met immediately with outraged protests and the author and publishers publicly branded as religious bigots. By producing this novel smearing Christianity, Brown and Doubleday show that they have a double standard and harbor anti-Catholic, anti-Christian prejudice.
There is even a fairly close parallel here: In spinning its conspiracy tale, The Da Vinci Code relies on information provided by documents that are established forgeries: Les Dossiers Secretes. Doubleday's release of the book is comparable to a major publisher releasing a novel based on anti-Jewish forgeries such as The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. If the publisher would turn down an anti-Jewish conspiracy novel based on these documents, it should do the same with The Da Vinci Code. The fact that it did not do so reveals a double standard and bigotry toward Christianity on its part.
How can I respond to the charge that The Da Vinci Code is "just fiction"?
It isn't a defense to say that The Da Vinci Code is a work of fiction. Fiction can't change the basic facts about major historical figures without being subject to criticism. People would be outraged if Doubleday printed a novel portraying Adolph Hitler in a positive light. Christians have a right to be outraged when the basic historical facts about Christ are falsified. The criticism will be even more intense when a publisher releases a book parodying the most sacred beliefs of others in this fashion.
Further, as we have seen in this special report, the book takes great pains to create the appearance of factuality, including placing the infamous "fact" page at the beginning of the novel. Brown has stressed the ostensible accuracy of the book on his web site and in interviews. This is not a case where an author and a publisher have produced an ordinary novel. They have gone to great lengths to mislead people into thinking that the novel has a historical basis. They deserve especially sharp criticism for this, and when criticism is made they cannot hypocritically hide behind the "It's just fiction" allegation after having made such extensive efforts to convince the reader that it is not "just fiction."
Where can I go for more information on the subjects treated in The Da Vinci Code?
Several works respond to The Da Vinci Code and the works on which it is based. Many of these are available on the Internet. Others take the form of recently published books and articles.
Books:
* Catholic Answers particularly recommends The Da Vinci Hoax: Exposing the Errors in The Da Vinci Code by Carl Olson and Sandra Miesel.
* Also useful are De-Coding DaVinci: The Facts behind the Fiction of The Da Vinci Code by Amy Welborn and Fact and Fiction in The Da Vinci Code by Steven Kellmeyer.
* The preceding books are by Catholic authors, but Evangelical authors also have responded to Brown's novel. Though their books may contain swipes at Catholicism, they also contain useful information for refuting The Da Vinci Code. Particularly noteworthy on the Evangelical side is the book The Truth behind The Da Vinci Code: A Challenging Response to the Bestselling Novel by Richard Abanes and Breaking The Da Vinci Code: Answers to the Questions Everybody's Asking by Darrell Bock.
Articles:
* Carl Olson has authored or participated in authoring several articles on The Da Vinci Code. He maintains a list of online versions of these articles on his web site at www.carl-olson.com/abouttdvc.html.
* Sandra Miesel has written articles as well, including "Dismantling The Da Vinci Code" (www.crisismagazine.com/september2003/feature1.htm).
* For a noteworthy piece by Evangelical author Ben Witherington, see "The Da Vinci Code" (Biblical Archaeology Review, May/June 2004).
The priory struggles to keep alive a religion of balance between male and female (celebrated in ritual intercourse) which Constantine crushed out of Christianity to strengthen male power. The Holy Grail is not a chalice but the memory of Mary Magdalene who was the consort of Jesus and the mother of his daughter, Sarah, whose descendents are still alive. Op
us has assigned one of its supernumeraries to kill the leaders of the priory and he does so with a holy zeal, after he has scourged himself according to the customs of the group. In a secret meeting at Castel Gandolfo the Vatican has given the Opus prelate 20 million euros in bearer bonds to finance the killings. It also promised that a planned suppression of Opus would be cancelled. The hit man kills the four top officials in the priory and a nun who tries to prevent him from opening a secret compartment in the Church of San Sulpice. A captain of the judiciary police and certain other folks seem to be involved on the side of Opus.
All of this is rich material, guaranteed to keep one turning the pages till the story is finished. Still, the reader must wonder how much of it is fantasy. The answer, I would argue, is that practically all of it is fantasy. Every couple of years a book comes along that promises to tell you who Jesus really was and/or how the church has hidden the “real” Jesus for 19 centuries. Somehow they do not stand up to serious historical examination.
I am hardly a defender of Opus Dei, but I cannot imagine them setting a killer loose in a struggle against a group it considers dangerous. Nor can I imagine the Vatican picking up the tab for serial killings. As usual in such stories, the Roman curia is pictured as smooth, sophisticated schemers who will stop at nothing to preserve the power of the church.
The curia is hardly all that deft and devious, save in its internal plots and conniving -- like getting rid of a colleague or undoing an ecumenical council. It is in fact a fractionalized bureaucracy whose heavy-handed personnel would have a hard time conspiring themselves out of a wet paper bag. Poison and daggers were abandoned long ago.
Is all this stuff anti-Catholic? In a sense it is, and I am waiting for the voice of the indefatigable Bill Donahue of the Catholic League to cry boycott. However, the worst the book will do is upset some dedicated Catholics who won’t leave the church anyhow and feed the bigotry of some hard-line anti-Catholics.
For the record, the book is filled with historical inaccuracies. Bruce Boucher of Chicago’s Art Institute in an article in The New York Times Aug. 3 tore apart Dan Brown’s knowledge of Leonardo Da Vinci. Moreover, Brown’s use of the term “Vatican” is woefully inaccurate. He depicts the “Vatican” as conspiring with Constantine to suppress the Gnostic gospels in the early 4th century. However, the Vatican Hill was a disorderly cemetery at that time. The “Vatican” is also involved in the suppression of the Templars, though the headquarters of the pope at that time was the Lateran Palace (and the pope was in Avignon anyway). Brown also refers to an individual he calls the Secretariat Vaticana who has charge of papal finances. Presumably he means the secretary of state, though that official does not in fact control Vatican finances. Brown knows little about Leonardo, little about the Catholic church, and little about history.
Yet something must be said about the Grail legend whose origins are not Christian and whose ambience is more heretical than Catholic. Back in the dim prehistory of Ireland, there was a spring fertility ritual (enacted on Beltane, usually May 1) in which animal blood was poured into a concave stone altar to represent the union of the male and female in the process of generating life. Later tales grew up to explain the rite, the best known of which is the story of Art MacConn. Memories of the ritual and the story floated around in the collective preconscious of the Celtic lands in company with folk tales, myths, bits of history and cycles of legends about such folk as Arthur, Merlin, Parsifal and Tristan. Later writers like Geoffrey of Monmouth, Chretien de Troyes, Thomas Mallory, and Wolfram von Eschenbach combined this bricolage of images and myths into more systematic stories with an overlay of Christianity. However, these storytellers (excepting von Eschenbach) were tainted by the perspectives of Catharist heresy and the results were dreamy, flesh-denying, life-denying legends that violated the older, if pagan, Irish tales. The Grail is always to be sought and never found. This version persists in the work of such disparate artists as Richard Wagner, Alfred Tennyson, Fritz Lowe and Robert Bresson. In the Irish story, Art gets the magic cup and the magic princess, though, more realistically she, being an Irish woman, gets him -- a happy ending! (see Jean Markale, Women of the Celts).
Finally, Brown and his Harvard “symbologist” (semioticist?) are apparently unaware of the most powerful religious symbol of the mother love of God in the last 1,500 years of history, one with a profound impact on painting, music, sculpture, architecture and poetry. Surveys tell us Mary, the mother of Jesus, is one of the four key elements of Catholic religious identity among young people in the United States (along with concern for the poor, the action of God in the sacraments and the presence of Jesus in the Eucharist). Some feminist theologians reject the Mary symbol on the grounds that it was patriarchal in its origin. Granted that like all symbols, the Mary symbol can be and has been misused, the efforts of some writers to cancel out a millennium and a half of rich religious imagery with the shibboleth “patriarchal” (instead of purifying it) can most charitably be described as heroic. How many medieval cathedrals do they propose to destroy? One wonders nevertheless what Dan Brown’s reasons were for ignoring the Mary symbol.
Ron started reading The DaVinci Code this week. I've never seen him obsessed over a book before. He read it for 15 hours solid on Monday - until 3 AM yesterday morning. He can't stop talking about it and I keep smacking him around when he reveals a plot point. I'm going to start reading it. I'll report back!
Please do not post any spoilers!
Update: Half-way through... Oooo - it's good! It makes me think of Michael Chrichton with mysticism instead of technobabble or X-Files with religion instead of aliens (actually that's pretty close to what Millenium was, right?). The technical craft of why the novel works is so evident - the same reason why I love 24 - to take all these tired plot tricks and mechanics and throw them willy-nilly is just thrilling.
Finished: I liked this book a lot. Da Vinci Code has lots of clever codes and twists and turns that make it a satisfying read - I can see why it's one of those 'summer at the beach read' type of books. Underlying the novel is a foundation inspired tons of alternative Christian mysticism - some of which my sister had told me about when she got her Masters in Religion. I forget that some people don't realize how the major themes of Christianity are really nothing new - the plot devices (like the plot devices of the book) are tried and true. Virgin births, crucified messiahs, carnivorous communions... it's all been done before. My favorite example of this is how Saint Brigid in the Catholic canon of saints is actually a derivative of a Celtic goddess of the same name.
The English journalist stood outside the church of St Sulpice, her heart pounding.
It was dusk and if memory served her well, it was just 20m up the 200 steps into the darkened nave.
That number had been precisely counted by the church's medieval architect to chime in with the ritual of the pagan goddess once worshipped on this site until the elders of the Christian Church claimed it as their own.
Her footsteps echoed on the cold flagstones.
Inside, the elderly Frenchman who went by the name of Monsieur Michel Rouge would be waiting for her. She sensed it might be a difficult encounter.
Perhaps he alone could unravel the secrets of the dark arts practised by the American author Dan Brown. The man whose quest to write a bestseller had so angered the French that even now mysterious forces were gathering to denounce him.
She looked up at his face in the half shadow, illuminated only by the blue of Mary Magdalene's robe in the stained glass window looming above them.
Then she took a deep breath and asked..."So what exactly is it about The Da Vinci Code that's upset you so much in France?"
Fact or fiction?
Michel Rouge was silent as he weighed his words carefully. But the journalist could see what he was thinking.
Perhaps it was because Dan Brown was American, perhaps it was because his bestseller mixed fact and fiction so successfully that the Da Vinci tourists flocking to France took every word as Gospel truth - their naive gullibility irritating the rational, logical French.
In fact, Michel Rouge is a tour guide at the church that is used as the site of one of the key secrets of The Da Vinci Code, and one of its most brutal killings by Silas, the albino Opus Dei monk and murderer.
Except that Opus Dei, the Catholic organisation, does not have monks. Nor is it a sect. And St Sulpice does not hide the secret that Dan Brown describes.
Michel smiles as he explains that he does not actually mind, as long as the grail-hunting tourists are not abusive when he tells them that the book is not true.
Like 17 million other people across the globe, he has read The Da Vinci Code and enjoyed it.
But what worries him is the introduction, which claims that all descriptions of artwork, architecture and secret rituals are accurate.
Well, up to a point.
Unswerving beliefs
St Sulpice undoubtedly exists. But it is not the site of a Roman temple. Nor, Michel Rouge says, does the obelisk there hide a secret cave. Nor, indeed, is the obelisk Egyptian.
So fed up is the church with tourists asking to see where the fictional nun was murdered that it has put up notices to make it clear that while the church is real, the events in the book are not.
Some visitors, though, simply do not believe it... and they keep stealing the notice.
They tell Michel Rouge that he is covering up for the Catholic Church but that now, thanks to Dan Brown, they know the truth - that Jesus was married to Mary Magdalene and that they had children whose descendants became French kings.
Michel shrugs, and raises a sceptical eyebrow.
Despite everything, he says, he is glad more visitors are being drawn to the church, whatever their motives.
Religious rebuff
The Gallic shrug approach is also taken by Opus Dei, described in the novel as a rich, powerful and violent Catholic sect.
I speak to their press secretary Arnaud Gency on the phone, so I cannot tell whether he is an unusually large albino monk, nor if he is wearing a spiked belt around his thigh to mortify his flesh.
It does not sound like it though, as he laughs while discussing the impact of a book in which his employer is one of the main villains.
Arnaud read The Da Vinci Code, but admits that to him, its popularity remains its greatest mystery.
He directs me to the Opus Dei website for their wonderfully understated riposte: "We hope that Da Vinci Code readers interested in Christian history will be motivated to study the scholarship in the NON-FICTION section of the library."
And yet, in this secular age, what is it about a novel based on religion and sacred signs that has captured so many imaginations?
Arnaud Gency agrees that perhaps many readers are seeking a spiritual side to life, especially those who do not have - as he puts it - much historical knowledge or culture on which to base their beliefs. Americans, he means.
But how does he explain the book's popularity in France?
"When you read the book," he says, "you have the feeling that you are learning a lot, and the French love that. But when you realise that what Dan Brown writes is actually wrong, it is a bitter disappointment. At least in France..."
It was dark outside as the English journalist left the church... and for a brief moment, she thought she could hear voices.
"Dan Brown is publishing a sequel," they whispered.
"Oh no", she thought, and she could almost hear the groans of French agony resonating through the ancient paving stones.
Error #1: More than once in the book, the protagonist, Teabing, makes the claim that the canonical gospels are not the earliest gospels. Instead, he claims, the suppressed Gnostic gospels are the earliest written gospels and the canonical gospels were selected from among 80 other gospels.
First, there were only less than half that many books written about Jesus life. The two Gnostic gospels Brown relies on most heavily weren’t written until the second century A.D., long after the New Testament gospels were written. It makes sense that the Gnostic gospels came about in the late second century, as this is when Gnostic thought was most prevalent. However, the New Testament was complete before the end of the 1st Century.
As a side note - The Gospel of Peter, one of the very Gospels that Brown claims as an earlier writing, blames the Jews for the crucifixion. Another Gnostic Gospel, the Gospel of Thomas, claims women must become men in order to receive salvation. Apparently Brown’s Gospel is not only anti-Semitic, but also chauvinistic.
Error #2: The Dead Sea Scrolls were discovered in the 1950’s.
This one’s priceless. It seems Brown can’t even get a simple date right. The Dead Sea Scrolls were discovered in 1947, not in the 1950’s.
Error #3: The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Gnostic texts found at Nag Hammadi are the earliest Christian Records.
Another howler. The Dead Sea Scrolls are strictly Jewish documents. They don’t contain any gospels or anything even mentioning Jesus. There is also absolutely no evidence that any of the gnostic documents were written before the late second century AD anyway.
Error #4: Jesus Christ never claimed to be divine and was never worshipped as a deity until the Council of Nicea in 325 A.D.
This is just plain false. Jesus is called God (theos) seven times in the New Testament and is called Lord in the divine sense several times. Everyone knows that the texts of the New Testament predate the Council of Nicea, and that these were first century beliefs.
Error #5: Christianity borrowed its beliefs from the pagan religion of Mithraism. Mithraism worshipped the pre-Christian God Mithras, called the Son of God and Light of the World, who was born on December 25th, died, was buried in a rock tomb, and then resurrected in three days.
Scholars of Mithraism would strongly disagree with Brown on all of these points. Nowhere is Mithras given the title Son of God and the Light of the World. Brown apparently made this up because it sounded good. Mithras was born on December 25th, however this proves nothing. The New Testament never associated December 25th with the birth of Christ. The early Christians chose to celebrate the birth of Christ on this day intentionally to oppose the pagan mid-winter festival of Saturnalia. They never claimed Jesus was actually born on that date. The claim that Mithras died and was buried in a rock tomb is just not true. Scholars will tell you that in Mithraism there is no death of Mithras at all. So, there was no rock tomb and no resurrection.
Error #6: Jesus was married to Mary Magdalene.
The New Testament never mentions Jesus being married or even suggests it, so Brown uses one of the Gnostic gospels, the Gospel of Philip to support this claim. We only have fragments of the text he uses as his support and that text reads as follows:
“And the companion of the…Mary Magdalene…her more than…the disciples…kiss her…on her…” (Philip 63:33-36). Philip 58-59 seems to indicate that the kiss would have been on the lips. In 1 Corinthians 16, Paul mentions this kind of chaste kiss of fellowship, and this is likely what is meant here. However, we need not rest on that argument.
The protagonist in Brown’s book claims that the word “companion” in this verse actually means spouse because that’s what the Aramaic word really means. I kind of feel sorry for Brown here. This document wasn’t written in Aramaic. It was written in Coptic. The word used for companion is koinonos and it means companion, not spouse.
Error #7: Christianity honored the Jewish Sabbath of Saturday, but Constantine changed the day to coincide with the pagan veneration day of the sun.
Once again, Brown is just flat wrong. All available evidence shows that Christians were honoring Sunday as the Sabbath long before Constantine. Brown may be confusing Paul’s trips to the synagogue on the Sabbath to preach to the Jews. If you wanted to preach to the Jews about Jesus, where would you find a large gathering of Jews to preach too? Perhaps the synagogue on the Sabbath? In any case, it is clear from scripture that the Christian Sabbath is on the first day of the week (Acts 20:7, 1 Cor. 16:2).
There are many more errors found in Brown’s book, but this should be sufficient to demonstrate that his scholarship is poor, his theories are not based on fact, and, in my opinion, his intention is to discredit Christianity by promoting goddess worship and paganism based on heretical texts. It’s important that Christians expose these kind of attacks on our faith, and imperative that we educate people on the true history and message of the Word of God. We have an advantage. Because our faith is built on God’s Word and on truth, we can depend on facts to present our case. We don’t have to resort to lies, conspiracy theories, and revisionist history.
This review and critique is meant to examine the historical “facts” and conspiratorial leaps that permeate the story. It is important to remember, however, that the book is a work of fiction; as such, we will begin our critique with a short literary evaluation. The story of The DaVinci Code brings to mind the proverb about eating Chinese food and being hungry again later: Though weighing in at 450 pages, the tale simply doesn’t satisfy. It begins with a murder, and for the next 400 or so pages, the major characters scramble around France and England. The hero races from one cryptographical puzzle to the next, taking extraordinary time to figure out solutions to puzzles that most of us figured out the moment they were introduced. In the process of zipping around, these characters leave behind nearly all vestiges of unique personality. The reader is introduced to the typical hero, heroine, turncoat, righteous villain, and a plethora of other cardboard secondary characters, like the flat detective who is in pursuit of the “good guys.” Brown’s idea of giving dimension to a character seems to be either having them switch allegiances without warning, or endowing them with a disabling condition, like albinism or walking on crutches. (Improbably, Brown’s albino character seems to suffer none of the usual loss of visual acuity, which accompanies that condition in reality.3) The plot, though fast-paced and engaging on the surface level, is tiredly predictable. The most intriguing part of the book is the intermittent revelation of “facts” and conspiracies, the focus of this critique.
The narrative is driven by the ancient quest for the Holy Grail. It’s not the cup of the Last Supper most of the world pictures, but rather in Brown’s universe, shaped as it is by popular conspiracy-theory speculations rather than certified scholarship, it is a “royal bloodline” composed of descendants of Jesus Christ and (who else?) Mary Magdalene. This theory has been promoted without success before, most notably in the 1983 book Holy Blood, Holy Grail by Michael Baigent, Henry Lincoln, and Richard Leigh (New York: Dell). That book has been soundly critiqued by numerous scholars, historians, and fantasy debunkers. (See, for example, http://anzwers.org/free/posmis/ , http://www.alpheus.org/html/articles/esoteric_history/richardson1.html and http://www.anzwers.org/free/posdebunking/.) The book has been shown to be based on fraudulent manuscripts and poor scholarship. Why, then, does Brown use it as his primary source?
The quest for the Holy Grail in The DaVinci Code ends up being the search for Mary Magdalene’s tomb, in which are interred secret documents whose contents will wreck Christianity as we know it. These documents contain the “true” gospel—one whose foundation is the feminized divine known in goddess worship. If revealed to the world, these recovered “truths” will pave the way for us to return to a more enlightened spirituality centered on this divine feminine. In fact, however, the idea that religion was originally matriarchal (female centered) and then was changed to be patriarchal (male centered) by the Jews and perpetuated by later Christians is simply NOT true. There is no evidence that any significant religious movement, including early Christianity, had dominant female deities – they were always linked to their male counterparts, and usually in a subservient role. [See, for example, Tikva Frymer-Kensky’s In the Wake of the Goddesses (New York: Ballantine Books, 1993) and Craig Hawkins’ Goddess Worship, Witchcraft, and Neo-Paganism (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998).]
In another cheap trick, Brown closes his novel with the lead character finding the location of Mary’s tomb, and instead of revealing the all important truths to the shock of the world, he decides to leave it alone and disclose nothing to anyone, thus perpetuating the “false” truths of Christianity and keeping secret the “real” truths of the goddess that have been hidden for generations. Why is the hero motivated to do this? What enlightenment does he undergo that causes him to cover-up the “truth” in the same way that Leonardo DaVinci and the museum curator and countless others did before him? Why do all of these enlightened people not want to inform the masses and get them back to worshipping the divine goddess? None of these questions is adequately addressed in the novel. One is left to conclude that like all great conspiracies, the discoverers of the cover-ups deem the truth too scary for the masses to calmly handle and the revealing of it would lead to scary, lethal consequences from “them.”
Prior to the uninspiring close of the novel, Brown litters his narrative with historical “facts,” and it is to these that we now turn our attention.
But It’s Just Fiction….
“Is this not a work of fiction? Why worry about a few misplaced facts?” I’ll tell you why. While waiting in line to purchase The DaVinci Code at the local Borders bookstore, I scanned a primary chapter of concern, having been informed by Bob Passantino of its historically inaccurate content. A woman behind me spoke up: “Oh! That’s a great book!” I looked back at her. “Not really,” I replied shortly. “It’s full of poor scholarship.” The woman was shocked. “But it’s just fiction,” she replied. Curious nevertheless, she asked for an example. So, I picked one. “Well, it has the date of the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls wrong.4 If the author cannot get something that elementary and fundamental right, it is reasonable to wonder what other historical “facts” presented in this text are wrong. And there are a lot of wrong “facts” presented as the historical background to this fiction book.” “Interesting,” she said, nodding. This is why it is important that someone worry about the historical inaccuracies that serve as the historical basis of this fiction book—because most people are not equipped to filter fact from fiction and they will absorb as truth whatever someone says is true.
Brown opens his novel with the words “FACT” in bold, capital letters and this statement:
All descriptions of artwork, architecture, documents, and secret rituals in this novel are accurate.
In terms of documents and rituals, however – and even artwork and architecture5 -- The DaVinci Code contains few “facts” and what few it does contain require serious qualification. All of this might be excused, except that Brown baptizes such aspects of the book with the brand of “FACT,” giving credence to his claims in the eyes of most readers. Also, he puts many of these “facts” into the mouth of a character named Teabing who is described as a reputable historian, which further encourages the reader to accept the historical “facts” in the novel as a factual backbone to the fictional story. I rather think if any genuine, academic historian made certain statements attributed to Teabing, he would be promptly demoted to janitorial duties and remanded for training in History 101. Sadly, Brown’s sleight-of-hand under the cloak of fact has tricked others, including the Book Review Editor of the New York Daily News, who commented naively that “his research is impeccable.”
On the television special, Brown confesses that he “became a believer” in the theories that he weaves throughout The DaVinci Code after allegedly trying to disprove them. This lends further credence to unsuspecting readers who aren’t equipped to question the facts the world presents to them.
We must remember that TV commercials are written to get the maximum yield from consumers to buy the products, and the “truth” claims in TV commercials should be easier to dismiss as fraudulent by many—though the truth is that just like a five year old who wants a Slinky because it will glide down the stairs as gracefully as it does on TV, most of the audience will buy Crest White Strips because it has been proven to whiten teeth best, the girl on the commercial has a dazzling smile, the background music reminds them of their childhood, or whatever. Most consumers – and most readers of fiction – are unable to discern fact from fiction—and that’s a fact.
I believe that we should no more let the truth claims in this book pass as truth than we would the truth claims in a fictional work rooted in the premise that a particular race was inferior. Imagine if an author put those claims into the mouth of someone cast as a trained anthropologist, and prefaced the entire work with the statement that, “All descriptions of cultures, biology, sociology, and genetics in this novel are accurate.” Would such a book stay long on the shelves of a Barnes and Noble? I think not. It is only because Christianity in general, and Catholicism in particular, is considered “fair game” that this sort of work is received not with outrage, but with a Ho Hum.
Leaving aside questions of literary deficiencies and inaccuracies concerning other minor areas, our material of concern does not emerge until about halfway through the book in Chapter 55. The statements that follow are all put in the mouth of the historian character, Teabing, as he answers some questions from the two lead characters about the nature and background of their quest. To begin:
“…The Bible did not arrive by fax from heaven…The Bible is the product of man, my dear. Not of God. The Bible did not fall magically from the clouds. Man created it as a historical record of tumultuous times, and it has evolved through countless translations, additions, and revisions. History has never had a definitive version of the book.”6
Even in this vague summary, a host of problems emerges:
The implied view being addressed – that “the Bible arrived by fax from heaven” or “dropped out of the clouds” – is a tendentious straw man. Biblical scholars and informed Christian believers do not believe that this is how God transferred the Bible to us. The inspiration of the Holy Spirit is key to the transmission of the gospel to humans. No one claims it was dropped out of the clouds, but rather it is held that God chose specific instruments from men and that the Spirit guided them.7
“Countless translations, etc.” is excessive hyperbole and vague generalization. Without a specific charge of what was translated, added, or revised, it is impossible to respond to this point specifically. Generally however, these considerations may be offered:
Translation issues for the Bible are not different than translation issues for any document, and cause no more difficulty. The statement implies that there is some great confusion over translation that is cause for concern. It is true that there are issues one may discuss in terms of translating the Bible from ancient Hebrew and Greek to any modern language, but this is a natural function of all translation processes, and in no way is this ever thought to detract from offering a “definitive,” reasonable account of what has been written. In fact, the transmission of the ancient texts, the voluminous quality of manuscript copies, the science of textual criticism, and the art of translation ensure that any reputable modern translation of the Bible is an accurate rendition of what was originally said. This subject has been covered so comprehensively and so well by so many scholars that Brown’s misrepresentation of the facts is inexcusable.
Brown’s imaginary arguments undermining the trustworthiness of the Biblical text are so unsophisticated and off the mark that one example will suffice to show his inadequacies. In Aramaic Sources of Mark's Gospel, Biblical scholar Maurice Casey examines the process of Mark's use of Aramaic sources in composing his Greek Gospel and offers a list of inevitable complications of translation and bilingualism and actual examples in practice. How a bilingual learns a language -- and how they keep up with it -- inevitably affects their translation ability. There is a vast difference between a person who grows up with both languages (and may therefore be less proficient in both of them) and a person who learned a second language, and did not use their first language for many years. A modern scholar who learns ancient Greek or Hebrew must encounter similar difficulties. As Casey puts it, "All bilinguals suffer from interference," and translators more so.8 A few examples offered by Casey bring this point home:
1. Bilinguals "often use a linguistic item more frequently because it has a close parallel in their other language." Thus: "...Danish students are reported using the English definite article more often than monoglot speakers of English. This reflects 'the fact that Danish and English seem to have slightly different conceptions of what constitutes generic as opposed to specific reference.' " Or: "...there is a tendency for English loanwords among speakers of Australian German to be feminine -- die Road, die Yard, etc. -- and this is probably due to the similarity in sound between the German die and the accented form of English 'the', whereas the German masculine der and neuter das sound different."
2. When a source text is culture-specific, there is great need for changes to make the text intelligible. The example of how two German editions of Alice in Wonderland translated a particular passage differently serves well:
“Perhaps it doesn't understand English,” thought Alice, “I dare say it's a French mouse, come over with William the Conqueror.”
One edition substituted "English" so that the translation simply said that the mouse did not understand much, and to make the reference to William the Conqueror intelligible, added a phrase about William coming from England. A different translation made the language not understood by the mouse into German, and changed William the Conqueror into Napoleon.9 There were thus two different methods used to make the text intelligible to native readers.
3. A German person on a bus asks a person next to an empty seat, "Ist dieser Platz frei?" It is literally in English, "Is this place free?" But an English person would say, "Is this seat taken?" Or, a polite request in Polish to a distinguished guest to take a seat is literally, in English, "Mrs Vanessa! Please! Sit! Sit!" The "short imperative" to "Sit!" sounds "like a command rather than a polite request" made to someone unruly rather than to a distinguished guest.10
Such then are typical problems of translating from one language to another. The sort of exhaustive knowledge required to perform an exact translation is simply beyond the understanding of most people, and presents a practical impossibility. This does not mean we must press a panic button over not being able to provide “definitive” translations of every single word immediately, thus giving us the full range of meaning implied in every word. For instance, the examples above clearly transmit an accurate rendering of the message, even if some nuance is lost to non-native speakers. Linguistic studies continue to be performed to this day giving us new insight into ancient languages. This is so not only for Biblical languages, but other ancient languages like Latin, and a professional historian, unlike our fictional Teabing, would never offer such a ridiculously generalized statement.
Additions and revisions are also of no more issue than those found in any other document. Again, without a specific “addition” or “revision” to address, we can only offer some general points. There are a number of “checkpoints” that give us reasonable certainty of what the Bible originally said when written. The first set of checkpoints comes through the process called textual criticism. Put simply, scholars collect and compare copies of the work in question, work out their relative ages, and by this means decide what the likeliest reading of the original document was. In terms of evidence, it is common to speak of the “embarrassing” wealth of evidence we have for the text of the New Testament, comprised of over 24,000 copies or pieces of manuscripts, some dating as early as the second and third century. In contrast, consider that the words of the Roman historian Tacitus, writing about 100 AD, are attested to by a mere handful of manuscripts (less than a dozen) which date to a far later time at the earliest (the eleventh century!). The Old Testament does not have quite as much or the same quality of manuscript evidence, but does still exceed significantly what is available from the likes of Tacitus and most other ancient works. On this basis, it is difficult to justify any claim that we do not possess a “definitive” idea of what the Bible actually said in its originals, or autographa, unless one wants to throw out all other ancient writings with it.
In terms of revisions, ancient writers did have justifiable reasons for performing certain types of revisions: As language changed or as certain facts become less known, it would become necessary to adjust the text in order for it to remain coherent to later readers. The Greek historian Herodotus, for example, used Greek measurement units to report weight, currency, and distance, which would not have been used by the people of the places he reported upon. He does this even when translating inscriptions made by the people he is studying. Such revisions are easy to discern and are not problematic for arriving at a “definitive” version of the biblical text. Moreover, they should not be mistaken for wholesale content-revisions, or changes in ideology. Furthermore, they are certainly not “countless,” if we are to have any respect at all for the evidence provided by textual criticism.
Teabing goes on with more specific claims:
“Jesus Christ was a historical figure of staggering influence, perhaps the most enigmatic and inspirational leader the world has ever seen….Understandably, His life was recorded by thousands of followers across the land….More than eighty gospels were considered for the New Testament, and yet only a relative few were chosen for inclusion – Matthew, Mark, Luke and John among them…The Bible, as we know it today, was collated by the pagan Roman emperor Constantine the Great.”11
Was Jesus a figure of “staggering influence” about whom “thousands of followers” wrote? The answers to these questions is, “No, not exactly,” and “No, not that the evidence would allow.”
Jesus became a figure of “staggering influence” only AFTER the Christian church became a prominent force. As far as the historians of the day were concerned, Jesus was just a "blip" on the screen. Jesus was not considered to be historically significant by historians of his time. He did not address the Roman Senate, or write extensive Greek philosophical treatises; He never traveled outside of the regions of Palestine, and was not a member of any known political party. It is only because Christians later made Jesus a "celebrity" that He became known. Historian E. P. Sanders, comparing Jesus to Alexander the Great, notes that the latter "so greatly altered the political situation in a large part of the world that the main outline of his public life is very well known indeed. Jesus did not change the social, political and economic circumstances in Palestine...the superiority of evidence for Jesus is seen when we ask what he thought.”12 Jesus was also executed as a criminal, providing him with the ultimate “marginality”. He lived an offensive lifestyle and alienated many people. He associated with the despised and rejected: Tax collectors, prostitutes, and the band of fishermen He had as disciples. Finally, he was a poor, rural person in a land run by wealthy urbanites. The idea that Jesus had a “staggering influence” during his own life on earth is completely in error, which means that he could not have had “thousands of followers” to write authoritative biographies. In fact, three or four biographies would be the most we should expect – especially since 90 percent of all ancient persons were illiterate and unable to write such a work to begin with!
Were there eighty Gospels out of which four were chosen? If this is so, then we are justified in asking several questions:
What are the dates of the manuscripts of the “excluded” Gospels? If we are to consider any such work, we need to know how close it is to the time when Jesus lived. One way of determining this is to know what the earliest manuscript of it is. When we look at the evidence (sadly, evidence doesn’t seem to bother Brown in the least), we find that while there is near universal Christian knowledge and acceptance of the four canonical Gospels (Matthew, Mark, Luke and John) by the middle of the second century, none of the non-canonical Gospels were even close in date of composition, breadth of distribution, or proportion of acceptance. These were, for the most part, pseudo-gospels attributed to other Apostles but generally disqualified by most churches because they had no historical “chain of evidence” actually connecting them to real Apostles, and/or because they made claims that were contrary to what was already accepted in the canonical Gospels. This issue is also well known among Biblical scholars and information is easily obtainable in books written on a lay level such as Norman Geisler and William Nix’s A General Introduction to the Bible (Chicago: Moody Press, 1986) or online in sources such documented by the International Standard Bible Encyclopedia’s documents at http://www.reference-guides.com/isbe/B/BIBLE_THE_IV_CANONICITY/ .
Is there any evidence of this “excluded” Gospel being used at an earlier date? It is also useful to find citations of a work in contemporary writers, for if they quote a work then it proves that the quoted document existed at the time of their writing. Although there may have been as many as 50 pseudepigraphal gospels, most are known only by name from a few isolated statements by early church writers. The most significant ones are well known and the reasons they were never accepted by the majority of the church is well known and has never been kept secret by any hierarchy. Geisler and Nix provide lay readers with a good summary of this issue in their book referenced above saying, “the extra-canonical literature, taken as a whole, manifests a surprising poverty. The bulk of it is legendary, and bears the clear mark of a forgery. Only here and there amid a mass of worthless rubbish, do we come across a priceless jewel” (311). In fact, that “priceless jewel” in almost every instance is a mere repetition of what we find in one or more of the canonical Gospels.
Does the context cohere with what we would expect of the historical Jesus? In other words, if Jesus is said to open a “refrigerator” and take out a “burrito” and put it in a “microwave oven,” then we can be fairly sure that it does not accurately report the activities of a Jesus living in the first century. For example, in the Gospel of the Ebionites we find that John the Baptist didn’t eat honey and locusts, as the canonical Gospels record, but only honey. The Ebionites were vegetarians and didn’t let the truth get in the way of their dietary agenda. The Gospel of Peter laid the blame for the crucifixion solely at the feet of the Jews, exonerating the Romans – an anti-Semitic stance Brown should consider intolerable. The very “Gospels” Brown brings forth to undermine the consistent story of the canonical Gospels promote teachings completely contrary to the “secret” Christianity Brown says they represented!
It is this sort of data that scholars take into account when deciding whether a document is an authoritative source. In this chapter Brown does not name any of the other Gospels he has in mind, but he will name two of them in a later chapter, and we will address them in our discussion of those chapters. Finally, it is worth noting that Brown’s putative historian perpetrates two enormous blunders that would be an embarrassment to any scholar:
“Fortunately for historians…some of the gospels that Constantine attempted to eradicate managed to survive. The Dead Sea Scrolls were found in the 1950s hidden in a cave near Qumran in the Judean desert.”13
First, as I explained to the woman at the bookstore, the Dead Sea Scrolls were discovered in 1947, not in the 1950s. Second, they did not contain any “gospels” or anything mentioning Jesus. They overwhelmingly predate the New Testament and are mostly copies of Old Testament books and internal documents for the Qumran community.14 Brown also has his character allege that the Vatican “tried very hard to suppress the release of these Scrolls” because they contained damaging information. This is merely an obnoxious conspiracy theory found in popular writers, with no basis in fact.15 Again, the evidence concerning the Dead Sea Scrolls has been written about in so many books, journals, and articles (many on a lay level) that Brown can only make his erroneous statements with a complete disregard for the facts. There is nothing in the Dead Sea Scrolls that promotes either traditional or deviant Christianity. The community at Qumran responsible for the Scrolls was not Christian, but Jewish. While the Dead Sea Scrolls say nothing directly about Christianity, they do provide two important substantiations of traditional Christianity. First, the texts of the Old Testament preserved among the Dead Sea Scrolls provide us with verification that the Old Testament preserved by Jews and Christians throughout the centuries after Christ was an accurate rendition of what was known to Jews of Jesus’ day. Second, the community at Qumran reflects a first century Judaism much more like that depicted by the New Testament writers than it does the Judaism that developed after the destruction of the Second Temple in A. D. 70. Those who speculated in times past that the Judaism presented in the New Testament was a later invention by Christian opposers to Judaism were refuted by what we have learned from the Dead Sea Scrolls.
Did Constantine decide the canon? How did the process work?16 Constantine was not the decider of the canon. In fact, he played no role in its assembly; the church at large was the party responsible. The process of canonizing the New Testament was based on a model that had existed for centuries whereby various religions chose a collection of normative sacred books. It is likely that Paul himself began the process by collecting his own letters, or that one of his friends like Luke or Timothy did so. Far from being an arbitrary process, or one decided upon by Constantine much later, the formation of the canon was the result of carefully weighed choices over time by concerned church officials and members. Later votes on the canon were merely the most definitive steps taken at the end of a long and careful, sometimes difficult, process. Biblical scholar Robert Grant, in The Formation of the New Testament, writes that the New Testament canon was:
...not the product of official assemblies or even of the studies of a few theologians. It reflects and expresses the ideal self-understanding of a whole religious movement which, in spite of temporal, geographical, and even ideological differences, could finally be united in accepting these 27 diverse documents as expressing the meaning of God's revelation in Jesus Christ and to his church. 17
To claim that Constantine was behind the canon, or was responsible for destroying Gospels he did not approve of, is a ludicrous distortion of history. In fact, Constantine convened the Council at Nicea, paid the travel expenses of those who attended, and provided his summer lake palace for the site, but he had no ecclesiastical authority at all. The information we have on the Council is fascinating and in no way supports the idea of a pagan Roman’s overthrow of “early Christianity” or any conspiracy. A good introduction to the facts about the Council is available in the Summer 1996 issue of Christian History magazine, “Heresy in the Early Church,” at http://www.christianitytoday.com/ch/51h/ .
Brown goes on to discredit the Christianity that is practiced today:
The vestiges of pagan religion in Christian symbology are undeniable. Egyptian sun disks became the halos of Catholic saints. Pictograms of Isis nursing her miraculously conceived son Horus became the blueprint for our modern images of the Virgin Mary nursing Baby Jesus. And virtually all the elements of the Catholic ritual – the miter, the altar, the doxology, and communion, the act of “God-eating” – were taken directly from earlier pagan mystery religions.18
In his text, Brown only names one mystery religion as the source for Christian practices and beliefs (see below).
The taking over of symbolism is true – but signifies ideological victory, not borrowing. Note to begin with that we are talking here not of apostolic Christianity of the first century, but of Christianity in the third and fourth centuries. What we see here is not “borrowing,” but rather a sort of advertising campaign. The pagan deity Mithra was depicted slaying the bull while riding its back; the church did a look-a-like scene with Samson killing a lion—this does not mean that Samson did not historically kill a lion, but rather that the way that the historical event was depicted artistically echoes the art of previous generations. Another example of this is the artistic image of Mithra sending arrows into a rock to bring forth water; the church changed that into Moses getting water from the rock at Horeb—a historical event depicted in a way that artistically echoes a similar mythical event. This was done because this was an age when art was usually imitative. This is because the people of the New Testament world thought in terms of what could be "probabilities," or verification from general or prior experience. Imitation was a way of asserting superiority: “Mithra is not the real hero. Samson is. Ignore Mithra. Mithra does not perform miracles. Moses does. This mystery religion uses a miter as a sign of power. Well, we have the true power. We claim the miter for our own.” Note that the imitating only involved artistic images—it did not involve borrowing of ideology.
Brown claims that Christianity borrowed heavily from Mithraism:
“The pre-Christian God Mithras – called the Son of God and the Light of the World – was born on December 25, died, was buried in a rock tomb, and then resurrected in three days.”
Not surprisingly, scholars of Mithraism know nothing of any of this. Let’s breakdown these claims and discredit them once and for all.
“He was called the Son of God and the Light of the World.”
This is simply false. I have previously surveyed Mithraic studies literature and neither of these titles is noted by Mithraic scholars.19
“He was born on December 25.”
This may be true, but it is of no relevance, for the New Testament, as the New Testament does not associate Dec. 25th with Jesus’ birth at all. When the Christian Church chose December 25 as the birthday celebration for Jesus Christ, they did so in direct opposition to the pagan mid-winter festival of Saturnalia, not because they believed Jesus was born, like the pagan god(s), on that date. Again, this is not borrowing, but rather giving the formerly pagan masses a holiday rooted in Christianity in place of their old pagan holiday.
“He died and was buried in a rock tomb, and then resurrected in three days.”
This is simply false. The Mithraic scholar Richard Gordon says plainly that there is “no death of Mithras”20 – which means, there can be no burial of Mithras, and no resurrection of Mithras. Some amateur writers cite the church writer of the fourth century, Firmicus, who says that the Mithraists mourn the image of a dead Mithras, but this is far too late to have influenced Christianity (if anything, the influence was the other way around). After reading the work of Firmicus, I personally found no such reference at all. More relevant perhaps is the late second-century church writer Tertullian's Prescription Against Heretics, chapter 40, which says, "If my memory still serves me, Mithra…sets his marks on the foreheads of his soldiers; celebrates also the oblation of bread, and introduces an image of a resurrection, and before a sword wreathes a crown…" The argument therefore relies on Tertullian's memory, and it isn't the initiates of Mithra, but Mithra himself who introduces an “image” of a resurrection(?) – he is not “resurrected” himself.
Therefore, the comment of Brown’s character is a dismally erroneous assessment of what is reported by Mithraic scholarship.
“Christianity honored the Jewish Sabbath of Saturday, but Constantine shifted it to coincide with the pagan’s veneration day of the sun.”21
This is also simply false. All available evidence indicates that Christianity was honoring Sunday long before Constantine. Brown is perhaps confused because certain New Testament passages, for example, record Paul going to the synagogue on the Sabbath to preach to the Jews. (If one wants to preach to the Jews and the Gentile God-fearers who attended with them, then it is logical to look for them where they are found on the Sabbath—in the synagogue!) It is clear, however, that Christian observations are held on the “first day of the week” (Acts 20:7, 1 Cor. 16:12; cf. Rev. 1:10), and there is also ample evidence of Sunday being observed well before Constantine:
1. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch (110 AD), wrote: "If, then, those who walk in the ancient practices attain to newness of hope, no longer observing the Sabbath, but fashioning their lives after the Lord's Day on which our life also arose through Him, that we may be found disciples of Jesus Christ, our only teacher.” Ignatius specifies the "Lord's Day" as the one on which "our life arises through Him”—the resurrection day, which was a Sunday.
2. Justin Martyr (150 AD) describes Sunday as the day when Christians gather to read the scriptures and hold their assembly because it is both the initial day of creation and the day of the resurrection.
3. The Epistle of Barnabas (120-150) cites Isaiah 1:13 and indicates that the "eighth day" is a new beginning via the resurrection, and is the day to be kept
4. The Didache (70-75) instructs believers: "On the Lord's own day, gather yourselves together and break bread and give thanks."
5. Other later testimonies from Irenaeus, Cyprian, and Pliny the Younger, which pre-date Constantine significantly, testify that Christians worshipped on Sunday.
So once again, Brown’s “historian” receives a failing grade in history.
Let’s continue examining the “truth” claims present in this novel.
“At [the Council of Nicea]….many aspects of Christianity were debated and voted upon – the date of Easter, the role of the bishops, the administration of sacraments, and, of course, the divinity of Jesus….until that moment in history, Jesus was viewed by His followers as a mortal prophet…a great and powerful man, but a man nonetheless. A mortal.”22
This is a half-truth. The Council of Nicea did seriously consider alternating views of Jesus, not whether he was merely mortal or divine, but rather whether he was created or eternal. Not as “human” versus “God” but as “eternal” versus “created.” They were debating this and other such theological nuances because there were growing movements that claimed aberrant and heretical ideologies. The most important theological belief refined at the Council of Nicea was in response to the presbyter Arius and his followers, who maintained that Jesus was not divine by nature, but was created in ages past by God. (As an aside, Constantine, on whom Teabing places much of the blame for the changes of the Christian religion, was himself sympathetic to the Arians!)23
Beyond this, the New Testament gives clear evidence of Jesus being viewed as divine:24
* Throughout the New Testament, Jesus describes himself, and other New Testament writers describe him, in terms of the Wisdom of God, a pre-New Testament Jewish figure that was regarded as divine, and as an attribute of God personified.
* Jesus identified himself as the Son of Man, a phrase associated with a divine figure in Daniel 7.
* Paul in 1 Cor. 8:4-6 offers a revised version of the Jewish Shema which includes Jesus in the identity of Yahweh, the God of the Jews.
* A variety of New Testament passages affirm the absolute and full deity of Christ, such as John 1:1 (“the Word was God”), John 5:18 (“calling God His own Father, making himself equal with God”), John 20:28 (“[you are] my Lord and my God”), “Titus 2:13 (our great God and Savior, Jesus Christ,”), Romans 9:5 (“God over all, blessed forever”), and Colossians 2:9 (“within Him dwells all the fullness of being God in bodily form”), and others.
Chapter 55 of The DaVinci Code is laden with error and represents some of the poorest scholarship one will find between two covers. To put these sorts of statements into the mouth of a historian is an insult to the profession.
We pick up with more historical errors in Chapter 58. As before, Teabing and his implied authority as a historian are responsible for the relevant statements:
…Jesus as a married man makes infinitely more sense than our standard biblical view of Jesus as a bachelor…Because Jesus was a Jew…the social decorum during that time virtually forbid a Jewish man to be unmarried. According to Jewish custom, celibacy was condemned, and the obligation for a Jewish father was to find a suitable wife for his son. If Jesus were not married, at least one of the Bible’s gospels would have mentioned it and offered some explanation for His unnatural state of bachelorhood.”25
All of this is in service of an explanation that Jesus was married to Mary Magdalene, and is taken not from any reputable source on Jewish customs, but from Baigent and Leigh’s material (see below). Once again Teabing would be pulled over by the History Police for this sort of bungle. First, he is committing the classic fallacy of argument from silence – you cannot affirm something simply because the text doesn’t deny it. Second, the following data from Glenn Miller’s Christian ThinkTank overturns his speculations altogether:26 It would have been “normal” for [Jesus] to have been married, but not obligatory for that time (or any other time, for that matter).
1. The rabbinic literature—which is what people sometimes use to argue that celibacy was a capital offense – notes and gives rules for exceptions to rules which were themselves non-binding:
Celibacy was, in fact, not common, and was disapproved by the rabbis, who taught that a man should marry at eighteen, and that if he passed the age of twenty without taking a wife he transgressed a divine command and incurred God's displeasure. Postponement of marriage was permitted students of the Law that they might concentrate their attention on their studies, free from the cares of support a wife. Cases like that of Simeon be 'Azzai, who never married, were evidently infrequent. He had himself said that a man who did not marry was like one who shed blood, and diminished the likeness of God. One of his colleagues threw up to him that he was better at preaching that at practicing, to which he replied, What shall I do? My soul is enamored of the Law; the population of the world can be kept up by others...It is not to be imagined that pronouncements about the duty of marrying and the age at which people should marry actually regulated practice." [HI:JFCCE:2.119f]…
2. Judaism at the time of Jesus, of course, was a "many splintered thing," with the forerunners of the rabbinics being only one sect among many, one viewpoint (actually, multiple viewpoints!) on a spectrum of viewpoints. Accordingly, there were other groups at the time that either (a) required celibacy; or (b) allowed it.
*
The Essenes (and the somehow-related Qumran folks) were described by Josephus, Philo, and Pliny as being celibate, but the data is inconclusive as to whether they REQUIRED it or merely ENCOURAGED it. [OT:FAI:130ff] *
Philo describes another Jewish sect of both men and women--the Therapeutae --who were celibate in their studies and pursuit of wisdom and the holy life (De Vita Contemplativa 68f).
3. But the dominant class of individuals who were “allowed” or “expected” to be celibate were prophetic figures, throughout Jewish history:
*
The prophet Jeremiah… *
The wilderness prophet Banus:
"More well-known, though still exceptional, would have been the undoubted celibacy of wilderness prophets like Banus (Josephus Life 2.11) and John the Baptist." [DictNTB, s.v. "marriage"] *
John the Baptist (and possibly his prototype Elijah]… *
Even the 2nd century AD Hasidic miracle-worker, the Galilean rabbi Pinhas ben Yair taught that abstinence was essential to reception of prophetic wisdom and the Holy Spirit. [JJ:102] *
As such, Jesus would be expected to be celibate.
4. Although the Rabbinic writers stressed the importance of marriage for procreation, it is noteworthy that this prophetic ideal of celibacy still showed up in the rabbinics:
Judaism saw nothing wrong in portraying as celibate the great primordial prophet, seer, and lawgiver Moses (though only after the Lord had begun to speak to him). We see this interpretation already beginning to develop in Philo in the 1st century A.D. What is more surprising is that this idea is also reflected in various rabbinic passages. The gist of the tradition is an a fortiori argument. If the Israelites at Sinai had to abstain from women temporarily to prepare for God's brief, once-and- for-all address to them, how much more should Moses be permanently chaste, since God spoke regularly to him (see, e.g., b. Yabb. 87a). The same tradition, but from the viewpoint of the deprived wife, is related in the Sipre on Numbers 12.1 (99). Since the rabbis in general were unsympathetic--not to say hostile--to religious celibacy, the survival of this Moses tradition even in later rabbinic writings argues that the tradition was long-lived and widespread by the time of the rabbis…In view of this "marginal" tradition in early Judaism, it is hardly surprising that the Jewish scholar Geza Vermes has no difficulty in seeing Jesus as celibate and explaining his unusual state by his prophetic call and the reception of the Spirit." [MJ:1.340f]
So, although it would have been “normal” and expected for a young Jewish man to be married, we have examples of where celibacy was accepted, encouraged, or required. Therefore, Jesus would not have had to be married…
Miller adds that it is a mistake to misuse Rabbinical literature (as Teabing is likely doing by Brown’s account) to assume that a rabbinic opinion was somehow a law. As the historian E.P. Sanders notes, according to Miller:
“There is also a more general point with regard to calling an opinion a law: once one starts quoting rabbinic statements as laws governing Palestine, one may draw absolutely any portrait of first-century Palestine that one wants. There are thousands and thousands of pages, filled with opinions." [JPB:463]
These “laws” may not be laws, but anything from “a simple description of common practice, which someone finally decided to write down” to a prohibition offered precisely because so many people were doing the opposite. It may be something intended only for the Pharisees, or may be an expression of an ideal that was never followed. As Miller notes, quoting Jewish scholar Ze'ev Safrai:
The public at large did not obey the rabbis. Among the Jews, only a minority followed the rabbis, obeyed their decisions and was influenced by their sermons and moral teachings….The scholar or reader who wishes to do real history must take into account all sorts of possibilities when he or she faces a rabbinic passage; the response, 'everybody did it because the rabbis laid it down' is seldom the correct one.
Therefore, it is false to say that Jesus as a married man “makes infinitely more sense;” it is simply false to claim that the “social decorum” (or anything else) “virtually forbid a Jewish man to be unmarried;” it is false that “celibacy was condemned,” and the silence on the subject in the Gospels is not room for a positive proof whatsoever.
In a section following, Brown’s “historian” repeats his error about Gospels being found in the Dead Sea Scrolls. He also appeals to a collection of texts found at a location called Nag Hammadi in 1945. Surprisingly, Teabing makes no mention of the most famous alternative gospel found in this collection, the Gospel of Thomas. Why this is so is quite clear: The Gospel of Thomas ends with an admonition by Jesus that women must “become male” in order to find salvation!27 Needless to say, this would not fit in with Brown’s tale of seekers after a feminine divine!
Instead, Brown cherry-picks The Gospel of Philip. Teabing recommends this text as a “good place to start.” Brown quotes a portion of the text in which Jesus is said to often “kiss” Mary Magdalene “on the mouth” and thereby invoke the jealousy of Peter. Teabing goes on to point out that Mary is described as Jesus’s “companion,” and this is supposedly troubling for the canonical Gospel view. 28 Is it? Brown has Teabing say little about this gospel of Philip, and for good reason. Scholarship has utterly rejected this work as having any authentic historical recollections not derived from the canonical Gospels. Philip Jenkins, a Distinguished Professor of History and Religious Studies at Penn State University, is our Philip who debunks Teabing’s Philip. In his book Hidden Gospels, Jenkins explodes the myth of the Gospel of Philip as a reliable or contemporary source for the life of Jesus:
* It is not a first century document at all. Scholars date the Gospel of Philip to the third century, about 200 years after Jesus lived. Therefore, it can not be a product of the disciple named Philip in Acts, unless he lived to be at least 310! This would be as far removed from us as the American Revolution, and certainly not to be preferred over the canonical Gospels, which even by later dates assigned by some scholars (80-100 AD) are far closer to their source.29 The Nag Hammadi document was penned no earlier than 350 AD.30
* The Gospel of Philip is a Gnostic text, and Gnostic thought would have no place in first century Palestinian Judaism. A Jesus teaching Gnosticism in this setting would not have been Teabing’s influential person – he would have been ignored and shunned.
Teabing also appeals briefly to a second document titled The Gospel of Mary Magdalene.31 Claiming that “modern historians” have already explored the issue (and implying a positive finding), this gospel also shows Jesus treating Mary as a companion, and depicts Peter’s jealousy after Jesus gives Mary special instructions to carry out to run the Church after his crucifixion. Leading up to the idea of Mary Magdalene as the “female womb that carried Jesus’ royal bloodline,”32 Teabing comments, “Jesus was the original feminist. He intended for the future of His Church to be in the hands of Mary Magdalene.”
This gospel, however, fares no better than Philip under critical analysis. It, too, is a Gnostic document that reflects no reality found among Palestinian Jews of the first century; the earliest fragments, Jenkins notes, are dated to the third century, and most scholars date it no earlier than 180-200 AD, as far from Jesus are we are from the Civil War.33 What Brown has actually done here is uncritically accept as valid specific fringe views that sober scholars like Jenkins reject. Brown sits with those who claim that goddess worship and Mary Magdalene’s prominence was the original, which the early, evil, male-dominated church erased; but as Jenkins observes:
…the Gnostic world should rather be seen as the first of many popular reactions against the institutional structures of the existing church, of the sort that would be commonplace through the middle ages and beyond.34
Put simply, the church has a better claim to have “been there first.” Their documents have the evidence of earlier composition -- in terms of manuscript evidence, internal linguistic evidence, and external attestation – and the evidence of context, for the “male dominated” society that is so despised by ideologues like Brown is better matched in the Jewish culture in which Christianity formed, while the “divinized female” ideal that they prefer is found only in much later Gnostic materials.
Thus we find (even in Brown) necessary “excuses” to explain why the evidence is all in the church’s favor, thus assuming the blindness of scholars like Jenkins with no axe to grind for either party: “The history is written by the winners,” it is said, and all the evidence for a Christianity with an idealized feminism was destroyed. Yet this begs the very question of how, and why, the winners won. It assumes that the fight was not honest, that the Church hit below the belt. Evidence such as the Gospel of Mary is taken as evidence; and non-evidence like lack of copies of it any earlier than the third century is also taken as evidence. There is simply no way the Church is allowed to win – there can be no evidence in its favor at all, so that Brown and his cohorts have stacked the deck.35
In all of this it is assumed that the early Church was patriarchal and bigoted, but that is simply not the case. As Jenkins observes, the New Testament notes a number of prominent women even as it stands (before being “edited or altered” to whatever convenient extent conspiracy theorists require). Several commentators on the prime time television program hinted that Mary, while perhaps not Jesus’ wife, was in some sense close to Jesus. This is true, but not in the way that Brown or these commentators think. Women like Mary Magdalene, Joanna and Susanna “ministered unto [Jesus] of their substance.” (Luke 8-2:3). The impact of this passage is not appreciated because we have lost track of the contextual meaning: It means that these two women were Jesus’ well-off patrons, and they financed his ministry – such that, in that day and age, he would have been a “client” who was in some sense obligated to them. Later in the New Testament, figures like Lydia, Junia, Priscilla, and Phoebe figure prominently. This is not to say that the early Church was entirely egalitarian, but it would be a mistake to assume that it was misogynistic – and when the authority structures did become less favorable to women, Jenkins adds, it was because the Church started following Roman models of administration.36
The use of Mary Magdalene reflects a Gnostic tactical measure in every way. As Jenkins observes, the Gnostics, needing to overthrow apostolic authority (note that their doing so presupposes that the apostolic tradition had the upper hand to begin with!), had to choose a person close to Jesus, yet not part of the apostolic band.37 The Gnostics also had a worldview that “demanded that spiritual beings exist in male and female pairs,” so that choosing a woman as Jesus’ counterpart was inevitable. In Jenkins’ words, the resort to these late texts “represent a triumph of hope over judgment.”38 Brown earns no credibility putting an endorsement of these texts into his characters’ mouths.39
Chapter 60 offers us what is as close to a research bibliography as Brown intends to provide. His historian character says that “the royal bloodline of Jesus Christ has been chronicled in exhaustive detail by scores of historians.” That score is reduced to but four, but a closer look at these “historians” reveals some anomalies. The persons who authored these texts are certainly not “historians” in any academic sense, that is, of possessing known academic degrees in these subjects or publishing material in peer-reviewed journals. Nor are the books published by academic presses. Let’s have a look at Brown’s recommended titles:
1. The Templar Revelation by Picknett and Prince.
Historians they are not; the credits on their book list them as “writers, researchers, and lecturers on the paranormal, the occult, and historical and religious mysteries.” Their other authorial credits include such masterpieces of critical history as The Stargate Conspiracy: The Truth About Extraterrestrial Life and the Mysteries of Ancient Egypt and The Mammoth Book of UFOs
2. The Woman with the Alabaster Jar by Starbird and Sweeney.
Starbird’s credentials are given, a Masters degree and that she studied at a divinity school, but we do not know what her Masters degree is in or if she completed her studies at the divinity school. Her Masters could be in underwater basket weaving for all we know.
3. The Goddess in the Gospels.40 Also by Starbird. Starbird says that the fourth book, Holy Blood, Holy Grail was a great influence on her, which also calls her worthiness to be called a scholar into question, as we shall see.
4. Holy Blood, Holy Grail by Baigent and Leigh. This book, a bestseller that is the motherlode for Brown’s sort of theorizing, is not entirely endorsed by Brown’s historian character, who pins it for “dubious leaps of faith” but allows that its “fundamental premise [is] sound.” It’s nice to know something is, because the authors’ qualifications are not. The lead author Baigent’s sole credential is a degree in psychology. Leigh is described in one location (a Web site promoting his virtues as a speaker) as “a writer and university lecturer with a thorough knowledge of history, philosophy, psychology and esoterica,” which seems a roundabout way of saying he has no relevant credentials in the subject.
None of these “scholars” are scholars at all. They aren’t even regarded as experts in the fields they are writing in. No genuine New Testament scholars, liberal or conservative, are cited. I feel the need here to recommend a couple of good lay introductions to New Testament scholarship: Lee Strobel’s The Case for Christ (Zondervan, 1998) and The Case for Faith (Zondervan, 2000).
In the above we have the bulk of Brown’s biblical material. Hereafter we find only a few points of consideration. In Chapter 74 there is a claim that “early Jewish tradition involved ritualistic sex” in the Jewish Temple, and that YHWH was worshipped along with a female consort named Shekinah. Where Brown derives this “information” is difficult to say. It is found in no scholarly source to my awareness; it is not certified by any leading archaeologist or Biblical commentator.41 Chapter 77 Brown offers a comment about a proper name, Sheshach, which he says is “mentioned repeatedly in the Book of Jeremiah.” This name is a codeword for Babylon. While this latter point is true, it seems excessive to say that something mentioned but twice (Jer. 25:26, Jer. 51:41) is mentioned “repeatedly.”
It is suitable in closing to consider some comments from Chapter 82. Brown’s hero remarks that “every faith in the world is based on fabrication. That is the definition of faith—acceptance of that which we imagine to be true, that which we cannot prove.”42 It is no mystery that a contextual study of the word “faith” (pistis) in the New Testament and its contemporary literature does not bear this definition out. The word is used as a noun to refer to the Christian "faith" as a set of convictions, but in far many more cases the meaning intended is in the sense of faithfulness, or loyalty as owed to one in whom one is embedded for service. The relationship between the believer and God is framed in the New Testament terms of an ancient client-patron relationship. As God's "clients" to whom he has shown unmerited favor (grace), our response should be an awareness of prescribed duties toward those to whom we are indebted (God) and the group in which we are embedded (God's kin group, the body of Christ). This awareness is the expression of our faithfulness of loyalty -- in other words, this is our pistis, or faith. "Faith" is not acceptance of what we cannot prove, but trust in one who has proven himself, our pledge to trust, and be reliable servants to, our patron (God), who has provided us with tangible gifts (Christ) and proof thereby of His own reliability. Faith is not imagination, but the reaction we provide to evidence. The missionaries of the New Testament did not appeal to feelings, but to facts: the resurrection and empty tomb; Jesus’ miracles; his fulfillment of Old Testament prophecy. In other words—evidence.
Those who adhere to Brown’s idealized caricature, however, would for obvious reasons prefer the more nebulous sort of “faith.” It is clear why: All of their documents are dated far too late, all of their evidence is “destroyed,” all of their ideas are gross decontexualizations. It is not surprising that The DaVinci Code ends with Mary’s tomb unopened and the secrets left unsaid. If Brown’s ideologues are indeed in possession of ancient and secret documents that turn the world upside down, why are they not now in the hands of paleographers, linguistic experts, or other scholars to be dated? Christian missionaries risked their lives in preaching the Gospel – what is it the revisionists fear?
Brown is not the first to propose that Christianity is a vast conspiracy by the Vatican and/or others to hoodwink the world about the true Jesus. He will not be the last. What is surprising is not that he would boldly label “FACT” what has been so totally refuted by the evidence. What is surprising is that our culture is so ill-equipped so as not to be able to discern fact from fiction, misinformed about Christianity, woefully ignorant of history, and clueless about the Bible – its origin, composition, preservation, and translation. This novel is based on such flimsy fabrication that if it used any other setting – an ethnic neighborhood, a police investigation, an environmental conservation movement, for example – no one would be able to suspend disbelief long enough to enjoy the story. That millions of people are not turned off by the lack of authenticity in The DaVinci Code is more than surprising—it is sad. That critics and even news media are so gullible is more than revealing about the state of our culture—it reveals the tragic truth that our culture is in need of rediscovering Truth.
Cardinal Tarcisio Bertone, the Archbishop of Genoa and a possible successor to the Pope, immediately took up the fight yesterday by claiming that the novel was a deliberate attempt to discredit the Roman Catholic Church through absurd and vulgar falsifications.
At the heart of the book is the notion that the Church has for centuries concealed the fact that Jesus married Mary Magdalene, a former prostitute, and that she bore him a child.
The appointment of Cardinal Bertone, 70, is a clear sign that the Vatican has been rattled by the continuing worldwide success of Brown’s thriller, which has sold 18 million copies in 44 languages in just two years. It is still among the top ten bestsellers in the United States, France, Brazil and Argentina — all countries with huge Catholic populations — and Britain.
The cardinal said that the book reminded him of intemperate anti-clerical pamphlets of the 19th century. He will seek to debunk the conspiracy theories at the heart of the plot in a string of public debates on the work beginning in Genoa tomorrow.
He said he was distressed to discover that even Catholic bookshops were selling the book. “We are clearly facing a formidable distribution strategy here,” he said.
“The book is everywhere. There is a very real risk that many people who read it will believe that the fables it contains are true.”
A perceived blurring of fact and fiction has caused the Vatican to act. Andrea Tornielli, a papal biographer, said it was particularly alarmed at the sight of tourists in Rome using The Da Vinci Code as a guide to Christianity.
The cardinal, a former football commentator, is noted for his human touch, but he nonetheless wields considerable doctrinal authority within the Church. He has acted as deputy to Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, head of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith.
His latest task is “to unmask the lies” so that readers can see how “shameful and unfounded” the book is. One of his first steps will be to debunk the suggestion that the Church has become male dominated and has buried its feminine side, Cardinal Bertone told Il Giornale newspaper. “In fact the female element is ever present in the Gospels, not least in the person of the Virgin Mary.”
He insisted that the trial, death and resurrection of Christ were indisputable. Evidence, he said, came from the accounts of disciples who, as former fishermen, were hard-headed realists. He accused Brown of relying on apocryphal texts that had been excluded from the biblical canon precisely because they were imaginative.
“He even perverts the story of the Holy Grail, which most certainly does not refer to the descendants of Mary Magadalene,” Cardinal Bertone said. “It astonishes and worries me that so many people believe these lies.”
The cardinal also insisted that Brown was wrong to suggest that the organisation Opus Dei was a sinister and conspiratorial body prepared to resort to murder.
The book has earned Brown an estimated £140 million and a film based on it starring Tom Hanks will be released next year. Sony Pictures bought the film rights for £3.1 million.
It has spawned numerous spin-off books, including The Da Vinci Hoax and The Truth and Fiction in The Da Vinci Code.
THE £140m BESTSELLER
Robert Langdon, Professor of Symbology at Harvard, has to solve the murder of Jacques Saunière, curator of the Louvre. Saunière’s body is found in the museum with a cryptic message on his torso. Saunière was head of the Priory of Sion, an organisation devoted to preserving secrets of the Holy Grail, the message being his dying attempts to alert his grand-daughter, Sophie Neveu . Langdon and Neveu track the secret down in a battle of wits with Opus Dei, which wants to suppress that the Holy Grail is not a chalice but the body of Mary Magdalene, who married Christ and had his child; that Jesus had intended her to follow him as leader of the Church; that she was pregnant at the time of the Crucifixion, after which she fled to Gaul; that she gave birth to a daughter, Sarah, and that Jesus’s bloodline became the Merovingian dynasty. The novel’s climax happens in the chapter house of Westminster Abbey
The two-source hypothesis forms the most widely accepted solution to the synoptic problem, which posits that Matthew and Luke drew on two written sources, as shown by textual correspondences between their works. The Gospel of Mark forms one source, and Q the other.
The Case for Q
The existence of Q follows from the argument that Matthew and Luke show independence in the double tradition (the material that Matthew and Luke shared that does not appear in Mark). Accordingly, the literary connection in the double tradition is explained by an indirect relationship, namely, through use of a common source or sources.
Arguments for Luke's and Matthew's independence include:
Matthew and Luke have different contexts for the double tradition material. It is argued that it is easier to explain Luke's "artistically inferior" arrangement of the double tradition into more primitive contexts within his Gospel as due to not knowing Matthew.
The form of the material sometimes appears more primitive in Matthew but at other times more primitive in Luke.
Independence is likely in light of the non-use of the other's non-Markan tradition, especially in the infancy, genealogical, and resurrection accounts.
Doublets. Sometimes it appears that doublets in Matthew and Luke have one half that comes from Mark and the other half from some common source, i.e. Q.
Even if Matthew and Luke are independent, the Q hypothesis states that they used a common document. Arguments for Q being a written document include:
Exactness in wording. Sometimes the exactness in wording is striking. For example: Matt. 6:24 = Luke 16:13 (27/28 Greek words). Matt. 7:7-8 = Luke 11:9-10 (24/24 Greek words).
There is commonality in order between the two Sermons on/at the Mount.
The presence of doublets, where Matthew and Luke sometimes present two versions of a similar saying, but in different contexts. Doublets often serve as a sign of two written sources.
Certain themes, such as the Deuteronomistic view of history, are more prominent in Q than in either Matthew or Luke individually.
History
If Q ever existed, it must have disappeared very early, since no copies of it have been recovered and no definitive notices of it have been recorded in antiquity (but see the discussion of the Papias testimonium below).
In modern times, the first person to hypothesize a Q-like source was an Englishman, Herbert Marsh, in 1801 in a complicated solution to the synoptic problem that his contemporaries ignored. Marsh labeled this source with the Hebrew letter beth.
The next person to advance the Q hypothesis was the German Schleiermacher in 1832, who interpreted an enigmatic statement by the early Christian writer Papias of Hierapolis, circa 125: "Matthew compiled the oracles (Greek: logia) of the Lord in a Hebrew manner of speech." Rather than the traditional interpretation that Papias was referring to the writing of Matthew in Hebrew, Schleiermacher believed that Papias was actually giving witness to a sayings collection that was available to the Evangelists.
In 1838, another German, Christian Hermann Weisse, took Schleiermacher's suggestion of a sayings source and combined it with the idea of Markan priority to formulate what is now called the Two-Source Hypothesis, in which both Matthew and Luke used Mark and the sayings source. Heinrich Julius Holtzmann endorsed this approach in an influential treatment of the synoptic problem in 1863, and the Two-Source Hypothesis has maintained its dominance ever since.
At this time, Q was usually called the Logia on account of the Papias statement, and Holtzmann gave it the symbol Lambda (?). Toward the end of the 19th century, however, doubts began to grow on the propriety of anchoring the existence of the collection of sayings in the testimony of Papias, so a neutral symbol Q (which was devised by Johannes Weiss based on the German Quelle, meaning source) was adopted to remain agnostic on the collection of sayings and its connection to Papias.
In the first two decades of the 20th century, more than a dozen reconstructions of Q were made. However, these reconstructions differed so much from each other that not a single verse of Matthew was present in all of them. As a result, interest in Q subsided and it was neglected for many decades.
This state of affairs changed in the 1960s after translations of a newly discovered and analogous saying collection, the Gospel of Thomas, became available. James M. Robinson and Helmut Koester proposed that collections of sayings such as Q and Thomas represented the earliest Christian materials at an early point in a trajectory that eventually resulted in the canonical gospels.
This burst of interest led to increasingly more sophisticated literary and redactional analyses of Q, notably the work of John S. Kloppenborg. Kloppenborg, by analyzing certain literary phenomena, argued that Q was composed in three stages. The earliest stage was a collection of wisdom sayings involving such issues as poverty and discipleship. Then this collection was expanded by including a layer of judgmental sayings directed against "this generation". The final stage included the Temptation of Jesus.
Although Kloppenborg cautioned against assuming that the composition history of Q is the same as the history of the Jesus tradition (i.e. that the oldest layer of Q is necessarily the oldest and pure-layer Jesus tradition), some recent questers after the Historical Jesus, including the Jesus Seminar, have done just that. Basing their reconstructions primarily on the Gospel of Thomas and the oldest layer of Q, they propose that Jesus functioned as a wisdom sage more analogous to a Greek Cynic philosopher than to a Jewish rabbi.
These recent developments in Q studies have caused something of a backlash, leading some scholars to question the propriety of basing so much (layers of Q, the theology of the Q community, etc.) on a hypothetical document and other scholars to question the need for Q in the first place.
"[The Gospel of Q]...should bring an end to the myth, the history, the mentality, of the Gospels. But nobody's going to want to read it!" Burton L. Mack, Professor of the New Testament, retired. 1
"As co-conspirator with the Gospel of Thomas to undermine the whole Christian faith, Q is nothing but fantasy. The same goes for the literary shuffling used to discern various layers in it. Such totally subjective arrangements, depending on dubious suggestions about the historical background, amount to novelistic trifling with early Christian origins." Eta Linnemann, "The lost Gospel of Q: Fact or fantasy?" 7
About the Gospel of Q:
Theologians have observed for many decades that two of the synoptic gospels (Matthew, and Luke) have many points of similarity. In fact, the writings have many dozens of phrases and sentences that are identical. This observation led to the theory that both gospels were based largely on an earlier document, which has been lost. It is called "Q" meaning "Quelle," which is German for "source." Various liberal theologians have been able to reconstruct the gospel. Some feel that it was written in three stages:
Q1, written circa 50 CE, which described Jesus as a Jewish philosopher-teacher.
Q2, written during the 60's CE, which viewed Jesus as a Jewish apocalyptic prophet.
Q3, written during the mid 70's during a time of great turmoil in Palestine. Jesus is described as a near-deity who converses directly with God and Satan.
The authors of the Gospels of Matthew (circa 80 CE) and Luke (circa 90 CE) wrote their books using text from Q, Mark and their own unique traditions. The author of the Gospel of Thomas also used portions of Q1 and Q2 in his writing, but seems to have been unaware of Q3. This gospel was widely circulated within the early Christian movement but did not make it into the Christian Scriptures.
The importance of Q is staggering. The interval from the death of Christ to the writing of the first parts of Q1 was only about 20 years. The next Gospel, Mark, was not written until another 30 or more years had passed. Although Paul wrote his Epistles during the 50's and early 60's, they contained very little material on Jesus' sayings and activities. Thus, Q1 gives us a much better understanding of an early, non-Pauline Christian movement: their preoccupations, beliefs, and developing theology. Q1 implies that essentially all of present-day Christian beliefs were unknown to the immediate followers of Jesus. The concept of Jesus as Lord or as a member of the Trinity was completely foreign to their thinking. God was very definitely a single entity, the Jehovah of the Hebrew Scriptures.
The followers of Jesus who wrote Q might not have been able to survive into the 2nd century CE with an almost completely undeveloped theology. For Christianity to survive and grow, a complete Christian theological structure was needed. This requirement was met by Paul, the writers of the four canon Gospels, and other Christians who provided the writings which became the official New Testament canon. After the gospels of Matthew and Luke were written, Q became redundant. The contents of Q was now available in the new gospels, along with much other material. The original gospel would no longer have been used; it disappeared from the face of history.
Assuming that Q did exist, one is led to the belief that most of modern-day Christian beliefs and rituals have little or nothing to do with the beliefs and teachings of the immediate followers of Jesus. If we could enter a time machine and travel back to the late 40's CE, we might track down the author(s) of Q1. They would belong to a primitive Christian movement that regarded themselves as devout Jews, and who followed the teachings of Yeshua, a philosopher teacher. If we could travel back even earlier, we might find the same early Christian group who had the same beliefs and practices, but who passed them on orally; they had not yet written them down.
Despite these successes, all was not smooth sailing for vaccination. There were many who doubted the unique ability of cowpox to prevent smallpox and opposed its practice, suggesting, rather, that the treatment was no more than a variation of variolation. This idea was fortified by events occurring in the Smallpox and Inoculation Hospitals in London, an institution initially dedicated to variolation, that now began to practice vaccination under the direction of Drs. Woodville and Pearson. Patients treated with cowpox vaccines would develop numerous pustules, more like smallpox sores, and quite unlike the single inoculation pustule that Jenner reported. Such pustules, we now believe, were due to contamination of the vaccines with smallpox virus that infested the smallpox institution. A brisk debate between Woodville on one side and Jenner on the other caused some in the medical profession to question Jenner's discovery.
Contributing to this questioning of the effectiveness of vaccination was the apparent use by some practitioners of exudates from unrelated infections of a cow's udder that they assumed were cowpox (called by Jenner Spurious Cowpox). Operators using such exudates would report failureto protect against smallpox which they then attributed to failure of cowpox itself. Even when the source of the vaccine was from true cowpox exudates, some reported failures could be attributed to degradation of the vaccine through improper storage and bacterial decomposition.
Finally there were occasional reports of individuals who had earlier been infected with cowpox who years later developed smallpox, reports directly contradictory to Jenner's hypothesis of permanent immunity. Not known at that time by Jenner or his supporters is that vaccination against smallpox is not permanent but must be reinforced every 5 to 10 years. In addition, because of the existence of spurious cowpox, some who believed that they had been infected by cowpox might not have been.
In an effort to clarify several of these issues, Jenner published in 1801 the fourth of this pamphlets on smallpox vaccination: "The Origin of the Vaccine Inoculation". This pamphlet is reproduced here."
In the eighteenth century, before Jenner, smallpox was a killer disease, as widespread as cancer or heart disease in the twentieth century but with the difference that the majority of its victims were infants and young children. In 1980, as a result of Jenner's discovery, the World Health Assembly officially declared "the world and its peoples" free from endemic smallpox."
Incidentally, the parties' real sites can be found using the .org.uk endings. Labour Newlabour.co.uk is owned by the Conservatives. Newlabour.com is owned by Anthony Stewart but has nothing on it Newlabourparty.co.uk is owned by Jack Nicholson apparently and points to the Tonbridge and District Angling and Fish Preservation Society Conservative Tory-party.co.uk is owned by the Socialist Workers Toryparty.co.uk is owned by Nick Tolson and is a spoof site WilliamHague.com is owned WebFusion and features a staff member as "naturist" William Hague Conservitives.com is owned by Paul Walters and used to have anti-Tory propaganda but now just points to Zombo.com Conservativemanifesto.co.uk is owned by Timothy Dewhurst and is quite a funny spoof, especially the asylum bit MargaretThatcher.com is owned by Iain Dale and is under construction Plaid Cymru Plaid-cymru.co.uk is owned by John Dixon, a LibDem councillor. He was made to pull his anti-Plaid Cymru messages Plaid.co.uk is owned by Magmom and has some weird app on it that we can't work out Plaidcymru.com is owned by the Imperial Tories LibDems Lib-dems.com is owned by James Tattersall and was a negative site but now points to Lib-dem.org.uk LiberalDemocrat.co.uk is owned by serial cybersquatter John Pepin (nothing on it) LiberalDemocrat.org.uk is also owned by serial cybersquatter John Pepin (nothing on it) Things are getting a bit more obscure now, but it would seem the Conservatives' lesbian, gay and bi-sexual campaign arm, Torche is cybersquatting on the LibDems LesBiGay arm Delga. Delga.org points to Torche.gb.org.
If a person is committed into custody by Parliament with no cause specified on the warrant, the court will not go behind the warrant to investigate the reason. This was established in various early 19th-century cases, including that of the Sheriff of Middlesex64 and was confirmed as recently as 1955 in an Australian case, 65 in which the House of Representatives had two journalists imprisoned.
Yet in 1628 the House of Commons extracted from a reluctant monarch (Charles 1) an undertaking that the King would cease imprisoning persons without showing cause. The Petition of Right complained that:
"Against the tenor of the said statues . . . divers of your subjects have of late been imprisoned without any cause shown . . . and when for their deliverance they were brought before your justices . . . and their keepers commanded to certify the causes of their detainer, no cause was certified . . . and yet (they) were returned back to several prisons without being charged with any thing to which they might make answer according to the law".66
The House of Commons retains a power which it has denied to the Executive for over three and half centuries. As Lord Simmonds put the matter in a judgment in 1947:
"Arrested with or without a warrant the subject is entitled to know why he is deprived of his freedom, if only in order that he may, without a moment's delay, take such steps as will enable him to regain it."
It should be recognised that warrants drafted in general terms are not in accord with contemporary thinking, and they should be abandoned. The corollary is that, if warrants gave reasons, courts would be able to enquire into them; and this is inevitable. It is difficult to see how the House of Commons could function satisfactorily as a judicial body, and much better that it should not try to do so.
They have not been used widely since they were introduced under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 to clamp down on those who create a climate of fear in their community.
Faster process
Excessive bureaucracy has been blamed for the slow take-up and only 466 orders have been granted in the last three years. "
Now, the landscape has changed. As The New York Times put it, "Americans are being insulted by a political culture that places private gain ahead of public trust." The result is an ever-growing mass of alienated Americans. The largest group today in the United States is not Republican, Democrat or independent, but the approximately 100 million nonvoters who choose not to participate in selecting their leaders.
Over the years, money has become the dominant influence in our political system: Money dictates how lawmakers are elected, who has access to them, and the career paths they choose after leaving government. Ultimately, those voices in the country without connections or money just don't seem to get heard.
This astounding piece of fiddling while Rome burns was written no doubt to the sound of whalesong and the pungent aroma of joss sticks. Things must be bad.
You can read the whole press release here. It's not for the faint hearted. "
In short, it makes it look like you're about to run aground on the treacherous reefs of Titsup atoll. Still, look on the bright side. It allows you to unlock the creative writing potential of your team. Sema is not short of that, judging by the guff which heralds the company's new logo:
| Marijuana | Languid sleepy prose |
| Heroin | Insanely brilliant incoherant ramblings |
| Cocaine | Paranoid schizo ranting |
| Meth | LOTS of bad poetry |
| XTC | Lots of mourning for not-yet-dead ex-lovers. |
| LSD | Just about anything, but you really should send yourself on a bad trip if you can. |
If that isn't enough to confuse the public, the FBI has also created 210 classifications besides the files they refer to as "Confidential", "Secret", and "Top Secret". Here are a few examples:
# 3 Overthrow of US government
# 5 Income Tax related
# 17 Veteran Administration problems
# 23 Prohibition (look for your grandfather or uncle here)
# 40 Passport and Visa problems
# 47 Impersonation
# 49 Bankruptcy Matters
# 64 Foreign Intelligence and Citizenship
# 72 Obstruction of Justice (interesting because it is so broad)
# 162 Interstate gambling activities
# 183 Racketeering and Corrupt Organizations (Rico Act)
Here is an example: 100-28472-41
100-designates the file as part of a domestic (US) security investigation
28472 tells us the investigation number. These two sets of numbers when put together tell us your "case number".
41-a numerical labeling of documents as either received or sent.
I close with a quote: "Lincoln would not have enjoyed the extravagant and pseudoreligious praise being offered in his name by so many Americans. But one suspects that if he could learn of the slush written about the suggested involvement of his secretary of war in his own death he would simply become angry." (Hanchett, p. 248.).
All we here intend to say is, that wherever in a similar connection any one of the three verbs mentioned above occurs, it has reference to intellectual perception, not to the sensation of sight by the eye: for God is not a being to be perceived by the eye.
THERE are five reasons why instruction should not begin with Metaphysics, but should at first be restricted to pointing out what is fitted for notice and what may be made manifest to the multitude.
First Reason--The subject itself is difficult, subtle and profound, "Far off and exceeding deep, who can find it out?" (Eccles. vii. 24). The following words of Job may be applied to it: "Whence then cometh wisdom? and where is the place of understanding?" (Job xxviii. 20). Instruction should not begin with abstruse and difficult subjects. In one of the similes contained in the Bible, wisdom is compared to water, and amongst other interpretations given by our Sages of this simile, occurs the following: He who can swim may bring up pearls from the depth of the sea, he who is unable to swim will be drowned, therefore only such persons as have had proper instruction should expose themselves to the risk.
In consequence of the frequent use of this figure in our language our Sages said, "The righteous even in death are called living, while the wicked even in life are called dead." (Talm. B. Berakkoth, p. 78). Note this well.
It can be proved that one of them conveyed profound knowledge, from the following rule laid down by our Sages: "The name of forty-two letters is exceedingly holy; it can only be entrusted to him who is modest, in the midway of life, not easily provoked to anger, temperate, gentle, and who speaks kindly to his fellow men. He who understands it, is cautious with it, and keeps it in purity, is loved above and is liked here below; he is respected by his fellow men; his learning remaineth with him, and he enjoys both this world and the world to come." So far in the Talmud.7
How grievously has this passage been misunderstood! Many believe that the forty-two letters are merely to be pronounced mechanically; that by knowledge of these, without any further interpretation, they can attain to these exalted ends, although it is stated that he who desires to obtain a knowledge of that name must be trained in the virtues named before, and go through all the great preparations which are mentioned in that passage. On the contrary, it is evident that all this preparation aims at a knowledge of Metaphysics, and includes ideas which constitute the "secrets of the Law," as we have explained (chap. xxxv.). In works on Metaphysics it has been shown that such knowledge, i.e., the perception of the active intellect, can never be forgotten: and this is meant by the phrase "his learning remaineth with him."
When bad and foolish men were reading such passages, they considered them to be a support of their false pretensions and of their assertion that they could, by means of an arbitrary combination of letters, form a shem ("a name") which would act and operate miraculously when written or spoken in a certain particular way. Such fictions, originally invented by foolish men, were in the course of time committed to writing, and came into the hands of good but weak-minded and ignorant persons who were unable to discriminate between truth and falsehood, and made a secret of these shemot (names). When after the death of such persons those writings were discovered among their papers, it was believed that they contained truths; for, "The simple believeth every word" (Prov. xiv. 15).
This is the theory, and opinion of Aristotle on these questions, and his proofs, where proof is possible, are given in various works of the Aristotelian school. In short, he believes that the spheres are animated and intellectual beings, capable of fully comprehending the principia of their existence; that there exist purely spiritual beings (Intelligences), which do not reside in corporeal objects, and which derive existence from God; and that these form the intermediate element between God and this material world.
In the chapters which follow I will show how far the teaching of Scripture is in harmony with these views, and how far it differs from them.
Our Sages have already stated--for him who has understanding--that all forces that reside in a body are angels, much more the forces that are active in the Universe. The theory that each force acts only in one particular way, is expressed in Bereshit Rabba (chap. 1.) as follows: "One angel does not perform two things, and two angels do not perform one thing"; this is exactly the property of all forces. We may find a confirmation of the opinion that the natural and psychical forces of an individual are called angels in a statement of our Sages which is frequently quoted, and occurs originally in Bereshit Rabba (chap. lxxviii.): "Every day God creates a legion of angels; they sing before Him, and disappear." When, in opposition to this statement, other statements were quoted to the effect that angels are eternal--and, in fact, it has repeatedly been shown that they live permanently--the reply has been given that some angels live permanently, others perish; and this is really the case; for individual forces are transient, whilst the genera are permanent and imperishable. Again, we read (in Bereshit Rabba, chap. lxxxv.), in reference to the relation between Judah and Tamar: "R. Jochanan said that Judah was about to pass by [without noticing Tamar], but God caused the angel of lust, i.e., the libidinous disposition, to present himself to him." Man's disposition is here called an angel. Likewise we frequently meet with the phrase "the angel set over a certain thing.'' In Midrash-Koheleth (on Eccles. x. 7) the following passage occurs: "When man sleeps, his soul speaks to the angel, the angel to the cherub." The intelligent reader will find here a clear statement that man's imaginative faculty is also called "angel," and that "cherub" is used for man's intellectual faculty. How beautiful must this appear to him who understands it; how absurd to the ignorant!
WE have already explained that the term "angel" is a homonym, and is used of the intellectual beings, the spheres, and the elements: for all these are engaged in performing a divine command.
In this manner may those understand the dark sayings of the prophets who desire to understand them, who awake from the sleep of forgetfulness, deliver themselves from the sea of ignorance, and raise themselves upward nearer the higher beings. But those who prefer to swim in the waters of their ignorance, and to "go down very low," need not exert the body or heart; they need only cease to move, and they will go down by the law of nature. Note and consider well all we have said.
But when wicked barbarians have deprived us of our possessions, put an end to our science and literature, and killed our wise men, we have become ignorant; this has been foretold by the prophets, when they pronounced the punishment for our sins: "The wisdom of their wise men shall perish, and the understanding of their prudent men shall be hid" (Isa. xxix. 14). We are mixed up with other nations; we have learnt their opinions, and followed their ways and acts. The Psalmist, deploring this imitation of the actions of other nations, says, "They were mingled among the nations, and learned their works" (Ps. cvi. 35). Isaiah likewise complains that the Israelites adopted the opinions of their neighbours, and says, "And they please themselves in the children of strangers" (Isa. ii. 6); or, according to the Aramaic version of Jonathan, son of Uzziel, "And they walk in the ways of the nations."
I say in the words of the poet, "The heavens are the Lord's, but the earth He hath given to the sons of man" (Ps. cxv. 16); that is to say, God alone has a perfect and true knowledge of the heavens, their nature, their essence, their form, their motions, and their causes; but He gave man power to know the things which are under the heavens: here is man's world, here is his home, into which he has been placed, and of which he is himself a portion. This is in reality the truth. For the facts which we require in proving the existence of heavenly beings are withheld from us: the heavens are too far from us, and too exalted in place and rank. Man's faculties are too deficient to comprehend even the general proof the heavens contain for the existence of Him who sets them in motion. It is in fact ignorance or a kind of madness to weary our minds with finding out things which are beyond our reach, without having the means of approaching them. We must content ourselves with that which is within our reach, and that which cannot be approached by logical inference let us leave to him who has been endowed with that great and divine influence, expressed in the words: "Mouth to mouth do I speak with Him" (Num. xii. 8).
From a very early age, perhaps the age of five or six, I knew that when I grew up I should be a writer. Between the ages of about seventeen and twenty-four I tried to abandon this idea, but I did so with the consciousness that I was outraging my true nature and that sooner or later I should have to settle down and write books.
I was the middle child of three, but there was a gap of five years on either side, and I barely saw my father before I was eight. For this and other reasons I was somewhat lonely, and I soon developed disagreeable mannerisms which made me unpopular throughout my schooldays. I had the lonely child's habit of making up stories and holding conversations with imaginary persons, and I think from the very start my literary ambitions were mixed up with the feeling of being isolated and undervalued. I knew that I had a facility with words and a power of facing unpleasant facts, and I felt that this created a sort of private world in which I could get my own back for my failure in everyday life. Nevertheless the volume of serious -- i.e. seriously intended -- writing which I produced all through my childhood and boyhood would not amount to half a dozen pages. I wrote my first poem at the age of four or five, my mother taking it down to dictation. I cannot remember anything about it except that it was about a tiger and the tiger had "chair-like teeth" -- a good enough phrase, but I fancy the poem was a plagiarism of Blake's "Tiger, Tiger." At eleven, when the war or 1914-18 broke out, I wrote a patriotic poem which was printed in the local newspaper, as was another, two years later, on the death of Kitchener. From time to time, when I was a bit older, I wrote bad and usually unfinished "nature poems" in the Georgian style. I also attempted a short story which was a ghastly failure. That was the total of the would-be serious work that I actually set down on paper during all those years.
However, throughout this time I did in a sense engage in literary activities. To begin with there was the made-to-order stuff which I produced quickly, easily and without much pleasure to myself. Apart from school work, I wrote vers d'occasion, semi-comic poems which I could turn out at what now seems to me astonishing speed -- at fourteen I wrote a whole rhyming play, in imitation of Aristophanes, in about a week -- and helped to edit a school magazines, both printed and in manuscript. These magazines were the most pitiful burlesque stuff that you could imagine, and I took far less trouble with them than I now would with the cheapest journalism. But side by side with all this, for fifteen years or more, I was carrying out a literary exercise of a quite different kind: this was the making up of a continuous "story" about myself, a sort of diary existing only in the mind. I believe this is a common habit of children and adolescents. As a very small child I used to imagine that I was, say, Robin Hood, and picture myself as the hero of thrilling adventures, but quite soon my "story" ceased to be narcissistic in a crude way and became more and more a mere description of what I was doing and the things I saw. For minutes at a time this kind of thing would be running through my head: "He pushed the door open and entered the room. A yellow beam of sunlight, filtering through the muslin curtains, slanted on to the table, where a match-box, half-open, lay beside the inkpot. With his right hand in his pocket he moved across to the window. Down in the street a tortoiseshell cat was chasing a dead leaf," etc. etc. This habit continued until I was about twenty-five, right through my non-literary years. Although I had to search, and did search, for the right words, I seemed to be making this descriptive effort almost against my will, under a kind of compulsion from outside. The "story" must, I suppose, have reflected the styles of the various writers I admired at different ages, but so far as I remember it always had the same meticulous descriptive quality.
When I was about sixteen I suddenly discovered the joy of mere words, i.e. the sounds and associations of words. The lines from Paradise Lost --
So hee with difficulty and labour hardwhich do not now seem to me so very wonderful, sent shivers down my backbone; and the spelling "hee" for "he" was an added pleasure. As for the need to describe things, I knew all about it already. So it is clear what kind of books I wanted to write, in so far as I could be said to want to write books at that time. I wanted to write enormous naturalistic novels with unhappy endings, full of detailed descriptions and arresting similes, and also full of purple passages in which words were used partly for the sake of their own sound. And in fact my first completed novel, Burmese Days, which I wrote when I was thirty but projected much earlier, is rather that kind of book.
Moved on: with difficulty and labour hee.
I give all this background information because I do not think one can assess a writer's motives without knowing something of his early development. His subject matter will be determined by the age he lives in -- at least this is true in tumultuous, revolutionary ages like our own -- but before he ever begins to write he will have acquired an emotional attitude from which he will never completely escape. It is his job, no doubt, to discipline his temperament and avoid getting stuck at some immature stage, in some perverse mood; but if he escapes from his early influences altogether, he will have killed his impulse to write. Putting aside the need to earn a living, I think there are four great motives for writing, at any rate for writing prose. They exist in different degrees in every writer, and in any one writer the proportions will vary from time to time, according to the atmosphere in which he is living. They are:
The Spanish war and other events in 1936-37 turned the scale and thereafter I knew where I stood. Every line of serious work that I have written since 1936 has been written, directly or indirectly, against totalitarianism and for democratic socialism, as I understand it.A happy vicar I might have been Two hundred years ago To preach upon eternal doom And watch my walnuts grow; But born, alas, in an evil time, I missed that pleasant haven, For the hair has grown on my upper lip And the clergy are all clean-shaven. And later still the times were good, We were so easy to please, We rocked our troubled thoughts to sleep On the bosoms of the trees. All ignorant we dared to own The joys we now dissemble; The greenfinch on the apple bough Could make my enemies tremble. But girl's bellies and apricots, Roach in a shaded stream, Horses, ducks in flight at dawn, All these are a dream. It is forbidden to dream again; We maim our joys or hide them: Horses are made of chromium steel And little fat men shall ride them. I am the worm who never turned, The eunuch without a harem; Between the priest and the commissar I walk like Eugene Aram; And the commissar is telling my fortune While the radio plays, But the priest has promised an Austin Seven, For Duggie always pays. I dreamt I dwelt in marble halls, And woke to find it true; I wasn't born for an age like this; Was Smith? Was Jones? Were you?
It seems to me nonsense, in a period like our own, to think that one can avoid writing of such subjects. Everyone writes of them in one guise or another. It is simply a question of which side one takes and what approach one follows. And the more one is conscious of one's political bias, the more chance one has of acting politically without sacrificing one's aesthetic and intellectual integrity.
What I have most wanted to do throughout the past ten years is to make political writing into an art. My starting point is always a feeling of partisanship, a sense of injustice. When I sit down to write a book, I do not say to myself, "I am going to produce a work of art." I write it because there is some lie that I want to expose, some fact to which I want to draw attention, and my initial concern is to get a hearing. But I could not do the work of writing a book, or even a long magazine article, if it were not also an aesthetic experience. Anyone who cares to examine my work will see that even when it is downright propaganda it contains much that a full-time politician would consider irrelevant. I am not able, and do not want, completely to abandon the world view that I acquired in childhood. So long as I remain alive and well I shall continue to feel strongly about prose style, to love the surface of the earth, and to take a pleasure in solid objects and scraps of useless information. It is no use trying to suppress that side of myself. The job is to reconcile my ingrained likes and dislikes with the essentially public, non-individual activities that this age forces on all of us.
It is not easy. It raises problems of construction and of language, and it raises in a new way the problem of truthfulness. Let me give just one example of the cruder kind of difficulty that arises. My book about the Spanish civil war, Homage to Catalonia, is of course a frankly political book, but in the main it is written with a certain detachment and regard for form. I did try very hard in it to tell the whole truth without violating my literary instincts. But among other things it contains a long chapter, full of newspaper quotations and the like, defending the Trotskyists who were accused of plotting with Franco. Clearly such a chapter, which after a year or two would lose its interest for any ordinary reader, must ruin the book. A critic whom I respect read me a lecture about it. "Why did you put in all that stuff?" he said. "You've turned what might have been a good book into journalism." What he said was true, but I could not have done otherwise. I happened to know, what very few people in England had been allowed to know, that innocent men were being falsely accused. If I had not been angry about that I should never have written the book.
In one form or another this problem comes up again. The problem of language is subtler and would take too long to discuss. I will only say that of late years I have tried to write less picturesquely and more exactly. In any case I find that by the time you have perfected any style of writing, you have always outgrown it. Animal Farm was the first book in which I tried, with full consciousness of what I was doing, to fuse political purpose and artistic purpose into one whole. I have not written a novel for seven years, but I hope to write another fairly soon. It is bound to be a failure, every book is a failure, but I do know with some clarity what kind of book I want to write. Looking back through the last page or two, I see that I have made it appear as though my motives in writing were wholly public-spirited. I don't want to leave that as the final impression. All writers are vain, selfish, and lazy, and at the very bottom of their motives there lies a mystery. Writing a book is a horrible, exhausting struggle, like a long bout of some painful illness. One would never undertake such a thing if one were not driven on by some demon whom one can neither resist nor understand. For all one knows that demon is simply the same instinct that makes a baby squall for attention. And yet it is also true that one can write nothing readable unless one constantly struggles to efface one's own personality. Good prose is like a windowpane. I cannot say with certainty which of my motives are the strongest, but I know which of them deserve to be followed. And looking back through my work, I see that it is invariably where I lacked a political purpose that I wrote lifeless books and was betrayed into purple passages, sentences without meaning, decorative adjectives and humbug generally.
Narcissistic Personality Disorder Corporate Executives and Narcissism (NY Times, NY Press and UPI) According to the DSM-IV, the disorder begins by early adulthood and is indicated by the subject exhibiting at least five of the following: 1. An exaggerated sense of self-importance 2. Preoccupation with fantasies of unlimited success, power, brilliance, beauty, or ideal love 3. Believes he is "special" and can only be understood by, or should associate with, other special or high-status people (or institutions) 4. Requires excessive admiration 5. Has a sense of entitlement 6. Selfishly takes advantage of others to achieve his own ends 7. Lacks empathy 8. Is often envious of others or believes that others are envious of him 9. Shows arrogant, haughty, patronizing, or contemptuous behaviors or attitudes http://www.suite101.com/bulletin.cfm/6514/10621 Remember only 5 of the above characteristics are required to diagnose the disorder.
"Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again, - -
The eternal years of God are hers;
But Error, wounded, writhes in pain,
And dies among his worshippers."
Truth has a way of asserting itself despite all attempts to obscure it. Distortion only serves to derail it for a time. No matter to what lengths we humans may go to obfuscate facts or delude our fellows, truth has a way of squeezing out through the cracks, eventually.
But the danger is that at some point it may no longer matter. The danger is that damage is done before the truth is widely realized. The reality is that, sometimes, it is easier to ignore uncomfortable facts and go along with whatever distortion is currently in vogue. We see a lot of this today in politics. I see a lot of it -- more than I would ever have believed -- right on this Senate Floor.
Regarding the situation in Iraq, it appears to this Senator that the American people may have been lured into accepting the unprovoked invasion of a sovereign nation, in violation of long-standing International law, under false premises. There is ample evidence that the horrific events of September 11 have been carefully manipulated to switch public focus from Osama Bin Laden and Al Queda who masterminded the September 11th attacks, to Saddam Hussein who did not. The run up to our invasion of Iraq featured the President and members of his cabinet invoking every frightening image they could conjure, from mushroom clouds, to buried caches of germ warfare, to drones poised to deliver germ laden death in our major cities. We were treated to a heavy dose of overstatement concerning Saddam Hussein's direct threat to our freedoms. The tactic was guaranteed to provoke a sure reaction from a nation still suffering from a combination of post traumatic stress and just
Since the war's end, every subsequent revelation which has seemed to refute the previous dire claims of the Bush Administration has been brushed aside. Instead of addressing the contradictory evidence, the White House deftly changes the subject. No weapons of mass destruction have yet turned up, but we are told that they will in time. Perhaps they yet will. But, our costly and destructive bunker busting attack on Iraq seems to have proven, in the main, precisely the opposite of what we were told was the urgent reason to go in. It seems also to have, for the present, verified the assertions of Hans Blix and the inspection team he led, which President Bush and company so derided. As Blix always said, a lot of time will be needed to find such weapons, if they do, indeed, exist. Meanwhile Bin Laden is still on the loose and Saddam Hussein has come up missing.
The Administration assured the U.S. public and the world, over and over again, that an attack was necessary to protect our people and the world from terrorism. It assiduously worked to alarm the public and blur the faces of Saddam Hussein and Osama Bin Laden until they virtually became one.
What has become painfully clear in the aftermath of war is that Iraq was no immediate threat to the U.S. Ravaged by years of sanctions, Iraq did not even lift an airplane against us. Iraq's threatening death-dealing fleet of unmanned drones about which we heard so much morphed into one prototype made of plywood and string. Their missiles proved to be outdated and of limited range. Their army was quickly overwhelmed by our technology and our well trained troops.
Presently our loyal military personnel continue their mission of diligently searching for WMD. They have so far turned up only fertilizer, vacuum cleaners, conventional weapons, and the occasional buried swimming pool. They are misused on such a mission and they continue to be at grave risk. But, the Bush team's extensive hype of WMD in Iraq as justification for a preemptive invasion has become more than embarrassing. It has raised serious questions about prevarication and the reckless use of power. Were our troops needlessly put at risk? Were countless Iraqi civilians killed and maimed when war was not really necessary? Was the American public deliberately misled? Was the world?
What makes me cringe even more is the continued claim that we are "liberators." The facts don't seem to support the label we have so euphemistically attached to ourselves. True, we have unseated a brutal, despicable despot, but "liberation" implies the follow up of freedom, self-determination and a better life for the common people. In fact, if the situation in Iraq is the result of "liberation," we may have set the cause of freedom back 200 years.
Despite our high-blown claims of a better life for the Iraqi people, water is scarce, and often foul, electricity is a sometime thing, food is in short supply, hospitals are stacked with the wounded and maimed, historic treasures of the region and of the Iraqi people have been looted, and nuclear material may have been disseminated to heaven knows where, while U.S. troops, on orders, looked on and guarded the oil supply.
Meanwhile, lucrative contracts to rebuild Iraq's infrastructure and refurbish its oil industry are awarded to Administration cronies, without benefit of competitive bidding, and the U.S. steadfastly resists offers of U.N. assistance to participate. Is there any wonder that the real motives of the U.S. government are the subject of worldwide speculation and mistrust?
And in what may be the most damaging development, the U.S. appears to be pushing off Iraq's clamor for self-government. Jay Garner has been summarily replaced, and it is becoming all too clear that the smiling face of the U.S. as liberator is quickly assuming the scowl of an occupier. The image of the boot on the throat has replaced the beckoning hand of freedom. Chaos and rioting only exacerbate that image, as U.S. soldiers try to sustain order in a land ravaged by poverty and disease. "Regime change" in Iraq has so far meant anarchy, curbed only by an occupying military force and a U.S. administrative presence that is evasive about if and when it intends to depart.
Democracy and Freedom cannot be force fed at the point of an occupier's gun. To think otherwise is folly. One has to stop and ponder. How could we have been so impossibly naive? How could we expect to easily plant a clone of U.S. culture, values, and government in a country so riven with religious, territorial, and tribal rivalries, so suspicious of U.S. motives, and so at odds with the galloping materialism which drives the western-style economies?
As so many warned this Administration before it launched its misguided war on Iraq, there is evidence that our crack down in Iraq is likely to convince 1,000 new Bin Ladens to plan other horrors of the type we have seen in the past several days. Instead of damaging the terrorists, we have given them new fuel for their fury. We did not complete our mission in Afghanistan because we were so eager to attack Iraq. Now it appears that Al Queda is back with a vengeance. We have returned to orange alert in the U.S., and we may well have destabilized the Mideast region, a region we have never fully understood. We have alienated friends around the globe with our dissembling and our haughty insistence on punishing former friends who may not see things quite our way.
The path of diplomacy and reason have gone out the window to be replaced by force, unilateralism, and punishment for transgressions. I read most recently with amazement our harsh castigation of Turkey, our longtime friend and strategic ally. It is astonishing that our government is berating the new Turkish government for conducting its affairs in accordance with its own Constitution and its democratic institutions.
Indeed, we may have sparked a new international arms race as countries move ahead to develop WMD as a last ditch attempt to ward off a possible preemptive strike from a newly belligerent U.S. which claims the right to hit where it wants. In fact, there is little to constrain this President. Congress, in what will go down in history as its most unfortunate act, handed away its power to declare war for the foreseeable future and empowered this President to wage war at will.
As if that were not bad enough, members of Congress are reluctant to ask questions which are begging to be asked. How long will we occupy Iraq? We have already heard disputes on the numbers of troops which will be needed to retain order. What is the truth? How costly will the occupation and rebuilding be? No one has given a straight answer. How will we afford this long-term massive commitment, fight terrorism at home, address a serious crisis in domestic healthcare, afford behemoth military spending and give away billions in tax cuts amidst a deficit which has climbed to over $340 billion for this year alone? If the President's tax cut passes it will be $400 billion. We cower in the shadows while false statements proliferate. We accept soft answers and shaky explanations because to demand the truth is hard, or unpopular, or may be politically costly.
But, I contend that, through it all, the people know. The American people unfortunately are used to political shading, spin, and the usual chicanery they hear from public officials. They patiently tolerate it up to a point. But there is a line. It may seem to be drawn in invisible ink for a time, but eventually it will appear in dark colors, tinged with anger. When it comes to shedding American blood - - when it comes to wreaking havoc on civilians, on innocent men, women, and children, callous dissembling is not acceptable. Nothing is worth that kind of lie - - not oil, not revenge, not reelection, not somebody's grand pipedream of a democratic domino theory.
And mark my words, the calculated intimidation which we see so often of late by the "powers that be" will only keep the loyal opposition quiet for just so long. Because eventually, like it always does, the truth will emerge. And when it does, this house of cards, built of deceit, will fall.
But, today, I weep for my country. I have watched the events of recent months with a heavy, heavy heart. No more is the image of America one of strong yet benevolent peacekeeper. The image of America has changed. Around the globe, our friends mistrust us, our word is disputed, our intentions are questioned.
Instead of reasoning with those with whom we disagree, we demand obedience or threaten recrimination. Instead of isolating Saddam Hussein, we seem to have isolated ourselves. We proclaim a new doctrine of pre-emption which is understood by few and feared by many. We say that the United States has the right to turn its firepower on any corner of the globe which might be suspect in the war on terrorism.
We assert that right without the sanction of any international body. As a result, the world has become a much more dangerous place.
Paul Wellstone shared my strong belief that the Bush Administration's decision to initiate a preemptive strike against Iraq was a serious mistake. He took a courageous stand against it, and we continue to learn how right he was to do so.
Just this last week, we heard Dr. David Kay, the former top U.S. weapons inspector in Iraq, state unequivocally that the entire premise of the Administration's causus belli was a sham. Dr. Kay confirmed what many of us believed from the start: that Saddam Hussein's WMD programs did not present an imminent threat to the United States.
Senator Wellstone died on October 25, 2002, in a plane crash on the Minnesota Iron Range, where he was flying to attend the funeral of Frank Rukavina – a former steelworker. In a television ad that was set to begin airing that same day, Paul made a statement that still resonates deeply with all of us here today. He said, "I don't represent the big oil companies, I don't represent the big pharmaceutical companies, I don't represent the Enrons of this world. But, you know what? They already have great representation in Washington. It's the rest of our people that need it." How right he was.
My friends, the challenges faced by working Americans has never been greater. Those challenges are exacerbated by an Administration that has no understanding of the needs of working families. The Bush Administration, which is ever eager to feed at the trough of corporate largesse, does so at the expense of America's working families. We know where George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, and Karl Rove pitch their tents. Not in our camp.
Not in our camp, where America's hard-working families need accessible health care and seniors live in desperate need of affordable prescription drugs;
Not in our camp, where workers are losing their pensions while corporate CEOs earn millions for simply putting on a tie, pulling up their socks, and making campaign contributions to the Committee to Reelect George Bush;
Not in our camp, where these same CEOs are moving their companies overseas to "outsource" American jobs; and
Not in our camp, where American steelworkers who have worked a lifetime are seeing their economic security shattered when U.S. steel companies are driven into bankruptcy by dumped and unfairly subsidized imports blessed by the WTO.
On October 27, 2000, standing before hundreds of steelworkers in West Virginia, with Weirton Steel Corporation in the background, then-vice presidential candidate Dick Cheney pledged to help the U.S. steel industry. According to the Associated Press account, Mr. Cheney explicitly vowed to the steelworkers in attendance there, that, "We will never lie to you. If our trading partners violate our trading laws, we will respond swiftly and firmly." That was prior to the 2000 election, when Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney needed West Virginia's five key electoral votes.
For a short time after the election, the Administration remembered its words. It imposed Section 201 tariffs on imported foreign steel. But for only a short time. Then, the White House developed amnesia. Its promise to America's steelworkers was mysteriously forgotten. Faced with the mere "threat" of retaliation from the European Community, the President cowered and then caved: he lifted the Section 201 tariffs 16 months prior to their scheduled termination. Ambassador Zoellick said the tariffs had served their purpose. But the politically independent, quasi-judicial International Trade Commission said the tariffs were still needed to help the industry restructure.
Mr. Cheney in 2000 had promised that the Bush White House would "Stand Up For Steel." Apparently the concern expressed by the Bush White House for the U.S. steel industry was lip service and nothing more.
Let's examine a few more facts.
Only a few days before Christmas, I received reports that the Administration was about to add insult to injury. It was attempting to rescind funds from the Emergency Steel Loan Guarantee Program. I helped to enact this program in 1999, to help U.S. steel companies in financial distress obtain capital to retool and create jobs. Now, however, the White House is attempting to abolish the program and any jobs it would create.
Alarmed by this ham-handed, additional attempt by the Bush Administration to cripple American steel, on December 22, 2003, I contacted the Comptroller General of the United States. I asked him whether the Bush White House could legitimately rescind funds from this critical jobs program. On January 15, the Comptroller General of the United States responded by advising me that the Bush Administration has absolutely no legal authority to rescind any funds from the Emergency Steel Loan Guarantee Program.
These are the facts.
If that weren't enough, the Bush Administration's Fiscal Year 2004 budget called for the repeal of the Continued Dumping and Subsidy Offset Act (CDSOA), also known as the Byrd Amendment. Because of this trade law, millions of dollars have been distributed to deserving U.S. companies and workers across the nation. But the Bush Administration wants to take this law off the books and pretend it never existed.
So, less than three years after Dick Cheney's vow to help America's steelworkers, the White House is taking an axe to at least three critical lifelines that were created specifically to assist America's steel industry and its workers. Because the White House refuses to do anything to protect them; I am doing everything I can to save them.
On December 9, 2003, I introduced a bill to reinstate the Section 201 tariffs for their full term, through March 2005. On January 22, 2004, the Senate passed the fiscal year 2004 omnibus appropriations conference report, which includes – over White House objections – a provision I included which provides a two-year extension of the Emergency Steel Loan Guarantee Program. It also includes – over White House objections – language I included that directs the Bush Administration to defend and protect the Byrd Amendment. The White House is now claiming that this language, passed by both houses of Congress, is simply "advisory."
These are the facts.
When the Bush-Cheney ticket needed West Virginia's votes in 2000, it pledged to help America's steelworkers. The Bush White House might have forgotten the promises it made to the U.S. steel industry back then, but I won't forget them. And I don't think you will forget them, either.
I grew up, the son of a coal miner, in Southern West Virginia. I worked as a gas station attendant, a produce salesman, a meat cutter, and a welder. I have met kings and queens, presidents and prime ministers, and famous people from around the world. But I stand here today among some of the greatest people on Earth. You, and people just like you, who get up and go to work everyday, are the people who make this world run. This Administration doesn't seem to know that. But Paul Wellstone knew that. Our work for you, fighting for your causes, is among the most important things that Paul Wellstone and I had in common.
He was not a fair-weather Senator. Nor am I. Those who make promises at election time and then change their tune later; those who offer short-term fixes to your long-term problems -- they do not have your best interests at heart. And they are not worthy of your support.
Paul Wellstone stood up for steel. He stood up for the people of this country. He did what was right. The Bush Administration rolled over. They counted the names on their "wealthy contributor list" and turned their back on steel.
You honor me today. Again, I thank you for presenting this award to me.
The entire system is wobbling under assaults from every direction. On the one side, the stock market plunge has left the pensions for over 44 million workers underfunded by an estimated $350 billion. Last year, the Pension Benefit Guarantee Corporation (PBGC) had to assume the pension obligations for scores of bankrupt companies, ranging from airlines to steelmakers, pushing the PBGC's balance sheet into the red by an alarming $11.2 billion. On the other side, the assault is coming from historically low interest rates that have triggered painful new funding requirements for employers. Even companies that want to provide for their employees find themselves unable to compete in a global market place against competitors unencumbered by the legacy costs of pension and health care benefits.
U.S. employers are warning that they'll be forced to freeze their pension plans or terminate them unless the Congress provides them with relief from their pension obligations. And, yet, with $350 billion in underfunded pensions and a growing deficit, the federal pension insurer is warning that, unless those pension obligations are funded, a massive taxpayer bailout, akin to the 1980's savings and loan crisis, is on the horizon.
At a time when working families are looking for assurances that their pensions will be protected and that their retirement will be secured, the Congress is offering neither assurances nor security. This legislation provides funding relief to employers, but does little to ensure that the pension benefits promised to workers will be there when they retire.
While this short-term patch may be necessary to keep the ship afloat for a while longer, it does not change the fact that the ship is sinking, and the Congress has not yet readied the life boats.
The Congress is telling workers that once the needs of business have been addressed, then it can act to ensure their pensions are fully funded. The Congress is wagering that the pension system will stay afloat that long.
It's a theme I have noticed repeatedly during the tenure of this Administration. While the top of the economic pyramid receives immediate relief, the hard working middle class is given only vague promises -- uncertain promises of uncertain relief and delayed benefits.
I have seen it over and over again. The corporate elite receive immediate tax cuts, while America's working class families are told to wait for the economy to improve. The pharmaceutical industry receives billions of dollars in taxpayer subsidies, while middle-class families wait endlessly for lower drug prices. Corporate profits continue to increase, while middle-class families wait for those profits to trickle down to them.
In asking middle-class Americans to wait for the economy to improve, to wait for health care costs to go down, to wait for their wages to rise, it confirms that this Administration of corporate CEOs and Texas oil men do not have the slightest comprehension of the plight of American workers.
It's a grim, bleak time for working Americans.
Two and one-half million jobs have disappeared under this Administration's economic stewardship -- most of them in our once powerful manufacturing sector, which has lost jobs for 41 consecutive months.
One million jobs have been lost overseas. Eight million workers are unemployed. Half-a-million discouraged workers have dropped out of the labor pool.
Three and one-half million workers are collecting unemployment benefits, with an average 350,000 workers signing up for benefits each week. At the same time, 80,000 jobless workers are exhausting their unemployment benefits each week, forcing them to cut back on health care and food purchases.
Workers are losing their health insurance. Two and one-half million more people joined the ranks of the uninsured last year, the largest single increase in a decade. With health care costs spiraling out of control, forty-four million people must do without health insurance. Retired workers are forced to do without life-saving drugs.
For those workers with health insurance, out-of-pocket costs are soaring, more than doubling for employees of large companies since 1998. Costs are up sharply, too, for workers who pay monthly premiums but rarely see a doctor.
Worker pensions are in danger, with the federal pension insurer taking over 152 plans last year, slashing the pension benefit promised to over 200,000 workers.
Two million additional Americans fell into poverty in 2002. Not coincidentally, almost two million workers earn wages at the statutory minimum -- $5.15 per hour. Their wages are eroded every year by inflation, with the real value of the minimum wage dropping. While the wealthiest taxpayers receive tens of thousands of dollars in tax cuts, the Administration denies a meager $1.50 per hour raise to our most impoverished workers.
To quote President Franklin Roosevelt, "The test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little."
After three colossal tax cuts, this Administration has denied much to those who have little in order to provide more to those who have much.
The American worker, once again, has become the forgotten man. While the Administration is offering only vague promises of hope, the American workforce is forced to endure the most hostile assault in decades.
The Bush Administration has tried to repeal the 40-hour work week and strip workers of their right to overtime pay. It has attacked the civil service system. It has repealed safety rules necessary for the protection of America's workers. It has neglected their health and safety in the workplace.
Now the Administration is blocking an increase in the federal minimum wage. It is blocking efforts to provide unemployment benefits to jobless workers. It is trying to push through a rule to strip 8 million workers of their hard-earned overtime pay – and, it does so, always with the promise, that these benefits for businesses and the corporate elite will one day trickle down to the middle-class.
This is not the record of an Administration that understands the needs of working families. American workers are sinking on the Titantic and this Administration can only promise workers to send back the life boats once the first-class passengers have been taken to safety.
Americans would have to look back to the Hoover Administration, during the nadir of the Great Depression, to find an Administration that has treated workers more shabbily.
In 1932, Presidential candidate Franklin Roosevelt blasted the Hoover Administration and the Republican-controlled Congress for ignoring the plight of American workers, who he claimed had become the "forgotten man" under the Hoover Administration's top-down economic policies. The "present condition of our nation's affairs is too serious to be viewed through partisan eyes for partisan purposes," the future President charged. "These unhappy times call for the building of plans that rest upon the forgotten, the unorganized but the indispensable units of economic power, for plans...that build from the bottom up and not from the top down, that put their faith once more in the forgotten man at the bottom of the economic pyramid."
I urge Senators to heed those words and to offer workers more than just ideologically based promises that would have us view the plight of America's workers from the top down, rather than the bottom up.
This year, the Congress must extend unemployment benefits. It must protect workers' pensions. It must increase the minimum wage. It must protect the overtime pay of our nation's workforce.
The Administration has invested its energies, it resources, and its political fortunes in those at the top of the economic pyramid, and it has abandoned the workers at the bottom. The representatives of the people must not do the same.
What does that mean? According to the Consumer Federation of America, television-newspaper mergers will be allowed in about 200 markets, where approximately 98 percent of the American people live. TV duopolies – where one owner owns two television stations in the same market -- and perhaps even triopolies – where one owner controls three stations in one market -- will be allowed in more than 160 markets covering better than 95 percent of the population.
This is a dangerous vote by the FCC -- and I fear that it will strangle voices that disagree with corporate interests at virtually every level of news and commentary.
Local news media represent a community's window on the school board, city council, and county commission. The local media, more than any other resource, educate people about the issues that directly affect their lives. But these new rules, as approved by the FCC, threaten that role by allowing one person or one corporate interest to control such a significant level of discourse and debate. News and information may be forced to fit into a corporate plan or personal agenda.
I have been in Congress for more than 50 years. If there is one lesson that I have learned, it is that the media and politicians share at least one common bond: both rely on public trust for credibility. To earn that trust, the public must know that it can rely on the honesty and integrity of the people in critical decision-making positions. Credibility is jeopardized when questions about the veracity of reports are raised, or when a news organization is seen more as a biased promoter of opinion rather than as a fair arbiter of fact.
In October 1958, a pioneer of the broadcast industry took the podium at the Mayfair Hotel in Chicago to address his colleagues at the annual convention of the Radio-Television News Directors Association. On that night, when reporters, news directors, sponsors, and network executives gathered to honor excellence in their industry, Edward R. Murrow called it his duty to speak about what was happening in the radio and television industry.
Mr. Murrow, one of the most honored and respected journalists in our nation's history, criticized his colleagues for failing in their obligation to the people of this country.
"Our history will be what we make it," Murrow said. "If there are any historians about fifty or a hundred years from now, and there should be preserved the kinescopes for one week of all three networks, they will find there evidence of decadence, escapism, and insulation from the realities of the world in which we live."
He continued. "One of the basic troubles with radio and television news is that both instruments have grown up as an incompatible combination of show business, advertising, and news . . . The top management of the networks, with a few notable exceptions, has been trained in advertising, research, or show business. By the nature of the corporate structure, they also make the final and crucial decisions having to do with news and public affairs. Frequently they have neither the time nor the competence to do this."
Here we are, almost 45 years later. What would Mr. Murrow think of today's media? Would he consider the FCC vote a threat to a strong, independent media? The news and broadcast industry has had time to mature, to evolve into what Mr. Murrow hoped would be a responsible venture that exalts the importance of ideas, and not simply panders to the lowest virtues in the human race. Alas, I believe Mr. Murrow would be disappointed in what he would see today.
Instead of exalting ideas, mass media today seem more often than not to worship at the altar of sex, blood, and scandal. Instead of pursuing a higher cause and taking the time to educate the public about the issues and events affecting our everyday lives, we read and hear about things that serve to titillate or divide us.
There are few voices in the media that attempt to educate, to inform, rather than to incite. But too often, these men and women are sent packing because their corporate bosses fear low ratings and a commercial backlash.
This spring, for example, the General Electric-owned cable network MSNBC fired Phil Donahue from his evening talk show. Mr. Donahue was one of the few voices in the news-talk genre that did not worship at the altar of the salacious story. He did not titillate. He spoke frankly, sharing his beliefs and welcoming those who saw otherwise. And when confronted with a person offering differing opinion, Mr. Donahue did not insult or bully that person. Instead, he debated calmly and fairly, and treated his guests with courtesy and respect.
Mr. Donahue was opposed to war in Iraq. He made his views known. He debated; he argued; and he persuaded. But at least one insider at the MSNBC network said that Phil Donahue was fired because the corporate heads at the network worried about having a critic of the President in its programming schedule. They worried, "What would sponsors think? How would they react?" Instead of defending Constitutional freedom of the press, MSNBC, it appears, caved into the business bottom line. Instead of a critical voice, the network has filled the time with yet another carbon copy of the typical current day talk show host: slanted, biased, and arrogant.
Is that what the future holds for news outlets? MSNBC seems to be following the example set by News Corporation -- the corporate umbrella of Fox News Channel. Rupert Murdoch, the chairman and CEO of News Corporation, has used his influence and his money to buy significant influence over the country's politics and priorities. Coincidence? Not likely. In fact, one former News Corporation executive stated in a profile on Mr. Murdoch earlier this year that, "He hungered for the kind of influence in the United States that he had in England and Australia. Part of our political strategy here was the New York Post and the creation of Fox News and The Weekly Standard."
Political strategy? What happened to journalistic strategy? Are we doomed to more politics than journalism as a result of the June 2 FCC vote?
In fact, the complete list of holdings of News Corporation gives one pause. News Corporation is quickly growing into a media empire. Its main holdings are the Fox broadcast networks and the cable networks Fox News Channel, Fox Sports, FX, and others; 20th Century Fox studios; 35 local American television stations; the New York Post (plus The Times and The Sun of London); the conservative magazine The Weekly Standard; the publishing house HarperCollins; the "Sky" satellite system in England and the "Star" satellite system in Asia; and various publications in Mr. Murdoch's native Australia. In addition, News Corporation is seeking federal approval to buy a one-third share in DirecTV, the leading satellite-broadcast system in North America. Should that purchase be approved, News Corporation would then control a worldwide satellite system beyond any other company's reach.
Yet, the Federal Communications Commission -- the people's watchdog on broadcast fairness and responsibility -- would rubberstamp such mergers and monopolies rather than examine them with a skeptical eye. The FCC is supposed to be a watchdog, not a lapdog.
The media enjoy a rare position in our society. Reporters and editors are supposed to responsibly detail events and activities, explain ideas and innovations, to a public that might not, on first hearing, completely understand the issue. But complex ideas, such as peace in the Middle East, or even the doctrine of preemptive strikes on which the war in Iraq was based, are pared down into short broadcast packages lasting two minutes. The focus is on sound bites rather than on sound information.
And instead of an intelligent discussion, we hear a constant barrage of commentary that is supposed to pass for news judgment. We listen to television show hosts call Members of Congress the "lie choir" because they question Administration policies. Without foundation in fact, allegations of dishonesty by Senators are tossed around and, although baseless, they have the air of fact because they are repeated time and time again by pseudo-news hosts. This so-called unbiased media is nothing more than partisan opinion covered in a thin veneer of news and information.
I do not question the media's right to report on stories and to have talk shows which express opinion. That right is clearly laid out in the First Amendment of the Bill of Rights. "Congress shall make no law...abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press." This Amendment, ratified in December, 1791, gives broad power to the press. Our Constitutional Framers understood that the Republic would not function properly if the press were not allowed to operate freely and without intervention from government. However, the media industry also must recognize the responsibility that it has to the public which relies so heavily on the information provided in daily reports.
The free press must be a fair press. Through the First Amendment, our Framers guaranteed a free press. We, the people, demand a fair press, one that meets its responsibilities and our expectations. A free press cannot exist without the trust of the public it serves. To win and maintain that trust, the press must be unbiased in its work.
Unfortunately, expectations may be too high. News organizations often rely solely on the word of those speaking from podiums of power. They take information as Gospel truth without, many times, checking the facts or verifying the information. At a time when standards should be strong, the news industry seems very happy to follow the day's latest scandal. It does not hesitate to bring to bear the full light of public scorn when there is the slightest suggestion of a misstep by a person in the public light. However, when that same light is turned squarely on the media, there is little enthusiasm for the intensity.
Edward Murrow experienced this first hand. While those in attendance at the dinner in Chicago in 1958 applauded Mr. Murrow after he finished his speech, the response away from the podium, away from Mr. Murrow, was quite different. He was castigated by network executives who accused him of biting the hand that fed him. No less than William Paley, the president of CBS and a good friend of Murrow's, was said to be furious after Murrow criticized the broadcast industry. He saw it as a breach of loyalty. But Edward Murrow believed he carried a greater burden of loyalty to his audience; he saw his Chicago remarks as his faithful duty to the people who listened to him every night, who relied on him to give them the information they needed to know.
I think Edward Murrow would be ashamed of much of the news programming on television today. Like so much of the American public, he would not believe that the media, on the whole, are fulfilling the responsibility to educate and inform.
According to a USA Today/CNN/Gallup Poll from this past May, only 36 percent of the American people believe that news organizations get the facts straight.
What can improve the public confidence in the media? Perhaps the media in Minnesota have a good start. In 1970, University of Minnesota Professor Ed Gerald helped to set up the Minnesota News Council, believing then that, "To the common man, it seems that journalists, at will, can make heroes or scoundrels out of any of us." Professor Gerald recognized the sheer power and influence of the media. He also knew that, as much as a free press is crucial to the Republic, a fair press is needed to ensure the public trust.
The Minnesota News Council provides an avenue for the public to hold media outlets accountable for the reports they air or print. Outside of a courtroom and free of charge to either party, the News Council, made up of reasonable, qualified people from within the media and outside of it, comes together to decide whether a report or story is fairly produced or whether it is distorted, untrue, or dishonest. The State of Washington has a similar news council. Many nations, including the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada, have news councils.
At least one noted journalist has long supported the concept of a news council, if not on a national level then on state or regional levels. For many years, Mike Wallace, CBS News Correspondent and co-editor of "60 Minutes," has believed that the concept of a news council could be an important tool in building the public trust in the media. Mr. Wallace, in a 1996 lecture at the Freedom Forum's Media Studies Center, said, he is "convinced that more state news councils, regional news councils, and/or a renewed national news council could strike a blow for a better public understanding in a time of skepticism about us, of who we are and what it is we do." Since those remarks, Mr. Wallace has continued to urge his colleagues to support the news council idea, but the resistance, especially from national media organizations, is profound.
What is wrong with this approach? A news council is not a court of law; rather it is a forum where the public and the news media can engage each other in examining standards of fairness. It is not a radical idea, but a commonsense approach. As the Minnesota News Council describes the concept, in their various forms, news councils are designed to promote fairness in the news media by giving members of the public who feel damaged by a news story an opportunity to hold the news organization accountable. What is wrong with allowing the public, which has such a poor view of the media, to take part in such an endeavor? This type of public dialogue can lead to a better understanding of the media industry and its role in society by that society, as well as a stronger foundation for more accurate, more responsible dissemination of news.
Solid journalism is also a way to improve the public's view of the media. It restores that sense of credibility that is threatened when we read about reporters who have published stories without any factual background. It would help to reaffirm independent voices -- even if those voices run counter to the opinions of the corporate management.
On television and in print, large media conglomerates already control the vast majority of what Americans see, read, and hear. A grand total of five -- five! -- media companies today control 75 percent of prime time programming. Outlets such as cable and the Internet, which could have served to check corporate media conglomeration power, have instead followed the old adage, "if you can't beat 'em, join 'em." Thus, today these same five companies control 90 percent of the top 50 channels on cable. Similarly on the Internet, existing newspapers and TV networks dominate the most popular sites for news and information. Technology may have increased the number of media outlets, but it has not stopped big media from further extending its reach.
Former Washington Post assistant managing editor Ben Bagdikian has sketched out the growing concentration of media ownership. In 1983, when his book, The Media Monopoly, was first published, Mr. Bagdikian reported that, "50 corporations dominated most of every mass medium." But, with each new edition of the book, that number shrinks and shrinks and shrinks: 29 media corporations in 1987; 23 in 1990; 14 in 1992; and 10 in 1997. The sixth edition, published in 2000, documented that just six – six! – corporations supply most of America's media content. "It is the overwhelming collective power of these firms, with their corporate interlocks and unified cultural and political values, that raises troubling questions about the individual's role in the American democracy," Bagdikian wrote.
The June 2 vote by the Federal Communications Commission threatens to expand the influence of these few corporations even further, stretching their hands around a larger number of local television and radio stations, scarfing up newspapers and Internet news outlets.
This is an opinion shared by consumer advocates, media watchdog groups, and various organizations representing the spectrum of political and societal views in the United States, from the National Rifle Association to the National Organization for Women, from the Catholic Conference of Bishops to the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights. The Parents Television Council, Common Cause, the National Association of Black-Owned Broadcasters, the National Association of Hispanic Journalists, the Writers Guild, and the Association of Christian Schools -- all of these groups questioned the wisdom of even greater media consolidation.
Tens of thousands of Americans have expressed their opposition to the FCC rule. In fact, three-quarters of a million people contacted the FCC about this new consolidation, and, according to FCC Commissioner Jonathan Adelstein, 99.9% of them opposed further media consolidation.
In testimony before the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, Commissioner Adelstein was blunt.
[T]he FCC approved the most sweeping and destructive rollback of consumer protection rules in the history of American broadcasting. I'm afraid democracy was not well served by Monday's decision. Allowing fewer media outlets to control what Americans see, hear and read can only give Americans less information to use in making up their own minds about the key issues they face.
The decision will diminish the diversity of voices heard over the public airwaves, which can only diminish the civil discourse and the quality of our society's intellectual, cultural and political life. It will diminish the coverage of local voices and local issues as media giants gobble up local outlets and nationalize the stories they broadcast.
In the end, our new rules will simply make it easier for existing media giants to acquire more outlets and fortify their already massive market power . . . . As media conglomerates go on buying sprees, they will accumulate enormous debt that will force them to chase the bottom dollar ahead of all else. This is likely to result in more sensationalism, more crassness, more violence and even less serious coverage of the news and local events.
Recently, there have been obstacles thrown in the way of the FCC's Mack truck of a rule. The Senate Appropriations Committee has blocked the implementation of the new policy. The unanimous Committee approval of the Fiscal Year 2004 Commerce, Justice, State, and Judiciary Appropriations bill was a strong endorsement of media diversity. The Committee's action follows the House of Representatives vote on July 23, 400-21, to pass the Fiscal Year 2004 Commerce-Justice-State Appropriations bill. As part of that legislation, the House also would prohibit the Federal Communications Commission from implementing this policy allowing for media consolidation.
But the Congress is not the only branch of government involved in this issue. The United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit issued a surprise order on September 3, blocking the Federal Communications Commission from imposing its new rules just one day before those rules were slated to take effect.
"Given the magnitude of this matter and the public's interest in reaching the proper resolution, a stay is warranted pending thorough and efficient judicial review," the court concluded in the case.
Indeed, it is my hope that, with such growing opposition, the Administration and the Federal Communications Commission will abandon such an ill-advised policy.
I have often said that as long as there is a forum in which questions can be asked by men and women who do not stand in awe of a chief executive and one can speak as long as one's feet will allow one to stand, the liberties of the American people will be secure. That forum is this Senate. But the same can be said of the news media -- the newspapers, radio stations, television stations, and other outlets that provide information that is important to the lives of all Americans. That freedom, that unbiased coverage, is a key of this Republic. Without it, the American people can be led to disaster without so much as a whisper. Their freedoms can be trampled; their rights can be subverted.
In his speech in Chicago in 1958, Mr. Murrow offered a challenge to his colleagues. "Just once in a while, let us exalt the importance of ideas," he said. "Let us dream to the extent of saying that, on a given Sunday night, the time ...occupied by Ed Sullivan is given over to a ... survey of the state of American education [or] the time normally used by Steve Allen is devoted to a thoroughgoing study of American policy in the Middle East."
While Ed Sullivan and Steve Allen are not with us anymore, the need for responsibility that Mr. Murrow called for among his colleagues in the news industry clearly still remains with us today.
Instead of linking arms with a world which offered its heart in sympathy after the brutality of the terrorist attack in September of 2001, this White House, through hubris and false bravado, has slapped away the hand of assistance. This Administration has insulted our allies and friends with its bullying, and go-it-alone frenzy to attack the nation of Iraq. In order to justify such an attack, it was decided somewhere in the White House to blur the images of Saddam Hussein and Osama Bin Laden. Blurred images notwithstanding, what is becoming increasingly clear to many Americans is that they are going to be asked to carry a heavy, heavy load for a long, long time.
Let me be clear. We are presently engaged in not one, but two wars. There is the war begun by Osama Bin Laden who attacked this nation on the 11th of September, 2001. Then there is the war begun by George W. Bush when he directed U.S. forces to attack the city of Baghdad on March 19, 2003. The first war was thrust upon us. The bombing of Afghanistan was a just retaliation against that attack. The second war was a war of our choosing. It was an unnecessary attack upon a sovereign nation. This President and this Administration have tried mightily to convince the people of America that attacking Iraq was critical to protecting them from terrorism. The case they make is false, flimsy, and, the war, I believe, was unwise.
The war against Iraq has crippled the global effort to counter terrorism. The war in Iraq has made a peace agreement between Israel and its adversaries harder to obtain. The obsession with Iraq has served to downplay the resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan. The focus on Saddam Hussein has diverted attention from Bin Laden, who is apparently still on the loose and threatening to attack again. The war in Iraq has alienated our traditional allies and fractured the cohesive alliance against terrorism which existed after 9-11. It has made the United States appear to the world to be a bellicose invader. It has called our motives into question. It has galvanized the worldwide terrorism movement against us. The war in Iraq has cost us lives and treasure. Yet, this President will shortly request $87 billion more for his ill-fated adventure. He says we will spend whatever it takes.
Prudence dictates that we consider the risks. This nation has suffered massive job losses amounting to 93,000 in August alone and approximately 600,000 since January of this year. Job loss of this magnitude means less money coming into the treasury and more money going out. U.S. manufacturing jobs continue to disappear overseas as companies relocate operations on other shores. There seems no end to the job hemorrhage. The manufacturing sector has lost jobs for 37 months in a row. The weak job market threatens to sap strength from our domestic economy. Should inflation begin to creep up, as some worry it will, higher energy costs and lower consumer confidence may slow the economy further. Suppose another massive al Quaeda attack were to occur here at home, killing thousands and delivering another devastating blow to the U.S. economy? Could we still afford to continue to send billions to Iraq? At best our future economic growth is uncertain. There are too many unknowns.
Our deficit is growing. When the $87 billion 2004 Iraq Supplemental is included, the deficit for 2004 alone is expected to total $535 billion. That number will only grow if we continue to experience massive job loss and the economy takes a turn for the worse. We can ill afford to finance the rebuilding of Iraq alone. Yet, President Bush steadfastly resists doing what it takes to involve the international community.
It should be obvious that we need assistance. The United States cannot even continue to supply the troops to secure Iraq without more help. A recent CBO study which I requested makes it clear that to maintain the level of troops we now have in Iraq will stretch us very thin, should something happen in Korea or elsewhere on this troubled globe. Our National Guard is being asked to stay longer and longer in Iraq to help backfill the shortage in regular troops. These are men and women with jobs and families and key roles to play in their own communities. We cannot continue to utilize their skills in Iraq without suffering the consequences at home. Even now, as a hurricane lurks off of our shores, there are worries about shortages of emergency personnel because so many national guardsmen and women are serving in Iraq.
But, the Bush Administration continues to spend our treasure and our troop strength in a single-focused obsession with the fiasco in Iraq. Are we to mortgage the future of our nation to years of financing this adventure? Surely we cannot ask American families for sacrifice indefinitely. We must come to grips with our limits. We must acknowledge risks and realities.
Yet, on last Sunday, Vice President Cheney dug his heels in at the suggestion of rethinking our policy in Iraq. In a television interview, Cheney said that he saw no reason to "think that the strategy is flawed or needs to be changed."
He went on to try to convince the American public that Iraq was "the geographic base" for the perpetrators of 9-11 - - a claim that this humble Senator has never heard before, and that flies in the face of U.S. intelligence agencies which repeatedly have said that they have found no links between the 9-11 attacks and Saddam Hussein or Iraq. We may come to rue the day when we took our eye off of Bin Laden and sapped our energies and our credibility in this quagmire in Iraq. Yet, there seems to be no soul searching in this White House about the consequences of this war.
While President Bush's aides talk of "generational commitments" and the President talks of "sacrifice," I wonder if the American people fully comprehend what they are being urged to forego. They have already sacrificed loved ones with 158 troops killed and 856 wounded just since President Bush declared the end of major combat on May 1. How many more families must "sacrifice" while we occupy Iraq?
A generation of "sacrifice" may also mean a slow sapping of key national priorities, including repairing the infrastructure which fuels our economic engine and funding the institutions and programs which benefit all Americans. Compare the latest request for the Iraq Supplemental with the commitment in dollars to other vital programs and the picture becomes clear. President Bush is asking for $87 billion for Iraq, but only $34.6 billion for Homeland Security. He wants $87 billion for Iraq, but only $66.2 billion for the Department of Health and Human Services. The President seeks $87 billion to secure Iraq, but only $52.1 billion for the Department of Education. He wants $87 billion to shore up Iraq but only $29.3 billion for America's highways and road construction.
For the State Department and foreign aid for the entire world, President Bush sees a need for only $27.4 billion, yet Iraq is worth over three times that much to this White House.
Remember that that $87 billion is just for 2004 alone. Does anyone really believe that it will be the last request for Iraq?
The President asked America for a generation of "sacrifice," but that noble sounding word does not reveal the true nature of what this President demands from the American people. He asks them to supply the fighting men and women to prosecute his war. He implores our people to sacrifice adequate health care; he asks them to settle for less than the best education for their children; he asks them to sacrifice medical research that could prolong and save lives; he asks them to put up with unsafe highways and dangerous bridges; he asks them to live with substandard housing and foul water; he asks them to forego better public transportation, and not just for now, for generations, and all of it for his folly in Iraq. Most puzzling to this Senator is this President's stubborn refusal to guard against the terror threat here at home by adequately funding Homeland Security. Is he asking us all to risk the safety of our homeland, too?
And to further insult the hard working people of this nation, George Walker Bush proposes to lay this sacrifice not only on the adult population of this great country, but on their children, by increasing the deficit with nary a thought to the consequences.
Yet not a peep can be heard from this White House about paying for some of this "sacrifice" by foregoing a portion of future tax cuts - - tax cuts that mainly benefit those citizens who don't need so many of the services government provides.
Our reputation around the globe has already been seriously damaged by this Administration. Are the dreams and hopes of millions of Americans to be "sacrificed" as well on the altar of Iraq?
I urge my colleagues to think long and hard about the growing quagmire in Iraq. I urge members of the President's own party to warn him about the quicksand he asks America to wade in. We need a long and thorough debate about the future of this country. We need a serious discussion about the kind of America we will leave to our children. We need to renew our efforts to negotiate a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians. Are we fighting a war in Iraq when pushing the peace might better serve our cause? We must think again about worldwide terrorism and the best ways to combat it. Let us not continue to simply wage the wrong war in Iraq.
The stock market crashed in October 1929. I was 12 years old. I had $7 in the bank at Matoaka, and I haven't seen my $7 since. I struggled to find my first job during the Great Depression. I was 24 when the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor.
In those difficult days, I can remember the voice of President Roosevelt on the radio. There was no voice like his. His words carried over the crackle and static of my family's old Philco set. President Roosevelt understood this nation, its history, its character, and its ethos. He understood the Constitution. He respected the Constitution. He was guided by the Constitution.
In Marietta, Ohio, in 1938, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt said: "Let us not be afraid to help each other -- let us never forget that government is ourselves and not an alien power over us. The ultimate rulers of our democracy are not a President and senators and congressmen and government officials, but the voters of this country." President Roosevelt was right.
Especially in these days, when we find ourselves in dangerous waters, I remind the nation of President Roosevelt's charge: the government is ourselves. I have called on my colleagues in Congress to stand as the Framers intended, as a check against an overreaching executive. I have urged the people of America to awaken to what is happening and to speak out. To speak out, for it is the duty of each citizen to be vigilant to what his or her government is doing, and to be critical, if need be. We are in danger that the right of dissent, the right to disagree, may be trampled underfoot by misguided zealotry and extreme partisanship.
The individual mind remains an unassailable force. The individual voice can inspire others to act. A single act of bravery can lead an army against great odds. At a time when dissent is labeled unpatriotic, the strength of a single individual can give hope to the hopeless, voice to the voiceless, power to the powerless.
"The iron will of one stout heart shall make a thousand quail. A feeble dwarf, dauntlessly resolved, will turn the tide of battle, and rally to nobler strife the giants that had fled (Martin Tupper)."
During these troubled times, the legacy of Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt is not forgotten. Again, I thank the Institute for this great honor, and I thank each of you here this morning.
I close with words from President Roosevelt's first inaugural address: "[T]he only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance."
If I may be so bold as to add, let us take courage from conviction. Carry high the banner of this Republic, else we fall into the trap of censorship and repression and risk losing our most precious legacy. The darkness of fear, fear to exercise the precious legacy of freedom of speech, must never be allowed to extinguish the precious light of liberty.
Moreover, we should not forget that not all victories are created equal. In 280 BC, Pyrrhus, the ruler of Epirus in Northern Greece, took his formidable armies to Italy and defeated the Romans at Heraclea, and again at Asculum in 279 BC, but suffered unbearably heavy losses. "One more such victory and I am lost," he said.
It is to Pyrrhus that we owe the term "pyrrhic victory," to describe a victory so costly as to be ruinous. This supplemental, and the policy which it supports, unfortunately, may prove to be a pyrrhic victory for the Bush Administration.
One day two rogues arrived in town, claiming to be gifted weavers. They convinced the Emperor that they could weave the most wonderful cloth, which had a magical property. The clothes were only visible to those who were completely pure in heart and spirit.
The Emperor was impressed and ordered the weavers to begin work immediately. The rogues, who had a deep understanding of human nature, began to feign work on empty looms.
Minister after minister went to view the new clothes and all came back exhorting the beauty of the cloth on the looms even though none of them could see a thing.
Finally a grand procession was planned for the Emperor to display his new finery. The Emperor went to view his clothes and was shocked to see absolutely nothing, but he pretended to admire the fabulous cloth, inspect the clothes with awe, and, after disrobing, go through the motions of carefully putting on a suit of the new garments.
Under a royal canopy the Emperor appeared to the admiring throng of his people - - all of whom cheered and clapped because they all knew the rogue weavers' tale and did not want to be seen as less than pure of heart.
But, the bubble burst when an innocent child loudly exclaimed, for the whole kingdom to hear, that the Emperor had nothing on at all. He had no clothes.
That tale seems to me very like the way this nation was led to war.
We were told that we were threatened by weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, but they have not been seen.
We were told that the throngs of Iraqi's would welcome our troops with flowers, but no throngs or flowers appeared.
We were led to believe that Saddam Hussein was connected to the attack on the Twin Towers and the Pentagon, but no evidence has ever been produced.
We were told in 16 words that Saddam Hussein tried to buy "yellow cake" from Africa for production of nuclear weapons, but the story has turned into empty air.
We were frightened with visions of mushroom clouds, but they turned out to be only vapors of the mind.
We were told that major combat was over but 101 [as of October 17] Americans have died in combat since that proclamation from the deck of an aircraft carrier by our very own Emperor in his new clothes.
Our emperor says that we are not occupiers, yet we show no inclination to relinquish the country of Iraq to its people.
Those who have dared to expose the nakedness of the Administration's policies in Iraq have been subjected to scorn. Those who have noticed the elephant in the room -- that is, the fact that this war was based on falsehoods – have had our patriotism questioned. Those who have spoken aloud the thought shared by hundreds of thousands of military families across this country, that our troops should return quickly and safely from the dangers half a world away, have been accused of cowardice. We have then seen the untruths, the dissembling, the fabrication, the misleading inferences surrounding this rush to war in Iraq wrapped quickly in the flag.
The right to ask questions, debate, and dissent is under attack. The drums of war are beaten ever louder in an attempt to drown out those who speak of our predicament in stark terms.
Even in the Senate, our history and tradition of being the world's greatest deliberative body is being snubbed. This huge spending bill has been rushed through this chamber in just one month. There were just three open hearings by the Senate Appropriations Committee on $87 billion, without a single outside witness called to challenge the Administration's line.
Ambassador Bremer went so far as to refuse to return to the Appropriations Committee to answer additional questions because, and I quote: "I don't have time. I'm completely booked, and I have to get back to Baghdad to my duties."
Despite this callous stiff-arm of the Senate and its duties to ask questions in order to represent the American people, few dared to voice their opposition to rushing this bill through these halls of Congress. Perhaps they were intimidated by the false claims that our troops are in immediate need of more funds.
But the time has come for the sheep-like political correctness which has cowed members of this Senate to come to an end.
The Emperor has no clothes. This entire adventure in Iraq has been based on propaganda and manipulation. Eighty-seven billion dollars is too much to pay for the continuation of a war based on falsehoods.
Taking the nation to war based on misleading rhetoric and hyped intelligence is a travesty and a tragedy. It is the most cynical of all cynical acts. It is dangerous to manipulate the truth. It is dangerous because once having lied, it is difficult to ever be believed again. Having misled the American people and stampeded them to war, this Administration must now attempt to sustain a policy predicated on falsehoods. The President asks for billions from those same citizens who know that they were misled about the need to go to war. We misinformed and insulted our friends and allies and now this Administration is having more than a little trouble getting help from the international community. It is perilous to mislead.
The single-minded obsession of this Administration to now make sense of the chaos in Iraq, and the continuing propaganda which emanates from the White House painting Iraq as the geographical center of terrorism is distracting our attention from Afghanistan and the 60 other countries in the world where terrorists hide. It is sapping resources which could be used to make us safer from terrorists on our own shores. The body armor for our own citizens still has many, many chinks. Have we forgotten that the most horrific terror attacks in history occurred right here at home!! Yet, this Administration turns back money for homeland security, while the President pours billions into security for Iraq. I am powerless to understand or explain such a policy.
I have tried mightily to improve this bill. I twice tried to separate the reconstruction money in this bill, so that those dollars could be considered separately from the military spending. I offered an amendment to force the Administration to craft a plan to get other nations to assist the troops and formulate a plan to get the U.N. in, and the U.S. out, of Iraq. Twice I tried to rid the bill of expansive, flexible authorities that turn this $87 billion into a blank check. The American people should understand that we provide more foreign aid for Iraq in this bill, $20.3 billion, than we provide for the rest of the entire world! I attempted to remove from this bill billions in wasteful programs and divert those funds to better use. But, at every turn, my efforts were thwarted by the vapid argument that we must all support the requests of the Commander in Chief.
I cannot stand by and continue to watch our grandchildren become increasingly burdened by the billions that fly out of the Treasury for a war and a policy based largely on propaganda and prevarication. We are borrowing $87 billion to finance this adventure in Iraq. The President is asking this Senate to pay for this war with increased debt, a debt that will have to be paid by our children and by those same troops that are currently fighting this war. I cannot support outlandish tax cuts that plunge our country into potentially disastrous debt while our troops are fighting and dying in a war that the White House chose to begin.
I cannot support the continuation of a policy that unwisely ties down 150,000 American troops for the foreseeable future, with no end in sight.
I cannot support a President who refuses to authorize the reasonable change in course that would bring traditional allies to our side in Iraq.
I cannot support the politics of zeal and "might makes right" that created the new American arrogance and unilateralism which passes for foreign policy in this Administration.
I cannot support this foolish manifestation of the dangerous and destabilizing doctrine of preemption that changes the image of America into that of a reckless bully.
The emperor has no clothes. And our former allies around the world were the first to loudly observe it.
I shall vote against this bill because I cannot support a policy based on prevarication. I cannot support doling out 87 billion of our hard-earned tax dollars when I have so many doubts about the wisdom of its use.
I began my remarks with a fairy tale. I shall close my remarks with a horror story, in the form of a quote from the book Nuremberg Diaries, written by G.M. Gilbert, in which the author interviews Hermann Goering.
"We got around to the subject of war again and I said that, contrary to his attitude, I did not think that the common people are very thankful for leaders who bring them war and destruction.
". . . But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship or a Parliament or a Communist dictatorship.
"There is one difference," I pointed out. "In a democracy the people have some say in the matter through their elected representatives, and in the United States only Congress can declare wars."
"Oh, that is all well and good, but, voice or no voice, the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same way in any country."
As the United States continues to be preoccupied with quelling the postwar chaos in Iraq, I worry that the elements of a perfect storm capable of wreaking devastating damage to international stability are brewing elsewhere in the world. The forces in play are centered on the escalating nuclear threat from North Korea, but they also include the emergence of Iran as a nuclear contender, the violence and desperate humanitarian situation in Liberia, the near forgotten but continuing war in Afghanistan, and the unrelenting threat of international terrorism. Just a few days ago, the Department of Homeland Security issued a chilling alert that al Qaeda operatives may be plotting suicide missions to hijack commercial aircraft in the coming weeks – possibly in the United States.
Weather forecasters can do little more than watch a storm unfold. They cannot quiet the winds or calm the seas. We require more from the President of the United States when it comes to international crises. The President cannot afford to merely plot the course of the gathering storms over North Korea, Iran, Liberia, Afghanistan and elsewhere. The President needs to turn his attention to these countries and work with the international community to diffuse the emerging crises.
The challenge is formidable, and there are no easy answers. But the price of inaction could be ruinous. Of all the looming international threats, North Korea is clearly the most worrisome. Recently, (July 14) former Defense Secretary and Korean specialist William Perry warned that the United States and North Korea are drifting toward war, possibly as early as this year. In an interview published in The Washington Post, Dr. Perry said, "The nuclear program now underway in North Korea poses an imminent danger of nuclear weapons being detonated in American cities."
Surely, such a stark warning from an official so deeply steeped in the political culture of North Korea should be a wake up call to the President. And yet, to date, the Administration has steadfastly refused to engage in direct talks with North Korea or even to characterize the threat of North Korea's nuclear weapons program as a crisis. Instead, the President and his advisers have continued to hurl invectives at Kim Jong Il while shrugging off increasingly alarming reports that North Korea is stepping up its pursuit of nuclear weapons.
Since last October, when North Korea revealed that it planned to reprocess plutonium fuel rods into fissile material that could be used in nuclear weapons, the President and his advisers have consistently downplayed the nuclear threat from North Korea while hyping the nuclear threat from Iraq. And yet, while we have strong evidence that North Korea is working feverishly to accelerate its nuclear programs, we still have not found a shred of evidence that Saddam Hussein's efforts to reconstitute Iraq's nuclear weapons program were anything more than bluster and hyperbole.
It is time – if it is not already too late – to drop the false bravado of indifference to the threat from North Korea and engage in face-to-face negotiations with the North Koreans. Multilateral negotiations are fine, preferable even, but they are unlikely to be productive unless the United States takes the lead. We cannot wait for the Chinese or the Japanese or the South Koreans to pave the way. We cannot brush off the nuclear threat posed by North Korea as an annoying irritant. There is a real threat to the United States, and the United States must act fast to neutralize it.
The news on Thursday (July 31) that North Korea has expressed a willingness to engage in six-sided talks, with the participation of Russia in addition to the other players, offers a glimmer of opportunity that the United States should seize before North Korea changes its mind. As difficult as it is to predict or understand the motivations of Kim Jong Il, one thing is certain: no progress can be made in unraveling the nuclear tangle on the Korean peninsula until the parties involved start talking to each other.
Not only must the President come to terms with the gravity of the situation in North Korea, but he must also understand that this is not a one-man show, and this is not the type of discussion that can be sealed with a simple handshake. Under the Constitution, the Senate has a unique and important role to play in helping to frame the contours and context of international treaties. Any agreement negotiated between the United States and Korea will have far reaching implications for the national security of the United States, and as such should be subject to the treaty advice and consent provision of Article II, section 2 of the Constitution.
On a collision course with the nuclear threat from North Korea is the question of how to deal with Iran's increasingly aggressive nuclear posture. A month ago, the President hinted darkly that he would not tolerate the construction of a nuclear weapon in Iran, but he has been largely silent on the issue in the ensuing weeks. Asked during a rare press conference earlier this week about the potential for war with Iran, the President placed the burden for seeking a peaceful solution squarely on the shoulders of the international community without suggesting any role for the United States beyond "convincing others" to speak to the Iranian government. When it comes to dealing with the threat from Iran's weapons of mass destruction, it appears that the White House is deferring to some of the same countries and institutions, including the International Atomic Energy Agency, that it dismissed as inconsequential during the run up to war with Iraq.
Like North Korea, the options for dealing with Iran are limited, but dodging engagement in favor of sporadic saber rattling is scarcely the wisest course of action. Equally unhelpful are ominous hints that the United States is contemplating covert action to precipitate regime change in Iran. Unlike North Korea, Iran has not demanded direct negotiations with the United States. Before it comes to that point, and the United States is faced with the perception of being blackmailed into negotiations, the Administration should seize the initiative and not abdicate its responsibility to other nations and other institutions. Here again, the Administration cannot afford to ignore the storm warnings and hope the crisis will simply blow over.
The situation in Liberia raises a different, but no less volatile, set of issues. Rent by violence and reeling from the effects of a three-way conflict between an illegitimate government and the warring rebels who want to unseat it, Liberia is desperately seeking help from the United States. The President raised expectations for U.S. intervention during his highly publicized visit to Africa earlier this month, but it has been several weeks now since his return, and still no clear policy with regard to Liberia has emerged from the White House.
The question of whether the United States should intervene in the Liberian crisis is fraught with unknowns and uncertainties. The humanitarian crisis calls out for relief. And yet, the solution is elusive, and the danger of ensnaring U.S. military troops in an intractable civil war is not to be underestimated. Can the Economic Community of West African States, known as ECOWAS, raise a force sufficient to stabilize the unrest in Liberia? Could the United States help without sending in ground troops? Is the United Nations prepared to take over peacekeeping operations once the situation is stabilized? Can the United States afford to assist Liberia? Can the United States afford to ignore Liberia?
The questions are tough, but procrastination is not an acceptable response. Hundreds of innocent civilians are suffering and dying as a result of the conflict in Liberia. Monrovia is in shambles. Last week (July 25), the President took the tentative step of ordering several thousand U.S. Marines to be positioned off the coast of Liberia, but how or whether any of those troops will be deployed remains unknown. Indecisive, half-hearted gestures serve no purpose. As long as there is an expectation that the United States will intervene, African states are unlikely to take independent action to deal with the situation in Liberia. The President needs to determine a course of action, he needs to consult with Congress and the United Nations on pursuing that course, and he needs to explain his reasoning and his strategy to the American people.
In testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee last week, (July 24) General Peter Pace, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, termed Liberia "potentially a very dangerous situation" that poses "great personal risk" to American troops. Any decision to send American troops into that war torn country is a decision that must be carefully thought through and be made in concert with Congress and the international community, not simply presented to the American people as an after-the-fact notification.
The situation in Liberia, and the other crises brewing around the world, require more attention and more explanation from the President than the usual off-the-cuff comments tossed to reporters at the end of photo ops. This is not a summer for the President to spend riding around the ranch in his pick up truck. This is not a time to play to the television cameras with the "bring 'em on" school of rhetoric. The problems confronting the United States require the President's serious and undivided attention. The American people deserve a full accounting from the President of where he stands on critical international issues, and how he intends to deal with them.
Against the backdrop of the war in Iraq and the emerging crises in North Korea, Iran, and Liberia, the largely forgotten war in Afghanistan continues to grind on, more than a year and half after the United States rousted the Taliban from power and obliterated al Qaeda's terrorist training camps. Nearly 10,000 American troops remain in Afghanistan, with no end to their mission in sight – and no clear mission to accomplish – hunting the remnants of the Taliban and al Qaeda organizations. In Iraq, Saddam Hussein's sons have been killed, and one can only hope that we are closing in on Saddam Hussein himself, but in the wider war on terrorism, Osama bin Laden remains at large, and his organization continues to spread its venom throughout the Middle East and perhaps the world.
The alert issued earlier this week by the Homeland Security Department is only the latest reminder that the al Qaeda terrorist network remains a potent threat to America and its allies. The warning included specific details – such as the fact that targets might include the East coast of the United States, the United Kingdom, Italy, or Australia – and it raised the possibility that at least one of the planned highjackings or bombings could be executed before the end of the summer.
In the face of such a frightening specter, it is somewhat unsettling that on the subject of terrorism, the President is talking tough to Iran and Syria, but he seldom mentions Osama bin Laden anymore.
Is this another example of the President's efforts to change his message to divert the attention of the American people? The imminent and direct threat of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction was used to hoodwink the public into accepting the rush to war, but now that no weapons have been found, the President barely mentions them anymore. Instead, he is now talking about how regime change in Iraq was really the catalyst required to stabilize the Middle East. New day, new message.
At the center of America's imperiled relations with its friends and foes alike is the Bush doctrine of preemption, which was first articulated in the September 2002 National Security Strategy. This unprecedented declaration that the United States has the right to launch preemptive military attacks against hostile nations in the absence of direct provocation sent shockwaves throughout the international community.
The doctrine of preemption was the justification for attacking Iraq without provocation, but the ramifications of the policy go far beyond that nation. All so-called "rogue regimes" were put on notice that the United States was prepared to act to deter the development of weapons of mass destruction that could be used against America.
Suddenly, the elite club of nations that formed the President's "axis of evil" found itself caught in the cross hairs of the U.S. military. And just as quickly, the hollowness of the doctrine was exposed. Iraq could be attacked at will because it did not have nuclear capability. North Korea called for restraint because it plausibly did have nuclear capability. Iran was a question mark. Predictably, both North Korea and Iran, seeing the writing on the wall, began to scramble to accelerate their nuclear programs. In retrospect, the doctrine of preemption is beginning to look more and more like a doctrine of provocation.
Against this background, the storm clouds of international instability are massing. America's military forces are stretched thin in Iraq and Afghanistan. Our military leadership is absorbed with Iraq. Our military resources – both financial and personnel – are strained to the breaking point. With the exception of Britain, our allies are reluctant to commit significant resources or manpower to an operation in Iraq in which the United States has a stranglehold on authority and decision making. The Executive Branch is preoccupied with the occupation of Iraq and seems paralyzed when it comes to meaningful action to deal with North Korea or Iran or Liberia. Afghanistan and the global war on terror have seemingly been relegated to the status of afterthoughts. America's foreign policy appears to be adrift in an increasingly tumultuous sea of international turmoil. Meanwhile, the national terror threat continues to hover uneasily in the "elevated range" amid new warnings of terrorist attacks being plotted against commercial aircraft.
In this moment of great potential peril, the President is preparing to retire for a month to his ranch in Texas. The question needs to be asked: Who's minding the White House?
In a short time, the Senate will recess for the month of August. It is my belief that we should not go far. I hope that the international situation will remain stable, and that no new crises will erupt. But I do not pretend to be sanguine. I do not pretend to assume that all will be well.
A rare combination of volatile and dangerous international events are poised to converge in the coming months. In large part, it is a storm of this Administration's own making, fueled by the fear, confusion, and instability caused by the unprecedented and ill-advised doctrine of preemption. I only hope that the President and his advisers can summon the skill, the wit, and the leadership to engage and attempt to tame the elements of international turmoil before it is too late and we are swept up into the vortex of the storm.
They continued to do so even as the region and its people were savaged by Northeast industrialists, and as economic forces beyond their control resulted in massive gaps of poverty in the region. The stereotyping of the Appalachian people as dim-witted, barefooted hillbillies who thrive on incest and moonshine allowed the Nation to laugh at and turn their backs on the plight of a people who were being robbed of their land and its resources. It prompted the nation to perceive and dismiss Appalachians as the instigators rather than the victims of their plight.
Television has certainly been a part of this Appalachian bashing. "Green Acres" featured farming mountain folks conversing with a talking pig. The "Dukes of Hazzard" featured stereotypical mountain folk jumping in and out of cars, without bothering to open doors, and a car horn that played Dixie.
Even "The Waltons", a series with numerous morally uplifting episodes and storylines that promoted hard work, love of family, honesty, patriotism, and spirituality, can be faulted for its beautifully romanticized version of poverty. It portrayed poverty as a way of life that nurtures, rather than inhibits, that builds character rather than denies opportunity. Mr. President, I have seen poverty. I have known poverty. I can tell you that poverty is beautiful only if you are not poor.
In this day and age of political correctness, Appalachians may be the last remaining ethnic group that it is still socially acceptable to scorn, demean, stereotype, and joke about. If Jay Leno told such cruel, bigoted, and slanderous ethnic humor about any number of minority groups that he does Appalachians, he would have more than the ratings of David Letterman about which to be concerned.
Now, incredibly, the Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) is planning to air a new program, "The Real Beverly Hillbillies." For this program, the brainchild of CEO Leslie Moonves, CBS plans to pluck a poor, rural family from the hills of Appalachia and plop them down in a mansion in Beverly Hills so the nation can laugh at them as they try to adjust to big city life. I have read that CBS is already conducting so-called "hick-hunts" in which they are searching for the perfect stereotypical Appalachian family to amuse a national audience.
The insensitivity and mean spiritedness of this plan has already aroused protests and criticisms from many segments of American society including Appalachian social action groups, labor unions, and various state and national legislators.
The United Mine Workers of America, the Steel Workers Union, and Communication Workers have all protested the network's intent to ridicule good people and make fun of their lifestyles. In a joint letter to Mr. Moonves, 43 members of the House of Representatives objected to the proposed program, saying it would be "an insult to the millions of people living in Appalachia."
We are reminded in the gospel of Saint Luke, "For unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall be much required." Surely the same can be said of any American president. We expect, nay demand, that our leaders be scrupulous in the truth and faithful to the facts. We do not seek theatrics or hyperbole. We do not require the stage management of our victories. The men and women of the United States military are to be saluted for their valor and sacrifice in Iraq. Their heroics and quiet resolve speak for themselves. The prowess and professionalism of America's military forces do not need to be embellished by the gaudy excesses of a political campaign.
War is not theater, and victory is not a campaign slogan. I join with the President and all Americans in expressing heartfelt thanks and gratitude to our men and women in uniform for their service to our country, and for the sacrifices that they have made on our behalf. But on this point I differ with the President: I believe that our military forces deserve to be treated with respect and dignity, and not used as stage props to embellish a presidential speech.
And yet, our Department of Defense is on a track to be the instrument of a doctrine of pre-emptive attacks: ready and willing to invade and take over sovereign states that may not even pose a direct threat to our security. The name "Department of Defense" is increasingly a misnomer for a bureaucracy that is poised to undertake conquest at the drop of a hat.
Senator Warner and Senator Levin have done an excellent job of managing this bill and of stripping some of the most egregious provisions from the President's request. I commend them for their hard work, but I believe that this bill is still too costly and still steers our nation in exactly the wrong course for the future. I believe it is time to just say no to Pentagon excesses. I believe it is time to force the Defense Department to work smarter and waste less. I believe it is time to demand accountability for our enormous investment in defense. For these reasons, I will vote against this bill.
However, despite the progress today, I remain concerned about the path on which this conference report places the Congress.
For decades, Presidential Administrations have sought to wrap their fingers around the purse strings, push away the Congress, and ignore the Constitution. It does not matter which Administration. It does not matter the political party of the President. What matters is nothing more than raw power. Congress has it. The Executive Branch wants it -- and will use any excuse to get it.
It was not long ago that I joined with the Senator from New York, Daniel Moynihan, the Senator from Oregon, Mark Hatfield, the Senator from Michigan, Carl Levin, and two members of the House of Representatives, Congressman David Skaggs of Colorado and Congressman Henry Waxman of California, to challenge the Line Item Veto. Every President in the 20th Century, save for William H. Taft, sought some form of line-item veto. Foolishly, on March 23, 1995, the Senate passed by a vote of 69-29 the Line Item Veto Act, giving the Office of the President the power to pick and choose which items in appropriations bills to fund, and which to ignore. With the Line Item Veto, the President had the power to threaten and intimidate members of Congress -- the people's directly elected representatives. It gave one man the power to change unilaterally a bill that was the product of give and take, debate and compromise between and among 535 men and women who were directly elected by the people to represent them in Congress.
Fortunately, five years ago this June, the United States Supreme Court had the wisdom to see the danger of this approach. The Justices ruled that Congress did not have the authority to delegate away the Constitutionally granted power of the purse. The Court understood precisely what was at stake.
The absolute bedrock of the people's continued freedom from tyranny and excesses of all types of authority is the power of the purse. James Madison summed up in a very few words the significance of this power in protecting the people's rights and liberties. In Federalist 58, he wrote: "This power over the purse, may in fact be regarded as the most compleat and effectual weapon with which any Constitution can arm the immediate representatives of the people for obtaining a redress of every grievance, and for carrying into effect every just and salutary measure."
This essential tool -- control of the purse by the people's representatives in Congress -- lies at the very foundation of our nation's freedoms. It is the fulcrum of the people's leverage. As enshrined in the Constitution, it is one of the chief protectors of all our cherished freedoms. This control of the purse is one of the most effective bulwarks ever constructed to repel a despot, control a tyrant, or shackle the hands of an overreaching chief executive. Chip away at this fundamental barrier and one chips away at the very cornerstone of the people's liberties.
But, incredibly, Members of Congress, in this day, seem to be intent on doing just exactly that -- steadily chipping away at the power of the purse, and at the other constitutional powers and prerogatives of the people's representatives in Congress.
Since that June day nearly five years ago when the High Court struck down the Line Item Veto Act, Administrations have sought ways around the High Court ruling. They have sought to chip away at this Constitution. They have sought to control the crucial power of appropriating. That concerted Executive Branch effort has continued in this supplemental request.
Just a few weeks ago, after months of stiffarming Congress's request for information regarding the cost of military action in Iraq, the President finally provided the details of the first installment payment totaling $74.7 billion. Of that amount, for the Department of Defense the President sought $62 billion. But the President wanted the Secretary of Defense to pick and choose how to spend more than $59.8 billion of that money. Congress was asked to provide this funding in an account labeled the "Defense Emergency Response Fund." Around Washington, this fund is nicknamed DERF, D-E-R-F. I can think of another explanation for DERF - - the Dangerous Erosion of the Right to Fund. No, it was not flexibility that the President sought. It was control. It was power.
The President's supplemental request sought another $1.4 billion for the Department of Defense to allow the Secretary of Defense to allocate funds to pay nations that have provided support primarily for the global war on terrorism. Again, the Secretary of Defense would decide where, how, and when to invest those dollars -- not the Congress. Nowhere in the Constitution is the Secretary of Defense given the power of the purse. Again, it was not flexibility that the President sought. It was power.
Time after time, in line after line, this Administration sought unprecedented authority to spend the people's money how it wanted, where it wanted, when it wanted, and why it wanted. The cry went out, "Give us flexibility." It was not flexibility that the President wanted. It was power. Power! Power over the purse. Power over the Congress.
Wisely, the House and Senate Appropriations Committees limited that power grab in this supplemental request. Despite the best efforts of the Administration, the conference report holds to almost all of the committees' limitations and protections. But it took a vote of the conference this morning to give protection to the prerogatives of this Congress.
With that vote, the House and Senate conferees approved a five-day notification on how the Secretary of Defense and the President chose to spend the $15 billion in the Defense Emergency Response Fund. Five days notification is not too great a burden for the Administration to meet. The Administration resisted the bipartisan effort to require this short notification, but the conferees acted to protect the people against a would-be power grab by the Administration.
If there is an imminent danger facing the nation today, the Commander in Chief does not need to wait to respond. He will not say that he cannot stop an attack against America simply because he has to tell Congress first. He has the inherent Constitutional right to counter any imminent threat facing the United States. A five-day notification requirement on the DERF does not tie the President's hands at all, but it does help to protect the people's liberties against an overreaching executive.
Despite the good work by the conferees to limit the so-called flexibility, I fear that this conference report is nothing more than a first step down a slow road to oblivion for Congress. Because of the President's insatiable desire to control the power of the purse, what we are witnessing in this DERF is a unique and creative strategy to circumvent the people's directly elected representatives. What will be next? Which department or agency will seek its own Emergency Response Fund, with no strings, no questions, no examination? Why not just hand each department in the Administration a huge check at the start of each fiscal year and say, "Here you go. Have a good time. Send us a post card." Put a sign on the Capitol dome: "We are going out of business."
I hope that this will be the last time Congress feels the need to accommodate an Emergency Response Fund that contains so few strings, so few protections.
Since this war began, I have stated my strong support for the men and women engaged in military action and for their families. I have pledged every resource necessary to speed their victory and safe return home. I will keep that pledge and vote for this conference report.
But I have also sworn an oath to protect and defend this Constitution. I will not stand quietly by while we demolish this document which has served for more than 200 years as the foundation of this Republic. This bill is only the down payment on this war and on the occupation and reconstruction of Iraq. This conference report is only a fraction of the cost. As this body writes the checks for the rest of the war and the reconstruction, the Senate should defend vigorously the power of the purse and ensure that the system of checks and balances is preserved.
Like most professions, diplomacy has its own lexicon. As John Kenneth Galbraith wrote in 1969, "There are few ironclad rules of diplomacy but to one there is no exception: when an official reports that talks were useful, it can safely be concluded that nothing was accomplished." And when we hear a seasoned envoy refer to a "frank and open discussion," we know that he is actually talking about a knock-down, drag-out fight behind closed doors. While negotiation can steer great powers away from a course that would lead to war, we can usually count on public statements about diplomacy to be underwhelming.
Winston Churchill once said about war: "The statesman who yields to war fever must realize that once the signal is given, he is no longer the master of policy but the slave of unforeseeable and uncontrollable events."
But, today I weep for my country. I have watched the events of recent months with a heavy, heavy heart. No more is the image of America one of strong, yet benevolent peacekeeper. The image of America has changed. Around the globe, our friends mistrust us, our word is disputed, our intentions are questioned.
Instead of reasoning with those with whom we disagree, we demand obedience or threaten recrimination. Instead of isolating Saddam Hussein, we seem to have isolated ourselves. We proclaim a new doctrine of preemption which is understood by few and feared by many. We say that the United States has the right to turn its firepower on any corner of the globe which might be suspect in the war on terrorism. We assert that right without the sanction of any international body. As a result, the world has become a much more dangerous place.
We flaunt our superpower status with arrogance. We treat UN Security Council members like ingrates who offend our princely dignity by lifting their heads from the carpet. Valuable alliances are split. After war has ended, the United States will have to rebuild much more than the country of Iraq. We will have to rebuild America's image around the globe.
The case this Administration tries to make to justify its fixation with war is tainted by charges of falsified documents and circumstantial evidence. We cannot convince the world of the necessity of this war for one simple reason. This is a war of choice.
Yet, this Chamber is, for the most part, silent -- ominously, dreadfully silent. There is no debate, no discussion, no attempt to lay out for the nation the pros and cons of this particular war. There is nothing.
We stand passively mute in the United States Senate, paralyzed by our own uncertainty, seemingly stunned by the sheer turmoil of events. Only on the editorial pages of our newspapers is there much substantive discussion of the prudence or imprudence of engaging in this particular war.
And this is no small conflagration we contemplate. This is no simple attempt to defang a villain. No. This coming battle, if it materializes, represents a turning point in U.S. foreign policy and possibly a turning point in the recent history of the world.
This nation is about to embark upon the first test of a revolutionary doctrine applied in an extraordinary way at an unfortunate time. The doctrine of preemption -- the idea that the United States or any other nation can legitimately attack a nation that is not imminently threatening but may be threatening in the future -- is a radical new twist on the traditional idea of self defense. It appears to be in contravention of international law and the UN Charter. And it is being tested at a time of world-wide terrorism, making many countries around the globe wonder if they will soon be on our -- or some other nation's -- hit list. High level Administration figures recently refused to take nuclear weapons off of the table when discussing a possible attack against Iraq. What could be more destabilizing and unwise than this type of uncertainty, particularly in a world where globalism has tied the vital economic and security interests of many nations so closely together? There are huge cracks emerging in our time-honored alliances, and U.S. intentions are suddenly subject to damaging worldwide speculation. Anti-Americanism based on mistrust, misinformation, suspicion, and alarming rhetoric from U.S. leaders is fracturing the once solid alliance against global terrorism which existed after September 11.
Here at home, people are warned of imminent terrorist attacks with little guidance as to when or where such attacks might occur. Family members are being called to active military duty, with no idea of the duration of their stay or what horrors they may face. Communities are being left with less than adequate police and fire protection. Other essential services are also short-staffed. The mood of the nation is grim. The economy is stumbling. Fuel prices are rising and may soon spike higher.
This Administration, now in power for a little over two years, must be judged on its record. I believe that that record is dismal.
In that scant two years, this Administration has squandered a large projected surplus of some $5.6 trillion over the next decade and taken us to projected deficits as far as the eye can see. This Administration's domestic policy has put many of our states in dire financial condition, under funding scores of essential programs for our people. This Administration has fostered policies which have slowed economic growth. This Administration has ignored urgent matters such as the crisis in health care for our elderly. This Administration has been slow to provide adequate funding for homeland security. This Administration has been reluctant to better protect our long and porous borders.
In foreign policy, this Administration has failed to find Osama bin Laden. In fact, just yesterday we heard from him again marshaling his forces and urging them to kill. This Administration has split traditional alliances, possibly crippling, for all time, International order-keeping entities like the United Nations and NATO. This Administration has called into question the traditional worldwide perception of the United States as well-intentioned, peacekeeper. This Administration has turned the patient art of diplomacy into threats, labeling, and name calling of the sort that reflects quite poorly on the intelligence and sensitivity of our leaders, and which will have consequences for years to come.
Calling heads of state pygmies, labeling whole countries as evil, denigrating powerful European allies as irrelevant -- these types of crude insensitivities can do our great nation no good. We may have massive military might, but we cannot fight a global war on terrorism alone. We need the cooperation and friendship of our time-honored allies as well as the newer found friends whom we can attract with our wealth. Our awesome military machine will do us little good if we suffer another devastating attack on our homeland which severely damages our economy. Our military manpower is already stretched thin and we will need the augmenting support of those nations who can supply troop strength, not just sign letters cheering us on.
The war in Afghanistan has cost us $37 billion so far, yet there is evidence that terrorism may already be starting to regain its hold in that region. We have not found bin Laden, and unless we secure the peace in Afghanistan, the dark dens of terrorism may yet again flourish in that remote and devastated land.
Pakistan as well is at risk of destabilizing forces. This Administration has not finished the first war against terrorism and yet it is eager to embark on another conflict with perils much greater than those in Afghanistan. Is our attention span that short? Have we not learned that after winning the war one must always secure the peace?
And yet we hear little about the aftermath of war in Iraq. In the absence of plans, speculation abroad is rife. Will we seize Iraq's oil fields, becoming an occupying power which controls the price and supply of that nation's oil for the foreseeable future? To whom do we propose to hand the reins of power after Saddam Hussein?
Will our war inflame the Muslim world resulting in devastating attacks on Israel? Will Israel retaliate with its own nuclear arsenal? Will the Jordanian and Saudi Arabian governments be toppled by radicals, bolstered by Iran which has much closer ties to terrorism than Iraq?
Could a disruption of the world's oil supply lead to a world-wide recession? Has our senselessly bellicose language and our callous disregard of the interests and opinions of other nations increased the global race to join the nuclear club and made proliferation an even more lucrative practice for nations which need the income?
In only the space of two short years this reckless and arrogant Administration has initiated policies which may reap disastrous consequences for years.
One can understand the anger and shock of any President after the savage attacks of September 11. One can appreciate the frustration of having only a shadow to chase and an amorphous, fleeting enemy on which it is nearly impossible to exact retribution.
But to turn one's frustration and anger into the kind of extremely destabilizing and dangerous foreign policy debacle that the world is currently witnessing is inexcusable from any Administration charged with the awesome power and responsibility of guiding the destiny of the greatest superpower on the planet. Frankly many of the pronouncements made by this Administration are outrageous. There is no other word.
Yet this chamber is hauntingly silent. On what is possibly the eve of horrific infliction of death and destruction on the population of the nation of Iraq -- a population, I might add, of which over 50% is under age 15 -- this chamber is silent. On what is possibly only days before we send thousands of our own citizens to face unimagined horrors of chemical and biological warfare -- this chamber is silent. On the eve of what could possibly be a vicious terrorist attack in retaliation for our attack on Iraq, it is business as usual in the United States Senate.
We are truly "sleepwalking through history." In my heart of hearts I pray that this great nation and its good and trusting citizens are not in for a rudest of awakenings.
To engage in war is always to pick a wild card. And war must always be a last resort, not a first choice. I truly must question the judgment of any President who can say that a massive unprovoked military attack on a nation which is over 50% children is "in the highest moral traditions of our country". This war is not necessary at this time. Pressure appears to be having a good result in Iraq. Our mistake was to put ourselves in a corner so quickly. Our challenge is to now find a graceful way out of a box of our own making. Perhaps there is still a way if we allow more time.
Byrd gave his speech just as Secretary of State Colin Powell was presenting America's case to the U.N. Security Council, and Byrd clearly meant to give the Bush administration pause in its effort to gain international backing for military action against Saddam Hussein.
Taft gave his speech the month Nazi forces invaded Belgium, Holland and France; it was meant as a clarion call to those opposing President Franklin D. Roosevelt's efforts to aid America's friends. (Such isolationist sentiment in Congress, fortified by mass anti-war protests, forced FDR to rely on executive power to aid Britain as it fought on alone.)
In both cases, the opposing senators argued that the executive branch was moving America towards dictatorship, violating the norms of democratic policy -- flouting international law and taking unnecessary measures that would actually harm national security.
No threat: What President Bush wants, Byrd argues, is to "attack a nation that is not imminently threatening" but may be sometime in the future. An attack on Iraq would be completely "unprovoked" and is completely "not necessary at this time." Moral pressure alone is having what he calls a "good result in Iraq."
Similarly, Taft told the Senate that Hitler and the Nazis were not a threat to the United States. (Acknowledging that Hitler might well defeat Britain and rule Europe by "ruthless force," Taft still felt that such an "alternative seems preferable to present participation in a European war.")
Anti-democratic imperialism: If America moved to war, said Taft, the result would be "more likely to destroy American democracy" than to defeat Hitler. FDR, he feared, would "involve the United States in a war" and try to make it impossible for Congress to "refuse to declare war." Intervention was inherently flawed, Taft argued, because if the United States wished to "protect the small democracies," it would have to "maintain a police force perpetually" in Europe. And that, he warned, would be "imperialism."
Dealing with Saddam Hussein, Byrd argues, "is no simple attempt to defang a villain." Rather, it is a "turning point in U.S. foreign policy" and even of "the recent history of the world." What the president is doing, he suggested, is nothing less than embarking upon "the first test of a revolutionary doctrine applied in an extraordinary way," the doctrine of "preemption."
Byrd and his fellows eschew the administration for avoiding diplomacy, for refusing to face questions about the war's aftermath and even for contemplating becoming an "occupying power." Or, as Taft argued in a 1942 letter, America was about to establish a "world order" based on "policing of the entire world."
Lawbreakers: Then there's the flouting of international law, which Taft said, "seems to have lost [its] importance." Today, Byrd insists that the Bush administration is contravening "international law," with the unfortunate result that "U.S. intentions are suddenly subject to damaging worldwide speculation."
NO two eras are precisely the same. But the similarities are striking. Taft and his fellow isolationists persisted in viewing the threat to peace as coming only from their own president and nation. They denied the efficacy of viewing the Nazi regime as inherently evil. As the young historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. wrote in 1941, isolationist Republicans had "harassed, sabotaged and obstructed the attempts of the Administration to work for the destruction of Nazism."
Today, Sen. Byrd has not a word about Saddam Hussein's dangerous behavior. No, it is the Bush administration that has engaged in "reckless and arrogant" policies, especially that of an "extremely destabilizing and dangerous foreign-policy debacle," one symbolized by pronouncements Byrd deems "outrageous." The president is wrong to engage in such acts as "labeling whole countries as evil."
By not protesting, Byrd concluded, the Senate and the country are "sleepwalking through history."
Yet, as Sen. John McCain pointed out in a Senate speech delivered two days after Byrd, containment of Iraq has failed: A policy that "tolerates Saddam Hussein's threat by allowing him the means to achieve his ends is . . . an intellectual failure to come to grips with a grave and growing danger."
We know what happened in the 1940s: The United States was forced to accept its responsibilities and answer the Nazi assault with a full-fledged war, destruction of the enemy and the institution of democratization in Europe.
The naysayers like Taft were proved wrong. Yet today their successors, like Sen. Robert Byrd, work to obstruct the efforts of the Bush administration to confront the threat from Saddam Hussein. Just who is sleepwalking through history?
From Vietnam veterans to fresh young recruits, from seasoned officers to anxious mothers worried about their sons' safety on the streets of Baghdad and Fallujah, the military community is growing ever more vocal in its opposition to the White House.
"I once believed that I served for a cause: 'To uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States'. Now I no longer believe that," Tim Predmore, a member of the 101st Airborne Division serving near Mosul, wrote in a blistering opinion piece this week for his home newspaper, the Peoria Journal Star in Illinois. "I can no longer justify my service for what I believe to be half-truths and bold lies."
The dissenters - many of whom have risked deep disapproval from the military establishment to voice their opinions - have set up websites with names such as Bring Them Home Now. They have cried foul at administration plans to cut veterans' benefits and scale back combat pay for troops still in Iraq. They were furious at President Bush for reacting to military deaths in Iraq with the phrase "bring 'em on".
And they have given politically embarrassing prominence to such issues as the inefficiency of civilian contractors hired to provide shelter, water and food - many of them contributors to the Bush campaign coffers - and a mystery outbreak of respiratory illnesses that many soldiers, despite official denials, believe is related to the use of depleted uranium munitions.
"It is time to speak out because our troops are still dying and our government is still lying," Candace Robison, a 27-year-old mother of two from Krum, Texas, and a politically active serviceman's wife, told a recent protest outside President Bush's Texas ranch. "Morale is at an all-time low and our heroes feel like they've been forgotten."
How deep the anti-Bush sentiment runs is not yet clear, but there is no doubt about its breadth. Charlie Richardson, co-founder of a group called Military Families Speak Out, said: "Our supporters range from pacifists to people from long military traditions who have supported every war this country has ever fought - until this one.
"Many people supported this war at the beginning because they believed the threat from weapons of mass destruction and accepted the link between Saddam Hussein and al-Qa'ida ... Now they realise their beliefs were built on quicksand. They are very angry with the administration and feel they've been duped."
Most of the disgruntlement expressed in the field has of necessity been anonymous, so Tim Predmore's counterblast in the Peoria Journal Star felt particularly powerful. Having been in the army for five years, he is just finishing his tour of duty in Iraq. He wrote that he now believes the Iraq war was about oil, not freedom, "an act not of justice but of hypocrisy.
"We have all faced death in Iraq without reason or justification," he added. "How many more must die? How many more tears must be shed before Americans awake and demand the return of the men and women whose job it is to protect them rather than their leader's interest?"
Less visible, but no less passionate, has been the ongoing voicing of grievances over the internet. A prominent military affairs specialist, David Hackworth, keeps a website filled with angry reflections on conditions in Iraq for both the military and the local civilian population, and the government that put the troops there. "Imagine this bastard getting away with such crap if we had a draftee army," runs one typically scabrous anti-Bush line from Mr Hackworth.
More considered analysis is also available online, such as this reflection from a 23-year-old serving in the US Air Force, who wonders what the Iraq mess is going to do to the future of the US military: "The powers that be are destroying our military from the inside, especially our Army.
"How many of these people that are 'stranded' (for lack of a better term) in Iraq are going to re-enlist? How many that haven't deployed are going to re-enlist ... how many families are going to be destroyed?" he asked.
One big rallying point for the critics is the Pentagon's budget plan, which proposes cutting $1.8 billion (£1.1bn) from veterans' health benefits and reducing combat pay from the current $225 a month to $150, which is where it stood until the Iraq war began in the spring. The budget will not be finalised until later this month, and the White House - embarrassed by editorials in the Army Times and by news stories in the mainstream press throughout America - says it won't insist on the combat pay cutback.
Another rallying point is the lack of official explanation for more than 100 cases of respiratory illness in the Middle East. According to the Pentagon, 19 soldiers have required mechanical ventilation and two have died. Military personnel believe the use of depleted uranium may have played a part in this mystery illness.
Havana.: Gorki Águila, leader of a Cuban punk rock band called "Porno for Ricardo" (Porno para Ricardo) and composer of irreverent songs was arrested on August 25 in Havana on charges of being a danger to the Revolution.
Gorki Aguila, 39, was ordered to pay about US$30 for playing his music too loud during rehearsal, his father, Luis Aguila, said.The bushy-haired rocker was arrested as his band was recording its latest album.
Aguila went on trial Friday on charges of "pre-crime social dangerousness." A crowd of diplomats, foreign correspondents, government press officials and Aquila fans waited in the street outside the court.
Porno for Ricardo was formed 10 years ago as part of Cuba's then-burgeoning underground punk scene. The group's name was itself a sign of protest to symbolize personal freedom: Aguila has a good friend named Ricardo who likes porn, García explained, but the dirty pictures his buddy so enjoys are prohibited in Cuba.
Hundreds of thousands of pensioners are being forced to work into their seventies and eighties to avoid a life of poverty, new figures indicate.
The prospect of "working until you drop" is now a reality for more than one million people in Britain today, as the pensions crisis deepens.
According to figures from the Office for National Statistics, 1,011,000 people over the state pension age were in paid employment last month.
With the Government considering raising the retirement age to 70, campaigners warned that Britain's economy could become dominated by a workforce of reluctant older people who cannot afford to give up their jobs.
Analysts say that the over-60s are working longer and harder because of financial concerns about their pensions and worries about paying for long-term care when they are older.
A report by the Third Age Employment Network (TAEN), which campaigns on behalf of older workers, found that one in 10 people aged 65 to 69 and a third of those in the 60 to 65 age group are still working.
Patrick Grattan, chief executive of the TAEN, said: "These figures are a sign of the times and show that the old idea of life divided into strict phases of education, work and retirement is breaking down.
"Some people may want to carry on working, but there is a darker side. In many cases, work is not a question of choice but force of circumstances, reflecting inadequate savings and pension provision.
"We could end up with a workforce in which there are lots of older people who don't want to be there, doing jobs they don't want to do, and for employers who don't really want them anyway."
The number of people working beyond state pension age has risen by 30 per cent in the past 10 years, according to official figures. While many people choose to continue in employment over the age of 60 (65 for men), the TAEN estimates that 60 per cent of pensioner workers do so because of financial hardship rather than out of personal choice.
Mr Grattan said: "People who are educated and have qualifications are the people who have more opportunity to retrain and to do different and more interesting jobs in later life. But there is a larger, second group of people without much training or skills, who do not have those opportunities and are more likely to be stuck working later in life because they have to rather than because they want to."
David Willetts, shadow Pensions Secretary, said: "The pensions crisis threatens the living standards and financial security of millions of people facing retirement. It threatens the viability of our public finances.
"When will the Government face up to the problems, the consequences of which we will be suffering for years to come?"
Many pensioners are continuing to work because they still have mortgages to pay off in the wake of the 1980s housing collapse and the endowment mortgage scandal. Half of people in their late 50s with a mortgage are still employed, compared with only 30 per cent of outright home owners, according to research by the TAEN.
The rising age of the average Briton and concerns over pensions and savings recently led the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) to recommend that the state pension age is increased from 65 to 70 by 2030.
From 2006, new discrimination laws will make it unlawful to dismiss an employee because of their age, even when they reach the point of retirement. But older workers still face prejudice from employers. Richard Smith, a human resources expert at the business information specialist Croner, said: "Employees aged around 50 or over often complain that they feel pushed out of their organisation to make room for younger talent, or if they are unemployed, find it difficult to get a job."
A survey of human resources bosses by Croner found that while 92 per cent believed there were benefits to having an increasingly mature workforce, 85 per cent opposed the CBI recommendation for pushing back the retirement age.
The Government has also rejected the CBI call, although pressure is mounting to increase the retirement age in an attempt to increase the amount of income tax paid to the Treasury and reduce the pensions burden in the future.
By 2020, more than half of the population will be over 50.
'At 56, my age seemed to be a huge problem for employers'
By Maxine Frith
Penelope MacLachlan, 62, is employed as a freelance interpreter and plans to continue working long beyond the state pension age.
She is one of a new breed of "grey workers" who have retrained in later life and have no intention of retiring to a world of golf, whist drives and Saga holidays.
Mrs Maclachlan, from west London, had worked in a series of office jobs but as she hit her 50s, was shocked by the ageism she faced from employers. "I went to one agency and the person interviewing me sounded so shocked when I told him I was 56 that you would have thought I had said I'd murdered my grandmother," she recalls.
"My age seemed to be a huge problem for some employers and agencies and there was real discrimination."
Bored with temping work and office jobs, as she neared retirement age she decided to put her fluent Portuguese to good use and took a correspondence course to qualify as an interpreter.
She now works for local councils and in courts, and is inundated with work.
"I love what I do now and I can't imagine stopping while I am still fit and healthy," she says.
"I work partly because I don't just want to sit at home all day, but partly because I want to be able to carry on going out for nice meals and buying clothes and travelling, rather than scrimping and saving."
The truth is the opposite. Macpherson was probably the safest cyclist in London that day. Like the mayor, Boris Johnson, she is signed up (I guess by instinct) to the Wilde-Adams theory of compensatory risk assessment. By not wearing a helmet, she lowers her risk threshold and thus rides more carefully. She commendably cycles rather than drives a car and protects her child, who cannot manage his own risk. The society should give her a medal, not insult her. The press were idiots.
By chance, this week sees the publication of another tome in the mountain of evidence that Britain's safety culture is making us increasingly unsafe. Tom Vanderbilt's Traffic collates a mass of evidence about how we drive cars and use roads. It demonstrates the extent of mendacious brain-washing inflicted on the public by health-and-safety lawyers, bureaucrats and sellers of expensive equipment.
Vanderbilt, like Gerald Wilde, Hans Monderman and John Adams before him, rests his case on the thesis that stripping people of responsibility for safety makes them take more risks, not fewer. Traffic safety is concerned not with dehumanised automatons but with people, and is a balance between authority and personal freedom.
Adams's "theory of risk compensation" states that people push their behaviour to a given level of danger. If they are made to feel safer - through driving a big car, wearing a harness or riding a motorbike in a helmet - they shift their risk threshold to a higher level of danger. The old experiment still works: increase your speed to 80mph, undo your seat belt and see what you do next. You brake. Likewise mobile phone users instinctively slow to a crawl, dangerous but less so than driving at 80mph.
The accumulation of statistics is overwhelming. Helmets, like seat belts, somehow do not seem to reduce accidents. Last year Norway's centre for transport research, in rejecting compulsory helmets, noted the "increased risk per cycling kilometre for cyclists wearing helmets, in Australia and New Zealand at around 14%". It also noted a consequent reduction in cycling use of 22%.
A British study showed that motorists instinctively give cyclists without a helmet a wider berth. Drivers are no more stupid than riders. Eye contact makes driving more intelligent, which is why convertibles reportedly have fewer accidents. For every cyclist who claims "my helmet saved my life", there are two for whom wearing a helmet led them to risk it.
The world's most celebrated cycling country, the Netherlands, has just 1% helmet use and has the safest cycling record anywhere. It has one third the cycling death rate of Western Australia, which has the most draconian law. The Dutch Cycling Council declares that helmets "increase cycling speeds and encourage riskier cycling behaviour ...They also reduce the care motorists give to cyclists". The dispatch rider careering through a red light may think his helmet makes him safer than the unguarded old lady on a sit-up-and-beg style bicycle, but he is wrong.
Ever since the government suppressed the 1981 Isles report for suggesting that compulsory seats belts might cost lives by encouraging speeding, the psychology of road use has been treated as anathema. The idea that signs, lights, cameras and "controlled" pedestrian crossings might distract driving vision and decrease safety is intolerable to those who love regimenting others. A mother nosing her way on a bike through the traffic must be more dangerous than if she were careering at twice the speed in an armoured buggy - whatever the facts may say.
Traffic engineers regard cars as crazed robots to be freed from human frailty. Theirs is a Fritz Lang metropolis in which tiny pods move silently through three dimensions and people are ants. They have cocooned us in super-safe cars that we drive too fast. They think they are reducing congestion with parking restrictions, lanes, roundabouts and gyratories, but cancel any such benefit by making journeys twice as long as they need be with one-way streets and traffic lights. The latter waste road space, increase travel time and burn millions of tonnes of unnecessary carbon.
Traffic management must be the most uneconomic, anti-human and carbon-guzzling regulation on earth. Pedestrians are corralled and confined by fences. Streets are polluted by forests of signs, preventing drivers from their prime task of watching and showing consideration to other road users. We put up with this nonsense in the naive belief that it must be doing us good. It is not.
Vanderbilt is a follower of the "shared space movement" pioneered by the Dutch engineer, Monderman, whose work is now near standard across mainland Europe. There are 4,000 "naked street" schemes in Germany alone, where lights and restrictions are minimal and pedestrians, cyclists and cars tolerate each other at all but the most difficult crossings.
Rather than accelerating and braking down a regulated street, cars tend to move at under 20mph, informally policed by pavement design and the uncertainty of sharing space with pedestrians and cyclists. That eyes are the best traffic policemen was a Monderman maxim. In shared space, accidents fall and journey times actually improve, often by extraordinary amounts.
At Monderman's much-publicised Drachten intersection in the Netherlands, where fountains replace posts, fences, lights and kerbstones, the chief menace is said to be visiting traffic engineers repeating the master's trick of walking blindfold and backwards through the streaming traffic, which somehow gives way but never stops. Naked streets have even proved safer for the disabled.
The one English example is the "half-naked" Kensington high street. Cleared of barriers and safety clutter, its accident rate has fallen by 44% in two years. Only in Britain would such a boon be "experimental", fought tooth and nail by safety engineers in league with contractors and, I must assume, undertakers. There is hardly a street in Britain not being upheaved for some pedestrian segregation scheme, each aimed at reducing personal risk and thus increasing the chance of an accident.
All vehicles are people in disguise, negotiating the use of common space with each other. They must never be induced to delegate that obligation to signs and machines. They certainly must not think themselves safer than others, or they will behave with less consideration for others as a result.
Most people with whom I discuss these ideas look at me with blank amazement. It just cannot be true. The control of "the driving experience" must surely make it safer and not more dangerous. If the facts suggest otherwise, they must be wrong. Control always has the best tunes.
Galileo had the same trouble with the Inquisition. I say give Elle Macpherson a Galileo medal.
After a career marked by extraordinary achievements - war correspondent during the Boer war, Liberal home secretary (hated for setting troops against striking miners) and his finest hour as wartime prime minister - Churchill's strangest, least celebrated times came after the war.
For all his popularity abroad, the British electorate rejected him in 1945. He was reduced to lecture tours in the US, where his melodramatic image of an "iron curtain" fired nascent cold war imaginations. Churchill, however, became prime minister again at the beginning of the 1950s, and won the Nobel Prize for Literature for his six-volume The Second World War.
The war leader's final period of power was marked by dwindling health and, in 1955, he retired. Sutherland was commissioned by both Houses of Parliament to paint a full-length portrait of Churchill in 1954, for which this is a study. The finished painting was presented to Churchill. It was destroyed by his wife Clementine."
The painting is black and rough, as if burnt, as if Churchill were emerging from the ruins of Europe, from a world not saved but shattered. The man himself still has a stoic authority; he might be the ancient Roman Cicero waiting to be murdered. There's a sculpted quality to his sturdy bald head that reminds you of Roman busts. There's also a sadness and sense of defeat, rather than the assertion of indomitability in the Churchill statue outside the Houses of Parliament. This is a man alone, in the real wilderness years."
Selected works:
This profound and disturbing observation is only one of the jewels of thought from a book that only recently came into my life. The book is The Wisdom of Baltasar Gracian, A Practical Manual for Good and Perilous Times, adapted and edited by J. Leonard Kaye. Baltasar Gracian (1601-1658) was a Spanish Jesuit philosopher and writer. A scholar and satirist, he frequently expressed himself in epigrams. Over 300 years ago, this worldly Jesuit priest, counselor to kings, the genius of his age, made a careful study of the powerful and elite who managed to prosper. Today, his words and thoughts still speak eloquently to the need for ethical behavior in our chaotic world. His writings were later confiscated and banned by the Church, but his wisdom survived.
"The shortest road to being 'somebody' is knowing who to follow."
"Material excessiveness produces more silent enemies than genuine friends."
"Only the sins of little-known people are little known."
"Affectation is the act of taking on an attitude of behavior not natural to oneself. All that is natural is always more pleasing than the artificial."
"The man who will not listen is incurably the fool."
"Few are friends of 'who' you are: most are friends of 'what' you are."
269 : Take advantage of your novelty. You will be esteemed as long as you are new. Novelty pleases everyone because of its variety. Our taste feels refreshed. A brand-new mediocrity is more highly regarded than an extremely talented person to whom we have grown accustomed. When eminences mingle with us they age more quickly. And remember that the glory of novelty lasts little. In four days people will lose their respect for you. Take advantage of the first fruits of esteem, and as they flee , snatch whatever you can. Once the warmth of novelty has died away, passion grows cold, and pleasure turns to irritation. Never doubt that all things had their season, and passed away.
170 : In all matters, keep something in reserve. You'll preserve your usefulness. Don't use all your talents or deploy all your strength at all times. Even in knowledge hold something back: you will double your perfections. There must always be something you can use in a pinch. An opportune rescue is valued and honored more than a bold attack. Prudence always steers a safe course. In this sense also we can believe the piquant paradox: the half is much more than the whole.
49 : A person of sharp observation and sound judgment rules over objects and keeps objects from ruling him. He plumbs the greatest depths, and studies the anatomies of other people's talent. No sooner does he see someone than he has understood him and judged his essence. With rare powers of observation he deciphers even what is most hidden. He observes sternly, conceives subtly, reasons judiciously: there is nothing he cannot discover, notice, grasp, understand.
116 : Always deal with people of principle. Favor them and win their favor. Their very rectitude ensures they will treat you well even when they oppose you, for they act like who they are, and it is better to fight with good-minded people than to conquer the bad. There is no way to get along with villainy, for it feels no obligation to behave rightly. This is why there is not true friendship among villains, and their fine words cannot be trusted; for they do not spring from honor. Avoid the person who has no honor, for if he esteems not honor, he esteems not virtue. And honor is the throne of integrity.
117 : Don't talk about yourself. You must either praise yourself, which is vanity, or criticize yourself, which is meekness. You show a lack of good judgment and become a nuisance to others. If this is important among friends, it is even more so in high positions, where one often speaks in public and where any appearance of vanity passes for foolishness. Nor is it prudent to talk about people who are present. You risk running aground on flattery or vituperation.
33 : Know when to put something aside. One of life's great lessons lies in knowing how to refuse, and it is even more important to refuse yourself, both to business and to others. There are certain inessential activities -moths of precious time-and it is worse to busy yourself with the trivial than to do nothing. To be prudent, it isn't enough not to meddle in other people's business: you must also keep them from meddling in yours. Don't belong so much to others that you stop belonging to yourself. You shouldn't abuse your friends, or ask them for more than they give on their own initiative. All excess is a vice, especially in your dealings with others. With this judicious moderation you will stay in the good graces of others and keep their esteem; and propriety, which is precious, will not be worn away. Retain your freedom to care passionately about the best, and never testify against your own good taste.
53 : Be diligent and intelligent. Diligence is quick to carry out what intelligence has has lingered over. Fools are fond of hurry: they take no heed of obstacles and act incautiously. The wise usually fail through hesitation. Fools stop at nothing, the wise at everything. Sometimes things are judged correctly but go wrong out of inefficiency and neglect. Readiness is the mother of luck. It is a great deed to leave nothing for the morrow. A lofty motto: make haste slowly.
38 : Quit while you're ahead. All the best gamblers do. A fine retreat matters as much as a stylish attack. As soon as they are enough -- even when they are many -- cash in your deeds. A long run of good fortune is always suspicious. You're safer when good luck alternates with bad, and, besides, that makes for bittersweet enjoyment. When luck comes racing in on us, it is more likely to slip and smash everything to pieces. Sometimes Lady Luck compensates us, trading intensity for duration. She grows tired when she has to carry someone on her back for a long time.
84 : Know how to use your enemies. Grasp things not by the blade, which will harm you, but by the hilt, which will defend you. The same applies to emulation. The wise person finds enemies more useful than the fool does friends. Malevolence often levels the mountains of difficulty that favor made fearful. Many owe their greatness to their enemies. Flattery is fiercer than hatred, for hatred corrects the faults flattery had disguised. The prudent man makes a mirror out of the evil eye of others, and it is more truthful than that of affection, and helps him reduce his defects or emend them. One grows very cautious when living across the border from malevolent rivals.
9 : Avoid the defects of your country. Water shares the good and bad qualities of the beds through which it runs; people share those of the region where they are born. Some owe more than others to their mother country or city, for they were born under favorable skies. No country, not even the most refined, has ever escaped some innate defect or other, and these weaknesses are seized on by neighboring countries as defense or consolation. It is a triumph to correct, or at least dissimulate, such national faults. By doing so, you will be revered as unique among your people; for what is least expected is most valued. Other defects are caused by one's linage, condition, occupation, and by the times. If all these defects come together in one person, and no care is taken to foresee and correct them, they produce an intolerable monster.
82 : Neither all bad nor all good. A certain sage reduced the whole of wisdom to the golden mean. Carry right too far and it becomes wrong. The orange squeezed completely dry gives only bitterness. Even in enjoyment you shouldn't go to extremes. The intellect itself will go dry if pressed too hard, and if you milk a cow like a tyrant you will draw only blood.
133 : Better to be mad with everyone than sane all alone: so say the politicians. If all are mad, you'll be equal to them. And if you alone are sane, you will be taken for mad. What matters is to follow the current. The best knowledge, sometimes, is not to know, or pretend not to. We must live with others, and the majority are ignorant. To live by yourself, you must be very godly or a complete savage. But I would modify this aphorism and say: Better sane with the many than mad all by yourself. Some people want to be singular in the pursuit of chimeras.
8 : Not to be swayed by passions: the highest spiritual quality of all. Let your superiority keep you from succumbing to vulgar, passing impressions. No mastery is greater than mastering yourself and your own passions: it is a triumph of the will. Even when passion affects your person, don't let it affect your position, least of all when the position is an important one. This is a wise way to avoid trouble and a shortcut to the esteem of others.
99 : Reality and appearance. Things pass for what they seem, not for what they are. Only rarely do people look into them, and many are satisfied with appearances. It isn't enough to be right if your face looks malicious and wrong.
202 : Words and deeds make a perfect man. Speak what is very good, do what is very honorable. The first shows a perfect head, the second a perfect heart, and both arise in a superior spirit. Words are the shadows of deeds. Words are female, and deeds are male. Better to be celebrated than to celebrate others; it is easy to speak and difficult to act. Deeds are the substance of life, and wise sayings the adornment. Eminence endures in deeds but perishes in words. Actions are the fruit of prudent reflection. Words are wise, deeds are mighty.
132 : Reconsider. Safety lies in looking things over twice, especially when you are not completely confident. Take time, either to concede something or to better your situation, and you will find new ways to confirm and corroborate your judgment. If it is a matter of giving, a gift is valued more highly when bestowed wisely than when given quickly. What was long desired is always more appreciated. If it is a matter of refusing, you can devote more attention to your manner, and let your "no" ripen a bit, so that it will not be quite so bitter. Most of the time, the first heat of desire will have died down, and it will be easier to accept refusal. If someone asks soon, grant late. This is a way of holding his interest.
79 : A jovial character. In moderation , it is a gift, not a defect. A pinch of wit is good seasoning. The greatest people can parlay grace and humor into universal favor. But they pay due respect to prudence and never break with decorum. Others use jest as a quick way out of difficulty. Some things should be taken jokingly, even those that other take most seriously. This shows a certain agreeableness, and works like a strange charm on the hearts of others.
22 : Be well informed. The discreet arm themselves with a store of courtly, tasteful learning: not vulgar gossip, but a practical knowledge of current affairs. They salt their speech with witticisms, and their actions with gallantry, and know how to do so at the right moment. Advice is sometimes transmitted more successfully through a joke than through grave teaching. The wisdom passed along in conversation has meant more to some than the seven arts, no matter how liberal.
283 : Be inventive, but sensibly. Inventiveness reveals extreme intelligence, but who can be so without a touch of madness? Inventive people are ingenious; those who choose wisely, prudent. Inventiveness is also a grace, and very rare, for many are good at choosing, but few at wisely inventing, and these few went first, in excellence and in time. Novelty is flattering, and when successful, it makes what is good shine twice as much. In matters of judgement it is dangerous, for it involves paradox; in matters of intelligence, praiseworthy, and when both sorts are successful, they deserve applause.
95 : Keep expectations alive. Keep nourishing them. Let much promise more, and let great deeds make people expect still greater ones. Don't show everything you have on the first roll of the dice. The trick is to moderate your strength and knowledge and advance little by little toward success.
138 : Leave things alone. Especially when the sea - people, your friends, your acquaintances - is stirred up. Life with others has its tempests, its storms of will, when it is wise to retire to a safe harbor and let the waves subside. Remedies often worsen evils. Let nature take its course, and morality. The wise physician knows when to prescribe and when not to, and sometimes it takes skill not to apply remedies. Throwing up your hands is sometimes a good way to put down vulgar storms. If you bow to time for the present, you will conquer in the future. It takes little to muddy a stream.. You can't make it grow clear by trying to, only by leaving it alone. there is no better remedy for disorder than to leave it alone to correct itself.
166 : Distinguish the man of words from the man of deeds. It is a subtle distinction, like the distinction between the friend who values you for yourself and the one who values your position. Bad words, even without bad deeds, are bad enough. But it is even worse, when you have no bad words, to have bad deeds. One cannot eat words (mere wind) or live on courtesy (polite deceit). To catch birds with mirrors is a perfect snare. Only the vain are satisfied with wind. To retain their worth, words must be backed up with deeds. Trees which give no fruit, only leaves, usually have no heart and pith. One must know which are profitable and which serve only for shade.
4 : Knowledge and courage take turns at greatness. Because they are immortal, they can make you so. You are as much as you know, and if you are wise you can do anything. The uniformed person is a dark world unto himself. Judgment and strength: eyes and hands. Without courage, wisdom bears no fruit.
23 : Don't have a single imperfection. Few people live without some moral flaw or character defect, and they give in to it when it would be easy to cure. The prudence of others is grieved to see a universal, sublime talent threatened by a small defect: a single cloud eclipses the sun. Defects are moles on the face of reputation, and malevolence is good at noticing them. It takes supreme skill to turn them into beauty marks. Cesar covered his defect with laurels.
190 : Find consolation in everything. Even the useless have their consolation: they are eternal. There is no cloud without a silver lining. For fools it is being lucky. As the proverb says, "The beautiful wish they were as lucky as the ugly." To live much, it is good to be worth little. The glass that is cracked is the one that annoys us by never breaking completely. Fortune seems to envy the most important people. It rewards uselessness with endurance and importance with brevity. Those who matter will always be in short supply, and the person who is good for nothing will be eternal, either because he seems so, or really is. As for the unfortunate person, luck and death seem to conspire to forget him.
Never compete with someone who has nothing to lose. The struggle will be unequal. One of the contestants enters the fray unencumbered, for he has already lost everything, even his shame.. He has cast off everything, has nothing further to lose, and throws himself headlong into all sorts of insolence. Never risk your precious reputation on such a person. It took many years to win it, and it can be lost in a moment, on something far from momentous. One breath of scandal freezes much honorable sweat.. The righteous person knows how much is at stake. He knows what can damage his reputation, and, because he commits himself prudently, he proceeds slowly, so that prudence has ample time to retreat. Not even if he triumphs will he win back what he lost by exposing himself to the risk of losing.
In all matters, keep something in reserve. You'll preserve your usefulness. Don't use all your talents or deploy all your strength at all times. Even in knowledge hold something back: you will double your perfections. There must always be something you can use in a pinch. An opportune rescue is valued and honored more than a bold attack. Prudence always steers a safe course. In this sense also we can believe the piquant paradox: the half is much more than the whole.
Always deal with people of principle. Favor them and win their favor. Their very rectitude ensures they will treat you well even when they oppose you, for they act like who they are, and it is better to fight with good-minded people than to conquer the bad. There is no way to get along with villainy, for it feels no obligation to behave rightly. This is why there is not true friendship among villains, and their fine words cannot be trusted; for they do not spring from honor. Avoid the person who has no honor, for if he esteems not honor, he esteems not virtue. And honor is the throne of integrity.
Quit while you're ahead. All the best gamblers do. A fine retreat matters as much as a stylish attack. As soon as they are enough -- even when they are many -- cash in your deeds. A long run of good fortune is always suspicious. You're safer when good luck alternates with bad, and, besides, that makes for bittersweet enjoyment. When luck comes racing in on us, it is more likely to slip and smash everything to pieces. Sometimes Lady Luck compensates us, trading intensity for duration. She grows tired when she has to carry someone on her back for a long time.
Make your reputation and keep it. We enjoy it on loan from Fame. It is expensive, for it is born from eminence, which is as rare as mediocrity is common. Once attained, it is easily kept. It confers many an obligation, performs many a deed. It is a sort of majesty when it turns into veneration, through the sublimity of its origin and sphere of action. Reputations based on substance are the ones that have always endured.
Know how to use your enemies. Grasp things not by the blade, which will harm you, but by the hilt, which will defend you. The same applies to emulation. The wise person finds enemies more useful than the fool does friends. Malevolence often levels the mountains of difficulty that favor made fearful. Many owe their greatness to their enemies. Flattery is fiercer than hatred, for hatred corrects the faults flattery had disguised. The prudent man makes a mirror out of the evil eye of others, and it is more truthful than that of affection, and helps him reduce his defects or emend them. One grows very cautious when living across the border from malevolent rivals.
Words and deeds make a perfect man. Speak what is very good, do what is very honorable. The first shows a perfect head, the second a perfect heart, and both arise in a superior spirit. Words are the shadows of deeds. Words are female, and deeds are male. Better to be celebrated than to celebrate others; it is easy to speak and difficult to act. Deeds are the substance of life, and wise sayings the adornment. Eminence endures in deeds but perishes in words. Actions are the fruit of prudent reflection. Words are wise, deeds are mighty.
Keep changing your style of doing things. Vary your methods. This will confuse people, especially your rivals, and awaken their curiosity and attention. If you always act on your first intention, others will foresee it and thwart it. It is easy to kill the bird that flies in a straight line, but not one that changes its line of flight. Don't always act on your second intention either; do something twice, and others will discover the ruse. Malice is read to pounce on you; you need a good deal of subtlety to outwit it. The consummate player never moves the piece his opponent expects him to, and, less still. the piece he wants him to move.
Distinguish the man of words from the man of deeds. It is a subtle distinction, like the distinction between the friend who values you for yourself and the one who values your position. Bad words, even without bad deeds, are bad enough. But it is even worse, when you have no bad words, to have bad deeds. One cannot eat words (mere wind) or live on courtesy (polite deceit). To catch birds with mirrors is a perfect snare. Only the vain are satisfied with wind. To retain their worth, words must be backed up with deeds. Trees which give no fruit, only leaves, usually have no heart and pith. One must know which are profitable and which serve only for shade.
With rivals, and as a matter of decency with others, select your words with caution. Sharp words make more wounds than surgeons can heal. There is always time to add a word, but none in which to take one back. Speak, therefore, as in a testament, for the fewer the words, the fewer the consequences. Know that whatever words you speak, you will also hear, for the wind does not blow in only one direction. There are those who do not spare opinions, for they cost nothing. So they think, until they are forced to swallow what has been levied by someone else. The astute in business use soft words and hard arguments, for neither a word nor a stone let go can be called back.
Know your major defect. Every talent is balanced by fault, and if you give in to it, it will govern you like a tyrant. You can begin to overthrow it by paying heed to it: begin to conquer it by identifying it. Pay it the same attention as those who reproach you for it. To master yourself, you must reflect upon yourself. Once this imperfection has surrendered, all others will follow
1. all has reached perfection, and becoming a true person is the greatest perfection of all...
2. character and intelligence. the poles your talent spins on, displaying your gifts. one without the other brings only half success....
27. better to be intensive than extensive. perfection isn't quantity, but quality...
41. never exaggerate. it isn't wise to use superlatives. they offend the truth and cast doubt on your judgment....
55. know how to wait. it shows a great heart with deep reserves of patience. never hurry and never give way to your emotions...
61. eminence in what is best. amid different sorts of perfection, this is a rarity...
62. use the best instruments. some people want to be thought subtle because they use poor instruments.
111. have friends. they are a second being. to a friend, all friends are good and wise. when you are with them, all turn out well.
129. never complain. complaints always discredit you. rather than compassion and consolation, they provoke passion and insolence, and encourage those who hear our complaints to behave like those we complain about.
299. leave people hungry. leave nectar on their lips. esteem is measured in desire...
263. many pleasant things are better when they belong to someone else. you can enjoy them more that way. the first day, pleasure belongs to the owner after that, to others...
206. know that there are vulgar people everywhere, even in Corinth, and even in the most distinguished family. pay no attention to what they say, and less to what they feel...
198. know how to transplant yourself. there are entire people who are esteemed only after transplanting themselves, and this is especially true in high places. some people were scorned in their own little corner of the world but achieved worldly eminence...
160. speak prudently: cautiously to your rivals, and with dignity to everyone else. there is always time to utter a word, and never time to take it back...
A wise man gets more use from his enemies than a fool from his friends.
Don't take the wrong side of an argument just because your opponent has taken the right side.
He who finds Fortune on his side should go briskly ahead, for she is wont to favor the bold.
Never open the door to a lesser evil, for other and greater ones invariably slink in after it.
The wise man does at once what the fool does finally.
True friendship multiplies the good in life and divides its evils. Strive to have friends, for life without friends is like life on a desert island. to find one real friend in a lifetime is good fortune; to keep him is a blessing.
A man of honour should never forget what he is because he sees what others are.
Without courage, wisdom bears no fruit.
Always leave something to wish for; otherwise you will be miserable from your very happiness.
Great ability develops and reveals itself increasingly with every new assignment.
He that can live alone resembles the brute beast in nothing, the sage in much, and God in everything.
Nature scarcely ever gives us the very best; for that we must have recourse to art.
The path to greatness is along with others.
The wise does at once what the fool does at last.
One deceit needs many others, and so the whole house is built in the air and must soon come to the ground
Attempt easy tasks as if they were difficult, and difficult as if they were easy; in the one case that confidence may not fall asleep, in the other that it may not be dismayed. - Baltasar Gracian
Do pleasant things yourself, but unpleasant things through others. - Baltasar Gracian
Great ability develops and reveals itself increasingly with every new assignment. - Baltasar Gracian
It is better to sleep on things beforehand than lie awake about them afterward. - Baltasar Gracian
Know how to ask. There is nothing more difficult for some people, nor for others, easier. - Baltasar Gracian
Never do anything when you are in a temper, for you will do everything wrong. - Baltasar Gracian
Put yourself on view. This brings your talents to light. - Baltasar Gracian
The great art of giving consists in this: the gift should cost very little and yet be greatly coveted, so that it may be the more highly appreciated. - Baltasar Gracian
The sole advantage of power is that you can do more good. - Baltasar Gracian, The Art of Worldly Wisdom, 1647
So far, he has spent more than $15m: two-thirds of it going to a liberal-leaning group called America Coming Together, which intends to mobilise voters in battleground states next November; $3m of it going to a new Washington think-tank run by Bill Clinton's former chief of staff, John Podesta; and $2.5m to the passionately anti-Bush internet lobbying group MoveOn.org, to help pay for television advertisements attacking the President.
Political donations on this scale have precedents. On the right, figures such as Richard Mellon Scaife and Howard Ahmanson have given hundreds of millions of dollars over several decades on political projects both high (setting up the Heritage Foundation think-tank, the driving engine of the Reagan presidency) and low (bankrolling investigations into President Clinton's sexual indiscretions and the suicide of the White House insider Vincent Foster).
But on the left it is almost unheard of. Mr Soros has given money to political campaigns before - $122,000 in the 2000 elections alone. This, though, is very different. In recent interviews he has likened the with-us-or-against-us rhetoric of the Bush administration to the political language of Nazi Germany. And in a forthcoming book, The Bubble of American Supremacy, he argues that the destructive arrogance of the White House, in Iraq and elsewhere, is like an overheating of the stock market that must and will be corrected.
The Hungarian born financier and philanthropist describes the Bush administration's policies as a crude form of social Darwinism. "I call it crude because it ignores the role of co-operation in the survival of the fittest, and puts all the emphasis on competition." And he explains why the current administration is so much at odds with the driving ideology of his worldwide Open Society Institute. "The supremacist ideology of the Bush Administration stands in opposition to the principles of an open society, which recognise that people have different views and that nobody is in possession of the ultimate truth," he writes. "When President Bush says, as he does frequently, that freedom will prevail, he means that America will prevail. In a free and open society, people are supposed to decide for themselves what they mean by freedom and democracy, and not simply follow America's lead ... A chasm has opened between America and the rest of the world."
Unlike other critics who have made casual comparisons between the Bush White House and the Nazis, Mr Soros speaks with some authority - he survived the German occupation of Budapest as a boy.
That has not deterred prominent Republicans from hooting with indignation, or from accusing him of hypocrisy because Mr Soros has been a champion of campaign finance reform intended to keep big-money donations out of politics. "It's incredibly ironic that George Soros is trying to create a more open society by using an unregulated, under-the-radar-screen, shadowy, soft-money group to do it," the Republican National Committee spokeswoman Christine Iverson said recently. The Washington Post has similar reservations, writing in a recent editorial: "Wasn't the whole point of the new campaign finance law to get big checks of this kind out of politics? Are these huge donations healthy for small-d democracy, not just big-D Democrats?" Mr Soros's response seems to be: I will do whatever it takes, if the result is defeat for President Bush.
If the Republicans are alarmed, it is partly because the Soros donations are part of a new form of political activism on the left, one that takes advantage of the internet. MoveOn.org, with its 1.8 million members, has proved it can raise millions of dollars in days for a liberal cause and act as a counterweight to political organisations, including the Democratic Party leadership.
"The fact that vernal festivals were general among pagan peoples no doubt had much to do with the form assumed by the Eastern festival in the Christian churches. The English term Easter is of pagan origin" (Albert Henry Newman, D.D., LL.D., A Manual of Church History, p. 299).
"On this greatest of Christian festivals, several survivals occur of ancient heathen ceremonies. To begin with, the name itself is not Christian but pagan. Ostara was the Anglo-Saxon Goddess of Spring" (Ethel L. Urlin, Festival, Holy Days, and Saints Days, p. 73).
"Easter—the name Easter comes to us from Ostera or Eostre, the Anglo-Saxon goddess of spring, for whom a spring festival was held annually, as it is from this pagan festival that some of our Easter customs have come" (Hazeltine, p. 53).
"In Babylonia…the goddess of spring was called Ishtar. She was identified with the planet Venus, which, because…[it] rises before the Sun…or sets after it…appears to love the light [this means Venus loves the sun-god]…In Phoenecia, she became Astarte; in Greece, Eostre [related to the Greek word Eos: "dawn"], and in Germany, Ostara [this comes from the German word Ost: "east," which is the direction of dawn]" (Englehart, p. 4).
THE NAMES OF THE DAYS OF THE WEEK
ENGLISH LATIN OLD ENGLISH TRANSLATION
Monday Lunae Dies Monan Daeg (Day of the Moon)
Tuesday Tiwas Daeg Dies Martis (Day of Mars (Tyr)
Wednesday Mercurii Dies Wodnes Daeg (Day of Mercury (Woden)
Thursday Dies Jovis Thunres Daeg (Day of Jove (Thor)
Friday Dies Veneris Frize Daeg (Day of Venus (Freya)
Saturday Saturni Dies Saeturnes Daeg (Day of Saturn)
Sunday Dies Solis Sunnan Daeg (Day of the Sun)
Activity Calories per hour Aerobic dancing (find out more) 420 Aerobics (find out more) 450 Archery (medium intensity) 400 Badminton (moderate play level) 200 Baseball (moderate play level) 200 Baseball (intense play level) 400 Basketball (1/2 court, moderate play level) 400 Bicycling (vigorous) 450 Bowling (league play with rotation) 200 Calisthenics (moderate intensity) 400 Cooking (moderate effort) 110 Cross-country skiing 500 Driving 110 Eating 85 Frisbee (moderate play with partner) 200 Gardening (general) 320 Golf with cart 180 Golf without cart 240 Horseback riding (moderate) ........(suggested by S) 280 Housekeeping (moderate) 160 Irish Step Dancing ......(suggested by J.D.) 350 Jogging (5 mph) 500 Lawn mowing (push type mower) ........(suggested by CC of Horseheads NY) 400 Martial Arts (find out more) .(suggested by B.F. of Ontario, Canada) 720 Pilates - light (find out more) .(suggested by L.N. of New Brunswick Canada) 200 Pilates - moderate (find out more) 300 Pilates - intense (find out more) 400 Power walking 600 Raking leaves 290 Rollerblading 420 Rowing 550 Running 700 Sailing (moderate effort) 200 Shopping (mall or city street shops) 180 Shoveling snow 430 Sitting 85 Skating 420 Skiing (downhill) 450 Skiing (machine) 680 Sleeping 55 Softball (moderate play level) 200 Softball (intense play level) 400 Stair climbing (machine - moderate) 430 Standing 100 Step aerobics (find out more) 550 Swimming (vigorous) 500 Table Tennis (ping pong) (moderate effort) 200 Tennis 350 Vacuuming (moderate effort, not self-propelled machine) 180 Walking (3 mph) 280 Water aerobics (medium intensity) 400 Window washing 180
Aspartame is a chemical concoction made up of:
Leading physicians and scientists have appeared before the US Congress concerning disabilities, illnesses, allergies, and conditions caused by the long-term use of aspartame. In fact, a particular case study was presented to Congress by Dr. John Cook in which he chronicled the deterioration of a patient who had been consuming 6-8 diet soft drinks per day. The aspartame, particularly the phenylalanine, had caused migraines, weight gain, memory loss, and other health problems for that patient, as well as many others.
Phenylalanine is dangerous to anyone with phenylketonuria (PKU) but studies have shown that even people without PKU can succumb to the levels of phenylalanine in aspartame sweetened foods and beverages. Some of the health problems directly associated with high phenylalanine levels are:
Raw Sugar -- Raw sugar is often white sugar with coloring.
Fructose -- Betware the "natural" products with fructose. It's not much better than white sugar (IMO).
D-tagatose -- Far safer than neotame/aspartame, sucralose, etc., but best used as a transitional sweetener to healthier ones listed above.
Corn Syrup
Dextrose
Artificial Sweeteners (Nutrasweet (aspartame, "contains phenylalanine" on the label), Equal, Spoonful, Neotame, Sunette (Acesulfame-k), Splenda (Sucralose), Sweetener 2000 / NutraSweet 2000)) -- Avoid these like the plague. Please don't become a guinea pig for another poorly-tested toxic sweetener only to find out years from now that it contributed to the destruction of your health.
Important Note: MSG (Monosodium Glutamate) has some of the same toxicity mechanisms as the toxic sweetener aspartame. In order to cut out MSG, you need to remove foods with the following ingredients: - Monosodium glutamate - hydrolyzed proteins (any type of hydrolyzed protein) - autolyzed yeast - yeast extract - caseinate (in many cases) - "Natural Flavors". MSG that occurs naturally in tomatos, cheese, etc. is absorbed and metabolized differently (safely) due to other factors in the food. See the following web page http://www.holisticmed.com/msg/ for more information.
Posted by Andrew on January 3, 2004 at 5:04 AM EST
This story is essentially my thoughts and opinions coupled with excerpts from a Fortune Magazine story that ran a couple months back.
As you've guessed, it deals with Wal Mart, and what Fortune Magazine (and I!)believe is perhaps the only company that Wal Mart fears. Here we go. First, my views.
:-:~ PhantomGhost ~:-:
Wal Mart has always been about unfair practices to achieve lower prices. They don't treat their employees very well. They squeeze their manufacturers to lower prices. They ruthlessly exterminate their small-town competitors and other discount chain stores. They continually reach into new markets like the music download service and try to exert their philosophy. They are all about the drive to eventually become a monopoly; which is the day American retail stops being capitalism and becomes socialism.
Wal Mart is supposedly an unstoppable force. It's thrown a bruised and battered KMart against the wall. It's currently trying to throttle Toys R Us in the toy market. It seeks to inflict damage on competitors like Target and is wiping out many competing, smaller stores, across the nation.
Yet, where I live, in the tech hub of Redmond, Washington, the home of infamous Microsoft, there is no Wal Mart. In a 200 mile radius (maybe more) of my home, which basically encompasses the entire Puget Sound region and beyond, there are only 10 Wal Marts. Only 10? None of them are in major cities, they're in smaller, expanding towns with strip malls.
There isn't one Wal Mart in Seattle, Tacoma, Bellevue, or Everett- the major cities in that radius around Redmond. Washington is home to about six million people, and the majority, perhaps two thirds, live in the Puget Sound region. That's 10 Wal Marts for some 3-4 million people; none of them are in major cities.
I looked up the concentration of Wal Marts in Phoenix, Arizona (the metro area population of Phoenix is about 3.5 million, comparable to Puget Sound). Again, there are 10 Wal Marts: but, every single one is just inside Phoenix and neighboring cities of Tempe, Glendale, Scottsdale, and Peoria. The concentration of Wal Marts is directly in and close around Phoenix instead of outlying, spread out towns like in Puget Sound.
What makes Seattle so different? Something must be keeping Wal Mart out of Seattle, Everett, Bellevue, and Tacoma. What is it?
It's the only company Wal Mart fears. Can you guess who it is?
Here's Fortune Magazine, from their article, published November 24th 2003, by John Helyar.
"In the world of retailing, Wal-Mart is the unstoppable, insatiable force. With $247 billion in revenues— and growing 15% a year—it reduces downtown shop owners to quivering jelly and once-formidable competitors, like Kmart, to bankruptcy. Wal-Mart CEO Lee Scott rules the commercial strip the way Julius Caesar once ruled the Roman republic.
Except, that is, for a solitary rebel-held province where a company 20% the size of Wal-Mart has made a monkey of the 800-pound gorilla. In the retail niche of warehouse clubs, the irresistible force is an irresolute flailer. During the past ten years Wal-Mart has gone through five CEOs and countless stratagems at Sam's Club trying to assume its customary command.
All have been thwarted by Costco Wholesale, the master of the cavernous space."
There you have it. COSTCO has make a mockery of Wal Mart's wholesale business. That's why there aren't any Wal Marts in major Puget Sound cities. Wal Mart's only hope is to build in strip malls in the edge of sub-suburban communities- that is, communities on the edge of existing suburbs that are only now exploding with housing and don't have Costco Wholesales yet.
I do my shopping at Costco: a very respected company that pays top dollar to its employees and has good products at good prices.
Back to Fortune:
"Consider some figures. Sam's Club has 71% more U.S. stores than Costco (532 to 312), yet for the year ended Aug. 31, Costco had 5% more sales ($34.4 billion vs. an estimated $32.9 billion). The average Costco store generates nearly double the revenue of a Sam's Club ($112 million vs. $63 million). Costco is the U.S.'s biggest seller of fine wines ($600 million a year) and baster of poultry (55,000 rotisserie chickens a day).
Last year it sold 45 million hot dogs at $1.50 each and 60,000 carats of diamonds at up to $100,000. Chef Julia Child buys meat at Costco. Yuppies seek the latest gadgets there. Even people who don't have to pinch pennies shop at Costco.
"I like bargain securities," says Berkshire Hathaway vice chairman Charlie Munger, a Costco shopper, investor, and director. "Why shouldn't I like bargain golf balls?"
The one man Wal-Mart fears doesn't seem fearsome in person. At 66, he has hair as thin as his company's margins, and he seems more like a twinkle-eyed grandfather (which he is, eight times over) than a killer retailer. His office in suburban Seattle overlooks the parking lot of the Costco next door. The folding chairs for visitors bear Los Angeles Lakers logos. The lamp on his desk is festooned with old nametags.
One wall has two Swiffer mops leaning against it; another, along the hallway, was knocked down to make the boss viewable and available to passing colleagues. Or they can pick up the phone and call, since he answers himself, with a brusque "Sinegal."
James D. Sinegal, the president and CEO of Costco, has no palace guard and no profile to speak of, particularly compared to a retail legend like Sam Walton. Yet he's the guy who in 20 years has taken Costco from a startup to the FORTUNE 50 using, as surely as Mr. Sam, highly distinctive practices.
He caps Costco's markups at 14% (department store markups can reach 40%). He offers the best wages and benefits in retail (full-time hourly workers make $40,000 after four years).
He gives customers blanket permission for returns: no receipts; no questions; no time limits, except for computers—and even then the grace period is six months.
Analysts have pounded on Sinegal to trim the company's generous health benefits and to otherwise reduce labor costs.
But he's taken only limited steps in that direction, like modestly increasing employees' share of health-insurance premiums. That doesn't satisfy critics like Deutsche Bank analyst Bill Dreher, who recently wrote, "Costco continues to be a company that is better at serving the club member and employee than the shareholder."
Sinegal just shrugs. "You have to take the shit with the sugar, I guess. We think when you take care of your customer and your employees, your shareholders are going to be rewarded in the long run. And I'm one of them [the shareholders]; I care about the stock price."
"But we're not going to do something for the sake of one quarter that's going to destroy the fabric of our company and what we stand for."
Moving on to another part of the Fortune article: the creed by which Costco rules the world of wholesale:
"The axioms Costco lives by come straight from the House of Sol (Price, the pioneer of low-cost shopping with his Fed Mart):
Axiom No. 1: Obey the law. When Fed-Mart began, according to Price, competitors sicced government inspectors on him, trying to find illegalities. As a matter of survival, he had to be purer than Caesar's wife. But then he came to believe it was good business. Retailers have many temptations to give zoning officials bribes, to give buyers kickbacks, and to finesse health and safety requirements. None of that benefits customers or employees, and none of it was tolerated by Price or Sinegal.
Axiom No. 2: Take care of your customers. Sure, every retailer says that, but Sol Price made clear to everyone under him that he meant it. "You are the fiduciary of the customer. You've got to give before you get. If you get something for a lower price, you pass on the savings."
Axiom No. 3: Take care of your employees. Sol Price actually invited unions in to represent Fed-Mart and Price Club workers. Following suit, Costco pays the top wage in retail, starting employees at $10 an hour. In the minds of Price and Sinegal, high wages yield high productivity, low turnover—Costco's is a third of the retail industry average of 64%, according to the National Retail Foundation—and minimal shrinkage; that's retail-speak for theft, which at Costco is about 13% of the industry norm.
Axiom No. 4: Practice the intelligent loss of sales. Many retailers' shelves are crowded with a plethora of products: different brands, different sizes, many choices. Costco offers relatively few choices. That means some customers may pass up purchases, because the gallon jar of mayonnaise is too big or the brand isn't their favorite. But the benefits far exceed the lost sales. Stocking fewer items streamlines distribution and hastens inventory turns—and nine out of ten customers are perfectly happy with the mayonnaise.
Costco, in fact, is driven by principles and ethics that you probably thought went the way of the five-and-dime. Sinegal reinforces them by traveling 200 days a year, trying to visit every store twice annually. He's got energy that leaves people half his age floundering in his wake. (Must be the near-daily racquetball games.) He doesn't inspect the troops; he interrogates them. CFO Richard Galanti, who sometimes goes along, recites the typical Sinegal rat-a-tat to store managers: "What's hot? What's Sam's beating us on? Have you seen that item in Best Buy? Don't you think we should have that?" All the while Sinegal scribbles notes that, upon his return to headquarters, will become the basis of memos and more questions that he will fire off in all directions."
An excerpt on Sinegal's self restraint:
"Sinegal has also kept himself in the good graces of subordinates by limiting his pay. His $350,000 salary last year was practically cause for drumming him out of the FORTUNE 500 CEO club; and at his own request, he took no bonus for the third consecutive year. He does have $16.5 million worth of options, but he's intent on capping his salary and bonus at about twice the level of a Costco store manager."
And the last paragraph from Fortune:
"Pity poor Wal-Mart (a sentence I never thought I'd write). In this one niche, it's run up against a company that shows you can't discount some old business verities: The nimble first mover can outrun the powerful colossus; the innovator can stay a jump ahead of the imitator; the quality of leadership can trump the quantity of resources. "Here's the difference between Sam's and Costco," says Charlie Munger. "We have a live Sam Walton who's still there, and Wal-Mart doesn't."
There are some good guys and companies out there. Sinegal and Costco are the good guys. They're the guys who can win against Wal Mart, even if it only be in the wholesale niche.
To read the whole story (and it's very good): http://www.fortune.com/fortune/subs/article/0,15114,538834-3,00.html
In a column back in June I pointed out a basic but overlooked fundamental flaw in the RIAA’s arguments surrounding file-sharing, distribution of copyrighted materials and the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA). Since the RIAA claims that the DMCA allows them to send out robo-writs to any ISP with a customer who’s allegedly distributing copyrighted files without authorization; and since a Judge agreed with the RIAA and ruled against Verizon in a case between the two, it seemed to me someone should take a close look at what it means to “distribute” something if we’re going to attach so much importance to the word. I wrote,
“The simple fact is that for Kazaa, Winmx, Blubster, BearShare etc it is technically impossible for a user to actively distribute anything at all,” meaning the P2P user does not send out a file in any way that can be considered “active”. The file sits there waiting to be discovered and if and when that occurs it’s the downloader who initiates and completes the distribution process by actively selecting the file and commencing the transfer. Not only is the uploader not a part of the active process, he doesn’t have to be anywhere near his computer for the transfer to take place. He just needs to leave it on. It’s the downloader who decides what’s going to happen with any particular file. The downloader runs the search, finds the file, makes up his mind about it and then acquires it – or not – with no input at all necessary from the uploader. Compare that to the record business and how they run their distribution system with routes, shipping clerks, trucks, drivers, warehouses etc all the way to the store. The distribution is so totally active it’s unrecognizable from a P2P. The recordings don’t get to the customers by themselves simply because the customers want them, they have to be actively carried every step of the way, via a very expensive and laborious process ending either at a retail outlet or in the case mail order right at the customers house. It’s not the complexity of the process that determines the difference either, because the internet is every bit as complex as its physical counterpart. The fundamental difference between the two is the complete lack of active participation on the P2P uploaders part, versus the frenzied activities of record company distributors, and even Apples' iTunes for that matter. For you to download a file from your friend, your friend doesn’t have to do a thing. You do it all. It’s a “taking’ in that sense, not a “giving”.
I went so far as to say that prosecuting a file sharer for uploading songs is like prosecuting a person for being robbed, “If as the record companies are fond of saying, ‘file sharing is like shoplifting,’ then these latest lawsuits are the equivalent of suing the stores.”
This Week A Judge Agreed
In an appeal of the case which it earlier lost, lawyers for Verizon found themselves back in court facing the RIAA over these and other important constitutional questions and perhaps for the first time found themselves in front of a Judge with more than just a passing grasp of the issues. Judge John Roberts of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia put it squarely to RIAA attorney Donald B. Verrilli Jr when he asked him why uploaders were any different than people who have large libraries sitting in their houses instead of their harddrives. What’s the difference between copying a file off a PC or coming into a house and taking a file off a shelf? In either case, where’s the distribution?
"Isn't it equivalent to my leaving the door to my library open?", Judge Roberts asked. "Somebody could come in and copy my books but that doesn't mean I'm liable for copyright infringement.”
Indeed, and there are many instances where uploaders do “push” requests for files. For years certain notorious website operators have thrusted programs onto the drives of unsuspecting visitors, so it’s not as if the internet is configured only one way, for some new type of passive distribution that changes the paradigm and the descriptions. When the RIAA puts their eggs in the “distributor as violator” basket, it becomes the courts duty to fully examine what it means to be a distributor. And when RIAA asks only that “the law be enforced,” the courts bear the responsibility of examining that request, and scant else. If the courts ultimately define a distributor as one who proceeds in an active manner, and they should, they will have little choice but to deny the RIAA’s request under the provisions of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act. Distribution is still an active act, even on the Internet. And so is taking. The two are not the same. The definitions - and the differences - still apply.
Enjoy,
Jack.
A Web surfer uses his laptop to download free music files. Lawsuits may stop the practice but will it enable the world's leading distributors of movies and recorded music to boost sales?
I've used Kazaa to download music files. There, I've said it so I guess it is only a matter of time before the Canadian Recording Industry Association or the Recording Industry Association of America sends me a nasty letter or hits me with a lawsuit for stealing copyrighted music.
To be honest, the RIAA's recent decision to fire off 261 lawsuits in the United States sends shivers up my spine. These guys are have become serious -- even if means further alienating their consumers.
I guess the RIAA is frustrated that after five years of legal warfare, there are still almost three billion music files downloaded from the Web each month.
In the name of honesty, I've been one of those evil downloaders -- albeit a very small player.
The last song I swiped was Don't Pull Your Love by Joe Frank Hamilton. It is not like I'm going after Top-40 hits.
To be honest, the whole downloading phenomena has lost its lustre. At first, it was exciting because you could use Napster to access all kinds of different music. It was a risk-free vehicle. If you downloaded a bunch of songs, and didn't like them, you would hit the delete button. It is not like spending $19.99 on a CD with only a couple good tracks.
The problem today is that there is not much I want or need to download. None of the radio stations in Toronto play anything that intrigues or excites me.
You know there is a problem when you flip channels only to hear Montreal pop-rocker Sam Roberts on stations that apparently have different formats.
Sometimes, I fire up Kazaa and pray for inspiration. It is a lot like what happened after my wife and I bought an 80-year-old house in downtown Toronto. Every Saturday morning, I would head off to Home Depot for supplies. One day, I got there and realized there was nothing I needed to buy.
It is easy to understand why the music industry is taking such a hard-line approach to downloaders. CD sales in the United States tumbled 7% in 2002, and 2003 has been even worse.
The music industry puts the blame squarely on downloaders. If people weren't getting free music, they would be buying more CDs, they claim. That may be somewhat accurate but there are other issues at work. One of them is programming homogeneity.
In the United States, deregulation has seen the radio industry consolidate as small operators sell out to corporate giants that centralize much of their programming in the name of efficiency.
A challenge facing the music industry is engaging consumers. How do you get them excited about a new artist? Does it make sense to promote artists who appeal to niches when the economics of the business encourage music labels to appeal to a wide an audience as possible?
It can be argued that the music industry has been relying on huge stars such as Britney Spears or U2 to drive sales and profits.
The problem is that when the labels fail to produce a mega-hit, sales tumble because they have so much tied into so few sales-friendly artists.
What the Internet offers is an attractive way to easily and inexpensively market a wider variety of artists to niches, while still selling the major artists. There is an appetite for non-mainstream music, but how do you make consumers aware of new releases?
The music industry, however, is so engrossed in tracking down and prosecuting downloaders that its efforts to actually sell music online have been, at best, tepid. Say what you will about Apple's iTunes online music service, it is not the ideal solution. It is hard to believe you should pay US99¢ for a new hit and the same price for a one-hit wonder made 15 years ago.
The RIAA's flurry of lawsuits -- which could expand this fall -- may stop many people from downloading music but it will not boost CD sales. Until the music industry figures out how to capitalize on the Internet's potential, sales will continue to slump and music lovers will look for new technology that lets them get free music without the fear of being legally assaulted by the RIAA.
Personally, I've sworn off Kazaa but my CD purchases will still be few and far between. Until the music industry comes up with a win-win business model for consumers and the labels, I'll just listen to all my old CDs that have been collecting dust.
http://www.canada.com/technology/st...42-0CEF16FF17CE
Modern life evolves in cycles, with each generation facing different iterations of the cultural speed bumps. For instance, illegally downloaded music seems to closely resemble a surreptitious pleasure of a generation ago, smoking marijuana. Consider the similarities: No one denies that the unauthorized downloading of music is illegal, but doing so on a small scale is perceived as a victimless crime. Everybody is doing it, so the majority rules. And it's unlikely that current transgressors will face prosecution as long as they cease and desist, as the law is now going after the dealers.
More to the point, the problem is solved if you "Just Say No" in the first place.
Facetiousness aside, there is a stark difference between smoking marijuana in the 1960s and downloading illegal music files today. In the first place, marijuana can be to some people a habit-forming drug that can cause mental and physical damage. Downloading illegal music has no physical impact, and it only takes a wee bit of willpower to quit. And unlike marijuana, there is a legal option to the illegal activity.
This week's news about aggressive pursuit of illegal music downloading by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) set many parents wondering about their own children's safety.
On Monday, the five major record labels sued 261 people around the nation who allegedly offered large libraries of songs for copying on five popular file-sharing networks. Those people aren't necessarily the ones using file-sharing networks, but have the Internet accounts on which the alleged pirating of music occurred.
Since we may not be sure exactly what Junior is doing online, it comes as a bit of a shock to know the youngsters could actually be prosecuted. But the RIAA is definitely taking prisoners.
"We are targeting the individuals that are making substantial amounts of files available on peer-to-peer networks," said RIAA spokeswoman Amanda Collins. "This activity is illegal, and no one gets a free pass for illegal behavior."
Which means that once they finish nailing all the dealers, they may go after people for possession.
The RIAA maintains that the victims of illegal downloading are the artists who are not compensated for their work. Collins repeatedly compares an illegal download to walking out of a music store with a stolen CD in your pocket — something most parents would not condone.
In another bygone ad campaign, a father who catches a son with drugs asks angrily "Where did you learn such behavior?" to hear "From you, Dad, from you." The father then is crestfallen to know that his example caused the aberrance.
Downloading music follows a similar path. Today's kids have watched their parents pass along custom-made classic-rock cassettes, and many men wooed their wives with homemade tapes of romantic music. So how wrong could it be, if it helped Mom and Dad get together?
Passing around such tapes, as Collins reminds us, has always been illegal. But potheads paid little attention. Besides, it was hard to believe that you were doing anything so wrong as long as you knew someone who had actually paid for the music. You would not, back then, make thousands of tapes and place them in a shopping mall for anyone to pick up. Which is what the Internet essentially does.
So why, as downloadable music has been available for some time, are the legal activities happening today? The RIAA says that it provided fair warning, announcing its strategy of targeting transgressors early in the summer. So this week's lawsuits were right on schedule, giving the criminals plenty of time to cease and desist.
"They wanted to wait until there were legal alternatives," said RealNetworks spokesman Matt Graves. "We have seen some positive signs of growth in this area recently. And now that kids are going back to school, parents are concentrating more on being parents. It's a good time for them to talk to their kids."
As Graves points out, legal downloads have reached a point where they offer a unique product — even if you are required to pay. "The way to get people to pay is to offer something that's better than free," he said.
Another reassuring aspect comes with perusal of the fine print on the RIAA Web site. Kids who illegally downloaded a few Beatles songs from a Spanish Web site are clear, for now. But those who loaded some of the popular file-sharing software, which allowed others access to their disks, can be prosecuted.
Several of those sued, in fact, claim no knowledge of the peer-to-peer nature of the software. Innocent or not, this excuse no longer holds water.
So there are two steps we can suggest for our errant children: Get rid of the software. Even without the file-sharing aspect, allowing everyone on the Internet to fish around on your computer is an invitation to trouble.
The RIAA also has an informational site, www.musicunited.org and a slightly different mirror site, www.musicunited.net,offers instructions on how to disable the share feature on peer-to-peer software, along with a wealth of background information designed to keep you legal.
Additionally, any reformed criminals can log on to the RIAA's site for a downloadable affidavit that says they will never do this again (go to www.riaa.com and click on "Clean Slate Program Affidavit" at the bottom of the page). If you follow these steps and keep your word, you are in the clear.
While this makes sense for parents who want their kids to take responsibility for their actions, be advised that the "amnesty" program has already generated controversy.
A lawsuit filed in Marin County, Calif., states that the program is designed to "incriminate themselves and provide the R.I.A.A. and others with actionable admissions of wrongdoing under penalty of perjury" without providing any kind of legal release of claims.
So for many, the best strategy will be to stay clean and hope for the best. You would not, then or now, swear out an affidavit that you would never smoke pot again and take it to the local police station.
The digital-music antipiracy forces aren't waiting for a gradual attitude change, where people come around to the notion that this is a crime on their own. Illegal downloading is akin to stealing, and stealing is wrong. This message couldn't be much clearer.
There are people who still flout the law and smoke marijuana. They know the risks — that they could go to jail. So those who download music illegally will either need to start studying the pothead playbook or clean up their act and just say no.
http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/ht..._ptmusic13.html
When is a lawsuit shaped like a boomerang? Rick Munarriz argues that the music industry is going to get more than it bargained for in going after individual MP3 file-traders. The major labels may accept the backlash that comes in prosecuting the very copyright-dissing enemies that it is looking to win back... but it doesn't realize how costly this game of alienation might prove to be.
Rick Munarriz
Faces are being attached to the list of names on the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) legal hit list. And let me tell you, some of them look just like your neighbors. One of them -- I swear -- is the spitting image of you.
Amidst enough mixed signals to freeze up a recording studio mixing board, we're down to a bloody battle that no one wanted. In filing suit against 261 citizens who have downloaded free music files from the Internet, the fortified music industry has essentially started shelling a galleon manned by 60 million pirates that look like you and me. As a result, the attackers have a daunting challenge on their hands. How do you sink the ship while saving the passengers? And, while we're at it, does anyone know how many olive branches it takes to craft a makeshift lifeboat?
You've got chain mail
Earlier this week, the picture of a 12-year-old New York honors student accused of unauthorized downloading sprees was a fixture on the America Online log-in page. It evoked an outcry of overwhelming public support for the young girl. Facing the first of many public relations nightmares in this fight, the RIAA scrambled to save face by quickly settling with the pre-teen's mother for $2,000.
It's easy to see why America Online threw gas on this incendiary topic. Challenged by stagnant subscriber growth, the Internet specialist is trying to juice revenues by upselling members into costlier high-speed connections. Why would folks pay the company roughly twice as much for its AOL for Broadband service? Clearly, downloading MP3s -- illegal ones, in most cases -- is the killer app driving DSL and cable modem growth. Sure, America Online would rather pitch legal alternatives, and it's clearly marketing the upgrade around its exclusive broadband content, but who are they trying to kid? The need for speed is almost exclusively driven by the demand for faster peer-to-peer file-sharing exchanges.
But here's the kicker: America Online, despite serving as a high-speed hub of P2P commiseration, is part of the same AOL Time Warner (NYSE: AOL) media giant that owns Warner Music, one of the five major record labels. It's a conflict of interest that became notoriously transparent when the RIAA's list of 261 violators reportedly didn't include a single AOL subscriber.
So as the names trickle in (including the likes of a repentant Yale professor and a 71-year-old man who claims he was unaware that his visiting grandchildren were loading up on song files), one has to wonder how differently this all would have played out if they had signed up with America Online -- or if Verizon (NYSE: VZ) owned a record label.
Out of harmony's way
It's not just Warner Music. Check out the HiFi Components page on the Sony (NYSE: SNE) website. Right now, the top headline reads "Burn Your Own CDs." Excuse me, isn't Sony also one of the five major labels that earlier this year took Apple (Nasdaq: AAPL) to task for its "Rip. Mix. Burn." marketing campaign? How is this any different? Sony makes sure that many of its audio systems and Walkman portable CD players can play compact discs filled with hours of raw MP3s.
So, sure, pre-recorded CD sales have fallen for three years in a row now. Everyone knows the music industry has been mired in a slump. But how much of those losses have been offset by major label endeavors that have picked the pockets of the file traders? When the same folks who are arming us with CD recorders and broadband connections are coming after us for using those tools for their most popular purpose, haven't we crossed the line into entrapment?
Pirates of the Scary Being
In a great thread within our Fool Community (subscription required) some of our members were debating whether or not the term "piracy" is an appropriate tag for MP3 swappers. You're welcome to share your thoughts if you'd like to, but I'm not much in the mood to pass judgment. Unlike the RIAA, I have no interest in cultivating 60 million enemies in an industry in which platinum success is measured a million fans at a time.
My point is that, regardless of what you brand it or where it falls within the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, does any of it matter if the collateral damage smells of hara-kiri? Alienation may have merit on an artistic level, but it's certainly not a welcome trait for an industry that is banking on the disposable income of the masses.
Scorched Earth, Wind and Fire
Isn't it obvious where this is all going? Sony and Warner, along with Vivendi's (NYSE: V) Universal Music, EMI and BMG, make up the five major labels. If this desperate legal salvo is a last ditch effort to save the kingdom, they'd better dig those ditches deep. 'Cause they're going in.
Yes, traffic to the P2P file-trading networks fell over the summer as consumers learned to respect RIAA's long arm of the law. However, the decline in music CD sales actually accelerated during the same period. The industry killed the pirate, but in so doing ripped out the soul of the once-ardent music fan inside. While the notion of 60 million people ripping off the industry was painful, at least they valued music as something worth pilfering.
The anti-label sentiment is only going to get stronger. There are many reasons why Apple has been able to sell 10 million digital downloads through its iTunes store over the past four months while the majors have struggled with their own Web-delivery ventures. One of them has to be that Apple isn't seen as the establishment.
The Song Remains the Blame
Like an errant drummer, the major labels have been prone to some real lousy timing lately. When Universal slashed CD list prices by one-third last week, it might just as well have engraved "Exhibit A" on the announcement. That's clear evidence that the labels have been ripping off consumers all along. All those years of whining while CD sales dipped...and the industry never saw fit to question the elasticity of its own beefy markups?
The labels are in the process of offering amnesty, but that's a double-edged olive branch. The RIAA is not qualified to wipe the slate clean on behalf of all potential litigants, so it's coming off like a pompous backstage diva.
Back in July, in my Download No Evil column, I outlined the seemingly radical opinion that the only way the record industry would survive would be to embrace the file-trading platform and learn to monetize it. Make the P2P networks redundant by manning the gates of digital distribution liberally, and work within their artist rosters to tap into mutually beneficial revenue streams -- like concerts and merchandise, which have actually blossomed even as the value of the pre-recorded CD has diminished. I guess the labels didn't take my free advice. That's fine. I'll hold onto it. It looks like I'll be needing it for five eulogies that are coming down the pike.
http://www.fool.com/news/commentary...ry030912ram.htm
Recording artists across the board think the music industry should find a way to work with the Internet instead of suing people who have downloaded music.
"They're protecting an archaic industry," said the Grateful Dead's Bob Weir. "They should turn their attention to new models."
"This is not rocket science," said David Draiman of Disturbed, a hard-rock band with a platinum debut album on the charts. "Instead of spending all this money litigating against kids who are the people they're trying to sell things to in the first place, they have to learn how to effectively use the Internet."
After three consecutive years of double-digit sales losses, and having lost a court battle against file- sharing Web sites such as Kazaa and Morpheus, the Recording Industry Association of America -- the industry's lobbying arm -- trained its sights on ordinary fans who have downloaded music. On Monday, the RIAA filed suits against 261 civilians with more than 1,000 music files each on their computers, accusing them of copyright violations. The industry hopes the suits, which seek as much as $150,000 per violation, will deter computer users from engaging in what the record industry considers illegal file-swapping.
This unprecedented move brings home the industry's battle against Web downloads, which the record business blames for billion-dollar losses since the 1999 emergence of Napster, the South Bay startup the RIAA sued out of existence. The suits are expected to settle for as little as $3,000 each, but the news was greeted with derision by the very people the RIAA said they moved to protect, the musicians themselves.
"Lawsuits on 12-year-old kids for downloading music, duping a mother into paying a $2,000 settlement for her kid?" said rapper Chuck D of Public Enemy. "Those scare tactics are pure Gestapo."
"File sharing is a reality, and it would seem that the labels would do well to learn how to incorporate it into their business models somehow," said genre-busting DJ Moby in a post on his Web site. "Record companies suing 12-year-old girls for file sharing is kind of like horse-and-buggy operators suing Henry Ford."
Artists are feeling the downturn in sales, too. "My record royalties have dropped 80 percent since 1999," said Steve Miller, whose greatest hits album has been a perennial best-seller since its 1978 release. "To me, it's one of the weirdest things that's ever happened to me because people act like it's OK."
Recording artists have watched their record royalties erode over the past few years ("My Van Halen royalties are history," said vocalist Sammy Hagar), but, in fact, few musicians earn the bulk of their income from record sales.
"Bruce Springsteen probably earned more in 10 nights at Meadowlands last month than in his entire recording career," said rocker Huey Lewis.
Many artists painted the record industry as a bloated, overstuffed giant with too many mouths to feed and too many middlemen to pay, selling an overpriced, often mediocre product.
"They have all these abnormal practices that keep driving the price up," said Gregg Rollie, founding member of Santana and Journey. "People think musicians make all that money, but it's not true. We make the smallest amount."
The RIAA did not initiate these lawsuits to defend artists' rights, the musicians say, but to protect corporate profits.
"For the artists, my ass," said Draiman. "I didn't ask them to protect me, and I don't want their protection."
http://www.ajc.com/news/content/new...78738895450518#
Music industry suits aim at parents of violators. - AP
The music industry may have a hard time convincing courts that parents are liable for any unauthorized swapping of songs online by their underage children, legal experts say.
Recording companies sued 261 music fans this week, claiming they were illegally distributing hundreds of digital song files apiece over Internet file-sharing networks. Many of the defendants, however, turned out to be parents or grandparents of the alleged file-traders.
Many legal experts believe few defendants, if any, will opt to fight the lawsuits because they can't afford attorneys or won't want to risk judgments totaling millions of dollars. Copyright laws allow for damages of $750 to $150,000 per song.
"In most cases the recording industry has a really strong case," said Joseph P. Liu, a Boston College law school professor. "If I were sued by the recording industry, I'd probably settle pretty quickly."
For adults who don't settle, the music industry has a good chance of prevailing, experts say. But proving a parent's liability for a child's activity is much harder, said Jonathan Zittrain, co-director of the Berkman Center for Internet and Society at Harvard Law School.
"And in general, if you win an action against a kid, you don't get to collect against the parent," Zittrain said.
The music industry has said it was targeting the individuals who had paid for the Internet service at households where digital music was being shared. That often means the parent.
The Recording Industry Association of America could not say how many of the music lawsuits named minors or their parents.
By some estimates, teen-agers make up half of the 60 million people who use file-swapping services. Some adults who spoke publicly about the cases said their children or grandchildren had been using their computer to swap music.
A Richardson, Texas, man said his teen-age grandchildren downloaded songs when they came to visit him. A Redwood City, Calif., man whose wife was sued said neither knew their two teens and their friends were doing anything wrong on the family computer.
But in at least one case, the recording industry sued the child, not the parent. Brianna LaHara, a 12-year-old honors student from New York, was named as the defendant. Her mother settled the case for $2,000 and an apology from Brianna.
Minors can be sued for copyright infringement, but because they don't generally have assets or income, a plaintiff would have to press for a settlement with the parents as in Brianna's case.
Copyright infringement cases levied against parents for something their child did are rare, said Fred von Lohmann, an attorney for the Electronic Frontier Foundation in San Francisco.
"It is legally very uncertain and untested," von Lohmann said.
In the case of adults, recording companies need to establish that individuals made unauthorized copies or were distributing them without permission, said Evan R. Cox of Covington & Burling, who has worked with the Business Software Alliance on piracy.
To win against parents, music companies would have to prove that the parent could have controlled or stopped the child's behavior but failed to do so. Or they must show that the parent knew the child was doing something illegal but still gave them access to the means to do so.
The recording industry may also have to prove that the parent received a financial benefit from the child's illicit activity. An argument industry attorneys could make is the parents saved moneys on CDs, for example, von Lohmann said.
"It's by no means a slam dunk," Zittrain said. "The direct financial interest part of it is pretty hard to meet, if it's not clear the parent is gaining anything"
http://www.sunspot.net/business/bal...iness-headlines
MOST lawsuits have concrete and focused goals. They usually want money, from particular people in particular disputes. But the 261 suits launched by the record industry last Monday, against people who made the music files on their computers available to others, seek something else entirely: to instill fear.
There is little question the industry can win the individual suits. Whether it can achieve its real goal is dicier all around — from the youth of so many of those named as offenders, to the very idea of using a relatively small number of lawsuits to deter tens of millions of people.
"We have more Americans using file-sharing than voted for the president," said Wendy Seltzer, a staff attorney at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, a civil liberties group, "and the record industry's position is to scare them into submission?"
Some 60 million people have used file-sharing programs, and the suits are battling a public that finds it hard to distinguish among several sorts of copying. It is perfectly lawful, for instance, to tape a television program to watch later. It is a technical violation of copyright laws to burn a CD of music you already own to listen to in the car or at the gym, but the record industry winks at that.
There is no serious dispute, however, that the mass distribution of perfect electronic copies on so-called peer-to-peer networks is illegal if copyright owners object. Legal experts advised those sued to settle quickly, but that doesn't mean the suits will be effective at stopping others.
"What are the chances that anyone is going to get sued?" asked Susan P. Crawford, an expert in intellectual property law at Cardozo Law School. "The odds are still pretty long."
Still, for the people who have been sued, the alternative to settlement is not pretty. The defendants face penalties ranging from $750 to $150,000 per infringement. The first defendants made, on average, 1,000 songs available, and some were copied many times. The Recording Industry Association of America has said that it intends "to leave it up to the court to decide what kind of damages we deserve to be awarded."
Juries would be told they could consider the deterrent effect of a large award, said Charles Sims, a lawyer with Proskauer Rose in New York who has represented the film industry in anti-piracy suits. And people who win copyright suits are also entitled to have their legal fees paid by the losing side, which is unusual in American law.
Which is why anxious parents around the country are likely to be a little more interested nowadays in what their children are doing with the home computer. It's not just pornography anymore.
But parental liability for a minor's use of the family computer is more complicated than a straightforward case against an adult. Indeed, copyright law may give parents a perverse incentive to remain ignorant. In order to be considered a so-called "contributory infringer" (the owner of a computer, for instance, that others use to violate the copyright laws), a parent must have had some knowledge of the wrongful activity to be held liable.
"A lot of parents say, `I have no idea what's going on with my children and their computers,' " Ms. Seltzer said. "That may get them off the hook."
But the availability of that defense in a suit against a parent makes no practical difference, said Mr. Sims, because in most states, an award against a child must be paid by the parent. "If your kid has a car accident, the parent is liable," he said. "This is no different."
The settlements the industry is offering are cheap by lawyers' standards but a little hard to cover from the typical teenager's allowance. They have ranged from $2,000 to nearly $20,000. Defendants who settle are required to promise they will say nothing in public at odds with the agreement, which requires them to acknowledge that their conduct was "illegal and wrongful."
The industry has also offered an amnesty program. In exchange for an admission of guilt and a promise not to share files in the future, the industry's trade association will agree not to support future copyright suits against that person. The deal does not apply to organizations, people who made money sharing files and those already singled out by the industry, whether that is public or not. Legal experts say only a fool would sign up.
"You make yourself more vulnerable," said Gigi B. Sohn, the president of Public Knowledge, a group that studies intellectual property law and technology. "And to the extent the law might change, which is not impossible, it would be signing away your rights to future benefits."
She added that the trade association owns no copyrights itself and cannot promise confidentiality to people who sign up for amnesty. That means that other copyright holders — including music publishers and artists — could simply subpoena the association to find people to sue.
By Tuesday, the recording industry association had settled its first suit, against a 12-year-old girl from New York City named Brianna LaHara. Her mother, Sylvia Torres, agreed to pay a $2,000 fine, and both mother and daughter issued statements reminiscent of those prisoners of war make at the behest of their captors.
"I love music," Brianna said, "and I don't want to hurt the artists I love."
That same day, a trade association of file-sharing Web sites offered to pay the fine.
"We don't condone copyright infringement," said Adam Eisgrau, the executive director of the group, P2P United, "but it's time for the R.I.A.A.'s winged monkeys to fly back to the castle and leave the Munchkins alone."
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/09/14/w...&partner=GOOGLE
Since the Recording Industry Association of America began its campaign against file-sharing services and unauthorized song swapping online in 1999, it has offered one chief justification for its actions: downloading songs is stealing money from the pockets of musicians.
But the musicians themselves have conflicted responses to file sharing and the tactics of the association, a trade group that represents record labels, not the musicians themselves, who have no organization that wields equal power.
So, many musicians have found themselves watching helplessly from the sidelines as the recording industry has begun suing people who are their fans, their audience and their consumers — who also share music online without authorization. Last week, 261 lawsuits were filed, the first battle in what the association says will be a long campaign of litigation against the most active music fans sharing songs on services like KaZaA.
"On one hand, the whole thing is pretty sick," said John McCrea, a singer and songwriter in the rock band Cake. "On the other hand, I think it'll probably work."
Many musicians privately wish file sharing would go away, though they are reluctant to admit it, because they do not want to seem unfriendly to their fans. So they have been happy to have the industry group play the role of bad cop. But with the escalation of the battle last week (with lawsuits filed against, among others, a 71-year-old grandfather and a 12-year-old girl), some musicians say they are beginning to wonder if the actions being taken in their name are a little extreme.This is especially true because, regardless of file sharing, they rarely see royalties.
"It would be nice if record companies would include artists on these decisions," said Deborah Harry of Blondie, adding that when a grandfather is sued because, unbeknownst to him, his grandchildren are downloading songs on his computer, "it's embarrassing."
The artist Moby, on his Web site, offered a similar opinion, suggesting that the music companies treat users of file-sharing services like fans instead of criminals. "How can a 14-year-old who has an allowance of $5 a week feel bad about downloading music produced by multimillionaire musicians and greedy record companies," he wrote. "The record companies should approach that 14-year-old and say: `Hey, it's great that you love music. Instead of downloading music for free, why don't you try this very inexpensive service that will enable you to listen to a lot of music and also have access to unreleased tracks and ticket discounts and free merchandise?' "
A few artists, like Metallica and Loudon Wainwright III, have come out strongly in favor of the record industry's crackdown. It could be seen as a gutsy move, considering the criticism Metallica faced from music fans when it campaigned against the file-sharing service Napster, which was declared illegal.
In a new song, "Something for Nothing," Mr. Wainwright makes fun of the mentality of file sharers, singing: "It's O.K. to steal, cuz it's so nice to share." As for the lawsuits, he said that he was not surprised. "If you're going to break the law, the hammer is going to come down," he said.
At the same time, other influential musicians and groups — like Moby, System of a Down, Public Enemy, and the Dead — contend that the record industry's efforts are misguided and that it must work with the new technology instead of against it.
But most seem ambivalent, or confused.
"I see both sides," said Rodney Crowell, a country music singer and songwriter. "In some ways, I think the record companies have it coming, but at the same time, being a writer and therefore in the business of copyright, they're saying it's impacting our business by 30 percent or more, so we have to do something."
The Recording Industry Association says there has been a 31 percent drop in sales of recorded music since file sharing became popular more than three years ago, but statistics from Forrester Research show that the sales decline since 2000 has been half that, or 15 percent, and that 35 percent of that amount is because of unauthorized downloading.
The situation has become so thorny that many top-selling artists, even those who have been outspoken about embracing new technology, declined to comment on the lawsuits on the record, for fear of upsetting their labels. In interviews, some musicians and their representatives said that their labels had asked them not to talk. And in a dozen cases, record labels did not grant interviews with musicians on the subject.
"I don't think anyone really understands the impact of what's happening, and they don't want to make a mistake," said Allen Kovac, who runs 10th Street Entertainment, an artist management company in Los Angeles. "The impact of lawsuits on fans is a double-edged sword. If you're a record company, do you want record company acts being persona non grata at every college campus in America?"
Much of the stated concern over file sharing has centered on the revenue that record companies and musicians are losing, but few musicians ever actually receive royalties from their record sales on major labels, which managers say have accounting practices that are badly in need of review. (Artists do not receive royalties for a CD until the record company has earned back the money it has spent on them.)
Even the Backstreet Boys, one of the best-selling acts of the 1990's, did not appear to have received any CD royalties, their management said.
"I don't have sympathy for the record companies," said Mickey Melchiondo of the rock duo Ween. "They haven't been paying me royalties anyway."
Musicians tend to make more money from sales of concert tickets and merchandise than from CD sales. In fact, many musicians offer free downloads of their songs on their Web sites to market themselves.
For some of them, the problem with file sharing is control. Before a CD is released, early versions of the songs often end up on file-sharing services, where fans download the music under the misconception that it is the finished product. Other times, songs online by one act are credited to another act. And fans exchange studio outtakes, unreleased songs, and live performances that some artists would prefer remain unheard.
Serj Tankian of the hard-rock band System of a Down, for example, said he thought that the free exchange of songs by his band and others online was healthy for music fans, but objected when that free exchange included unfinished studio recordings.
Ween, which recently left a major record label, Elektra, to release its records independently, has found a way to coexist with file sharing, which the band actually supports by encouraging fans to record and trade shows.
At the same time, Ween fans police eBay for people who are selling live recordings and KaZaA for people who are leaking songs before an album is released. "Before `Quebec,' came out," Mr. Melchiondo said, referring to Ween's latest CD, "our fans would message people on KaZaA who were sharing tracks and ask them to take the music down. And they also mounted a campaign where they put up fake copies of our record to throw people off."
Mr. Melchiondo said that Ween's fans acted out of respect for the band, not because of intimidation from the record industry or sympathy with it. "We never asked them to do this," he said. "They just took it upon themselves."
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/09/14/t.../14MUSI.html?hp
THE recording industry's long-running battle against online music piracy has come to resemble one of those whack-a-mole arcade games, where the player hammers one rubber rodent's head with a mallet only to see another pop up nearby. Conk one, and up pops another, and so on.
Three years ago, the music industry sued Napster, the first popular music file-sharing network on the Internet. That sent Napster reeling, but other networks for trading copyrighted music — KaZaA, Grokster, Morpheus and others — sprang up. Last week, in the latest swing of the hammer, the Recording Industry Association of America filed 261 lawsuits against individual file sharers, which will surely make some of their estimated 60 million compatriots think twice — for now. Earth Station Five, a company based in the West Bank, surfaced recently with claims of being at war with the industry association. It promises the latest in anonymous Internet file sharing. Its motto: "Resistance is futile."
Since Gutenberg's printing press, new technologies for creating, copying and distributing information have eroded the power of the people, or industries, in control of various media. In the last century, the pattern held true, for example, when recorded music became popular in the early 1900's, radio in the 1920's and cable television in recent years.
But the heritage and design of the Internet present a particularly disruptive technology. Today's global network had its origins in the research culture of academia with its ethos of freely sharing information. And by design, the Internet turns every user in every living room into a mass distributor of just about anything that can be digitized, including film, photography, the written word and, of course, music. Already, Hollywood is trying to curb the next frontier, film swapping. The inevitable advance of technology will make reading on digital tablets more convenient than reading on paper, so the publishers of books, magazines and newspapers have their worries as well. "Nobody is immune," observed Michael J. Wolf, managing partner in charge of the media practice at McKinsey & Company, a consulting firm.
"The cultural and technical principle embedded in today's Internet is that it is neutral in the sense that the people who use it have the power to determine its use, not corporations or the network operators," said Jonathan Zittrain, a co-director of the Berkman Center for the Internet and Society at the Harvard Law School. "The plan for the Internet was to have no plan."
The Net's free-range design, combined with the global proliferation of personal computing and low-cost communications networks, laid the foundation for the surge of innovation and new uses that became so evident by the late 1990's. The World Wide Web is the overarching example, but others include instant messaging, online gaming and peer-to-peer file sharing. And while companies are free to build proprietary products and services in cyberspace, the basic software and communications technology of the Internet lies in the public domain — open for all to use.
It was inevitable, then, that the Internet would eventually force a radical rethinking of intellectual property rights, and the music industry's current travails represent a particularly dramatic example of the mutating rules — though not the only one. Consider, for example, the rise of so-called open-source software. The poster child of open-source projects is GNU Linux, an operating system whose computer code is distributed freely over the Internet and is maintained and debugged by a loose-knit global community of programmers. Linux has become a genuine challenge to Microsoft because programmers around the world can see and modify the underlying source code — instead of jealously guarding it as a trade secret.
That concept of open-source is inseparable from the Internet, because it provides the vehicle for free exchange and widespread distribution — the same idea that is at the heart of file sharing and one that is spreading well beyond the techies. A group, led by Lawrence Lessig, a professor at Stanford Law School, has established a "creative commons" project for collecting and putting creative works including music, film, photography and literature in the public domain, inspired by the open-source software model.
The Massachusetts Institute of Technology is posting the content of 500 of its courses online this fall, a project called OpenCourseWare. In Britain, a small group of artists and editors has set up a Web site for Jenny Everywhere, an increasingly popular open-source cartoon. Its only requirement is that any "Jenny" cartoon include its license, which states "others may use this property as they wish. All rights reversed."
What all this means for the future of intellectual property, and some businesses, is as unpredictable as the open-source revolution itself. In the music business, it seems remarkable that only a few believe the technology cannot be held in check.
One of those few is David Bowie. "I'm fully confident that copyright, for instance, will no longer exist in 10 years, and authorship and intellectual property is in for such a bashing," Mr. Bowie said in an interview last year. The future of the music industry, he suggests, is that songs are essentially advertisements and artists will have to make a living by performing on tour.
Others fear that, as the futility of technological fixes becomes clearer, the response may be onerous legal restrictions on the Internet and how people use it. "You don't want to break the kneecaps of the Internet to protect one relatively small industry, the recording business," Mr. Lessig, the Stanford professor, said.
William Fisher, a Harvard law professor, offers a solution for the recording industry's Internet challenge, and one that borrows from the past. When radio became popular in the 1920's and 1930's and began broadcasting copyrighted songs, the record companies, singers and bands protested. The answer was to have the radio stations pay the copyright holders and set up a measuring system so the largest payments went for the most popular songs.
In a book to be published next year, Mr. Fisher recommends placing a 15 percent tax on Internet access and a 15 percent tax on devices used for storing and copying music and movies like CD-burners, MP3 players and blank CD's.
The funds raised, he estimates, would be about $2.5 billion in 2004, roughly the projected amount the recording industry and Hollywood would lose to online piracy. The music business and Hollywood would get refunds based on what works were the most popular downloads.
"It's not perfect," Mr. Fisher admitted.
Still, it does represent what is not much in evidence today — some sort of middle ground that would compensate rights holders but also move with the march of technology and consumer behavior instead of merely trying to fight it.
"With music file sharing, you have a cultural norm that is being established by what is technologically possible," said Daniel Weitzner, a director at the World Wide Web Consortium. "That is very hard to resist."
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/09/14/w...&partner=GOOGLE
Maybe the lesson is this: Media empires that die some day come back.
The news last week that General Electric is all but certain to purchase the movie, television and theme park assets of Vivendi Universal — and merge them with NBC — recalls a remarkably similar episode at the dawn of the modern era of mass media, in the Roaring Twenties.
In fact, G.E. owned the first electronic media empire. To take in its saga over three-quarters of a century is to appreciate that the company has seen it all before. Back then, as now, fierce fights were waged over media consolidation. Free music — over the radio — threatened the bottom line of record companies.
In the 1920's, David Sarnoff was a fast-rising visionary who presided over G.E.'s radio-making subsidiary, RCA. To spur sales of radio sets, Sarnoff and his bosses founded NBC as the first national broadcasting network. In 1928, he widened his scope. In the biggest media merger to date, he acquired the Victor Talking Machines Company and its associated record label.
A genius at manipulating others, Sarnoff was himself led into the movie business. Leading him was a financial whiz and aspiring movie mogul named Joseph P. Kennedy. Kennedy had started a small film distribution company and persuaded Sarnoff to buy it at a huge premium and to combine it with a chain of vaudeville theaters that could be converted into movie houses. The resulting venture was named RKO Pictures.
Synergy seemed at hand. Until one RKO film after another bombed, the stock market crashed and GE/RCA was left with a $32 million restructuring tab.
Perhaps foreshadowing the rich payouts handed to the ousted Vivendi chief executive Jean-Marie Messier, Kennedy cleaned up. By selling his RKO stock before the market tanked, his $8 million windfall became the basis for his fortune.
Meanwhile, Victor was falling off a cliff, with sales of phonographs and records plunging by 90 percent in the three years after the crash. The near collapse makes today's three-year, 28 percent drop in the number of CD's sold seem mild. But the causes and results are similar: back then, radio listeners short of cash were getting their music free, not unlike many of today's Internet music downloaders.
Just as RCA Victor was forced to slash the prices of its records, Vivendi's Universal Music Group just days ago cut prices on compact discs as much as 30 percent, although the music assets are not part of the current deal.
Finally, in the wake of financial scandals and rising unemployment, the public mood turned viciously anticorporate. Congressmen railed against the G.E.'s "radio monopoly," and Herbert Hoover's Justice Department slapped RCA with an antitrust suit. Late in 1932, the lame-duck president accepted Sarnoff's proposed remedy: split off RCA, Victor, NBC and RKO from G.E.
But G.E. re-entered the business a half-century later when Jack Welch repurchased NBC in 1986. Now G.E. has revealed its plan to get back into music and movies all over again.
Will it work this time? Then, as now, many hopes ride on the shoulders of a giant ape. In 1933, RKO's blockbuster "King Kong" paid down a good deal of debt. Guess who is now remaking "King Kong"? Vivendi's — and soon to be G.E.'s — Universal Pictures.
Can a 10,000-pound gorilla help save an empire once again? Stay tuned.
http://www.nytimes.com/2003/09/07/w...iew/07WEEK.html
The promise of digital rights management (DRM) technologies have been that they will save the entertainment industry from rampant piracy. Not anytime soon.
DRM, by its nature, is simply a series of checks and balances for content, allowing the content owner to choose how their content is consumed. Should it be allowed to transfer to portable devices? Can it be copied to CD? Does it expire after 30 days? These content rules alone do not protect the content anymore than Blockbuster protects content when they say you need to return a DVD in 48 hours. The robustness of DRM is brought to life through the individual business model implementations.
Take into consideration Apple's successful iTunes service: provide lifetime access to an increasingly large catalog of licensed popular music for a fee of $0.99 per song, or $9.99 per album. The one feature of this service that everyone seems to be rightfully overlooking is the presence of DRM, or more to the point, the transparency of DRM. Each AAC-format file is playable on your Mac, your iPod and for Windows users, QuickTime 6 (until more players support MPEG-4). However, each file is delicately wrapped in a thin DRM that provides a lifetime license, but also limits the file to three machines it can be transferred onto. This protects the content owner's royalties more so than unencrypted MP3s, but doesn't eliminate piracy. (An AAC file can be burned to an audio CD, where it becomes just another unencrypted CDA raw audio track which can be later ripped back to MP3.) It merely makes purchasing the content easier and more convenient than pirating it. The reason iTunes has become successful is because of how transparent the process is to the user. Apple's continued win is its elegantly simplistic user interface. Point. Click. Listen.
Where the music and film industries are failing is that their bread-and-butter is made through the manufacturing, distribution and sales of physical, tangible discs. DVDs and CDs represent the last physical format that media will be sold in, much like how VHS and audio cassettes represented the last analog format. It may not happen this year or next, but the evolution of media distribution will be that all content is distributed digitally through networked subscription and purchase services. Its inevitable, and has already begun with on-demand cable, allowing me to watch any episode of Six Feet Under, whenever I want, for an additional $6.00 per month.
The nebulously-hyped digital media centers are nothing more than expandable hard drives with cable, Ethernet ports and Wi-Fi connectivity, that merge your cable box, DVD/CD player and your gaming consoles into one unit. Your digital media center will be connected to your other computers, televisions, plasma screens, PDAs, portable players and your car's media center through your personal P2P file-sharing network. All of your games will be subscriptions online, for example, Xbox Live. Additionally, your car will become a file-sharing device that will communicate with other cars on the highway, swapping content while you weave between lanes. While sitting in gridlock, the car next to you may have that long lost Twilight Zone episode you've been looking for. And once you get home, you car will instantly sync with your home media center. Since it will have billing information pre- programmed in, when you're ready to unlock that episode, just push "Play", and your micropayment will be deducted from your bank account. Point. Click. Consume. *cue creepy theme song here*
So long as record companies and film studios release content on physical formats, there will be ways to pirate that content. Just because DRM exists today doesn't mean that it will save the billions of files already trading on Kazaa, Morpheus, WinMX and other P2P networks. That content is already the sacrificial lamb of this emerging paradigm shift. Unfortunately, it also has the displeasure of being nearly all the content ever created by Humanity. It's ripped. It's out there. And every Tuesday when a new CD or DVD is released, more content gets ripped and thrown into file-trading networks. It would actually behoove the media companies to stop producing content entirely.
So who can benefit from DRM? Content owners who choose not to distribute via CD or DVD. Such customers include corporations wanting to offer on-demand video of stockholder meetings, or e- learning companies offering entire courses online, or has become the more popular case, adult websites offering Internet-only downloadable and streaming video. These customers have no need to release their content on antique formats such as CD or DVD, and thus, they can benefit the most from offering DRM-protected files on scalable networks. If the content is available in only one place, the biggest risk is the content owner accidentally posting the unencrypted versions. Even if those files are purchased, downloaded and then shared in P2P networks, each individual user must get a unique license to view the content, which requires some form of authentication, be it a pay-per-view model with a valid credit card, or a subscription model with an existing user account with that particular service.
The music and film industries will be invited to return to the sandbox once they sever their dependence on physical media for distribution, which will take years. By only producing one original file and then allowing the true power of P2P networks and peer-based CDNs, such as Jibe, to proliferate with copies, the media companies can deliver content at lower prices with higher profit margin. Without the overhead of warehouses, factories and sweatshop wages, media companies could sell a full-length album or movie less than $5.00. Traditional outlets such as Tower Records or Virgin Megastore could offer digital downloads, sell them via superdistribution models and compete for the lowest prices online. Individual bands and indie labels could offer subscription services to their music for much less than the price of a CD and collect higher royalties per download, because most recording deals take significant cuts for manufacturing and distribution of millions of units of tangible atoms.
Apple has a good start, but they are not perfect. An album still costs $9.99, iTunes is only available on the Mac, and due to MPEG-4 related delays, the AAC-format isn't as widely accepted as MP3 or WMA [yet]. In order for the digital distribution and sales models to succeed, content will need to be protected with an isotope of DRM that is inherently viewable by the widest possible audience, the cost of ownership must decrease to drive interest, and the business model will need to be transparent to the user before it will gain market acceptance.
The future of entertainment sales and distribution isn't doomed because of digital rights management technologies. It will be doomed by poorly designed and executed business models.
http://www.contentworld.com/newsdig...article1_1.html
Micropayments, small digital payments of between a quarter and a fraction of a penny, made (yet another) appearance this summer with Scott McCloud's online comic, The Right Number, accompanied by predictions of a rosy future for micropayments.
To read The Right Number, you have to sign up for the BitPass micropayment system; once you have an account, the comic itself costs 25 cents.
BitPass will fail, as FirstVirtual, Cybercoin, Millicent, Digicash, Internet Dollar, Pay2See, and many others have in the decade since Digital Silk Road, the paper that helped launch interest in micropayments. These systems didn't fail because of poor implementation; they failed because the trend towards freely offered content is an epochal change, to which micropayments are a pointless response.
The failure of BitPass is not terribly interesting in itself. What is interesting is the way the failure of micropayments, both past and future, illustrates the depth and importance of putting publishing tools in the hands of individuals. In the face of a force this large, user-pays schemes can't simply be restored through minor tinkering with payment systems, because they don't address the cause of that change -- a huge increase the power and reach of the individual creator.
Why Micropayment Systems Don't Work
The people pushing micropayments believe that the dollar cost of goods is the thing most responsible for deflecting readers from buying content, and that a reduction in price to micropayment levels will allow creators to begin charging for their work without deflecting readers.
This strategy doesn't work, because the act of buying anything, even if the price is very small, creates what Nick Szabo calls mental transaction costs, the energy required to decide whether something is worth buying or not, regardless of price. The only business model that delivers money from sender to receiver with no mental transaction costs is theft, and in many ways, theft is the unspoken inspiration for micropayment systems.
Like the salami slicing exploit in computer crime, micropayment believers imagine that such tiny amounts of money can be extracted from the user that they will not notice, while the overall volume will cause these payments to add up to something significant for the recipient. But of course the users do notice, because they are being asked to buy something. Mental transaction costs create a minimum level of inconvenience that cannot be removed simply by lowering the dollar cost of goods.
Worse, beneath a certain threshold, mental transaction costs actually rise, a phenomenon is especially significant for information goods. It's easy to think a newspaper is worth a dollar, but is each article worth half a penny? Is each word worth a thousandth of a penny? A newspaper, exposed to the logic of micropayments, becomes impossible to value.
If you want to feel mental transaction costs in action, sign up for the $3 version of BitPass, then survey the content on offer. Would you pay 25 cents to view a VR panorama of the Matterhorn? Are Powerpoint slides on "Ten reasons why now is a great time to start a company?" worth a dime? (and if so, would each individual reason be worth a penny?)
Mental transaction costs help explain the general failure of micropayment systems. (See Odlyzko, Shirky, and Szabo for a fuller accounting of the weaknesses of micropayments.) The failure of micropayments in turn helps explain the ubiquity of free content on the Web.
Fame vs Fortune and Free Content
Analog publishing generates per-unit costs -- each book or magazine requires a certain amount of paper and ink, and creates storage and transportation costs. Digital publishing doesn't. Once you have a computer and internet access, you can post one weblog entry or one hundred, for ten readers or ten thousand, without paying anything per post or per reader. In fact, dividing up front costs by the number of readers means that content gets cheaper as it gets more popular, the opposite of analog regimes.
The fact that digital content can be distributed for no additional cost does not explain the huge number of creative people who make their work available for free. After all, they are still investing their time without being paid back. Why?
The answer is simple: creators are not publishers, and putting the power to publish directly into their hands does not make them publishers. It makes them artists with printing presses. This matters because creative people crave attention in a way publishers do not. Prior to the internet, this didn't make much difference. The expense of publishing and distributing printed material is too great for it to be given away freely and in unlimited quantities -- even vanity press books come with a price tag. Now, however, a single individual can serve an audience in the hundreds of thousands, as a hobby, with nary a publisher in sight.
This disrupts the old equation of "fame and fortune." For an author to be famous, many people had to have read, and therefore paid for, his or her books. Fortune was a side-effect of attaining fame. Now, with the power to publish directly in their hands, many creative people face a dilemma they've never had before: fame vs fortune.
Substitutability and the Deflection of Use
The fame vs fortune choice matters because of substitutability, the willingness to accept one thing as a substitute for another. Substitutability is neutralized in perfect markets. For example, if someone has even a slight preference for Pepsi over Coke, and if both are always equally available in all situations, that person will never drink a Coke, despite being only mildly biased.
The soft-drink market is not perfect, but the Web comes awfully close: If InstaPundit and Samizdata are both equally easy to get to, the relative traffic to the sites will always match audience preference. But were InstaPundit to become less easy to get to, Samizdata would become a more palatable substitute. Any barrier erodes the user's preferences, and raises their willingness to substitute one thing for another.
This is made worse by the asymmetry between the author's motivation and the reader's. While the author has one particular thing they want to write, the reader is usually willing to read anything interesting or relevant to their interests. Though each piece of written material is unique, the universe of possible choices for any given reader is so vast that uniqueness is not a rare quality. Thus any barrier to a particular piece of content (even, as the usability people will tell you, making it one click further away) will deflect at least some potential readers.
Charging, of course, creates just such a barrier. The fame vs fortune problem exists because the web makes it possible to become famous without needing a publisher, and because any attempt to derive fortune directly from your potential audience lowers the size of that audience dramatically, as the added cost encourages them to substitute other, free sources of content.
Free is a Stable Strategy
For a creator more interested in attention than income, free makes sense. In a regime where most of the participants are charging, freeing your content gives you a competitive advantage. And, as the drunks say, you can't fall off the floor. Anyone offering content free gains an advantage that can't be beaten, only matched, because the competitive answer to free -- "I'll pay you to read my weblog!" -- is unsupportable over the long haul.
Free content is thus what biologists call an evolutionarily stable strategy. It is a strategy that works well when no one else is using it -- it's good to be the only person offering free content. It's also a strategy that continues to work if everyone is using it, because in such an environment, anyone who begins charging for their work will be at a disadvantage. In a world of free content, even the moderate hassle of micropayments greatly damages user preference, and increases their willingness to accept free material as a substitute.
Furthermore, the competitive edge of free content is increasing. In the 90s, as the threat the Web posed to traditional publishers became obvious, it was widely believed that people would still pay for filtering. As the sheer volume of free content increased, the thinking went, finding the good stuff, even if it was free, would be worth paying for because it would be so hard to find.
In fact, the good stuff is becoming easier to find as the size of the system grows, not harder, because collaborative filters like Google and Technorati rely on rich link structure to sort through links. So offering free content is not just an evolutionary stable strategy, it is a strategy that improves with time, because the more free content there is the greater the advantage it has over for-fee content.
More http://shirky.com/writings/fame_vs_fortune.html
When the Recording Industry Association of America sued 261 people last week for sharing copyrighted songs over the Internet, it was a direct attack on Katie O'Hara's lifestyle.
O'Hara, a Boston University junior and classic-rock fan, illegally downloads music on her computer nearly every day. A new song on the radio might strike her fancy, or something she hasn't heard in years might pop into her head as she walks to class, and back in her dorm room she'll download the song off the Internet file-sharing service Kazaa.
If the record industry is to win the battle over online music-sharing, it will have to win the hearts and minds -- or at least the fear -- of students like O'Hara. But the day after the music lobby launched its headline-making lawsuit, O'Hara got up and did what she normally does: Download some free music.
"There are millions of students using it on a day-to-day basis. Think of BU's population," said O'Hara, a Paul Simon devotee. "If they're going to start suing people, there's a lot of people to be sued. I feel like it's a war they're really not going to win anytime soon."
About two-thirds of US 18- and 19-year-olds surveyed download music, according to a study by Forrester Research in Cambridge. Although they do not represent a majority of all file-sharers, college students have been at the center of the phenomenon since the beginning, a population with the time, bandwidth, and techno-savvy to influence the music-listening habits of the nation. After all, Napster -- the now-defunct computer network that put music-sharing on the map -- was created by a Northeastern undergraduate.
"The industry sees this for the cultural war that it is," said cyberlaw specialist Jonathan Zittrain of Harvard Law School. "They think it's important to prevent the up-and-coming generation of lifelong music users from continuing to expect they won't have to pay for it. The purpose of the suits is not to win, but to instill the kind of fear that will change behavior."
Data and interviews with college students suggest that so far, the recording industry hasn't instilled enough fear to have much effect. Traffic on the popular Kazaa network jumped from less than 3 million users a day in August to over 4 million a day last week, after students had returned to school, according to the market research firm BigChampagne.
It's hard for people even a few years out of college to grasp just how central file-sharing has become to university life. O'Hara is not the least bit unusual in that she has not purchased a CD in several years. Stereos have almost become old-fashioned -- you don't need one when you can simply hook up nice speakers to your computer. At parties, the music often comes straight off a computer, or else from mixes burned onto CDs.
There's an infectious feeling of possibility -- most any song is a few clicks away.
"It's download, download, download," said BU senior Lauren Vane. "You can spend all day thinking, `What song do I want?' "
Not to say that students are blind to the risk of a lawsuit. Three-fifths of 18- and 19-year-olds would stop downloading music if there were a serious risk that they would go to jail or have to pay a fine, according to the Forrester study. And the fines in question are potentially serious: Under copyright infringement law, a judge could order a file-sharer to pay $750 to $150,000 for each song he or she makes available to others on the Internet. The record industry association has said it is close to settling with several people for $3,000 each.
Universities, by and large, are not providing any legal protection for their students -- a number of local colleges have already been subpoenaed for the names of file-sharing students. Although BU, Boston College, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology initially resisted the subpoenas on technical grounds, they have since handed over the names.
The problem for the industry is that so far, students have looked at the risk of being sued and decided -- correctly -- that it is tiny. The hundreds sued represent a minuscule percentage of the 60 million people who are estimated to download music. Also, the industry is targeting only the most prolific file-sharers, those who leave their hard drives open for free downloading.
For users like O'Hara, the odds are in her favor: They're more likely to get hit by a bus than by a lawsuit.
That's why Marian Moore, vice president for information technology at Boston College, is unimpressed by the record industry's strategy. "It's like using a flyswatter on a gorilla," she said. "Unless they are willing to go out and subpoena a couple of million people, this isn't going to stop music sharing."
Some students take steps to stay under the industry radar. They download music illegally and then click a box to shut off their hard drives from other users. "Peer-to-peer" programs like the popular Kazaa, as well as Morpheus, Grokster, and Gnutella, generally give users a choice about whether to grant others access to their songs.
However, a lot of students may be sharing without even realizing it, since they usually have to go out of their way to disable the sharing function, Zittrain said. O'Hara, for example, isn't sure whether her music is available to others. Lorraine Sullivan, a student at Hunter College in New York who says she is being sued by the record industry association, has created a website (suedbytheriaa.com) that asks for donations and says she had no idea her files were "open to the world."
The industry hopes that students will all start to click that box, meaning that their song collections will no longer be available on the Internet for free.
But BigChampagne chief executive Eric Garland called it a doomed strategy, because American users are a minority of people using the global Net, so plenty of people in Australia -- or France, or Canada -- will still be sharing the latest 50 Cent tunes. "There's great redundancy built into the system," Garland said. "Even if most [Americans] got scared and turned off their software, you and I would never know the difference."
http://www.boston.com/news/local/ar...ustry_lawsuits/
Copyright suits don't faze local students - Coleman Warner Staff writer
"We don't steal music. It's illegal now," a Tulane University student with a sober expression said last week as he left a Broadway apartment house. "Nobody steals music in this house."
Maybe he had gotten the message: Two days earlier, a music trade group had filed 261 copyright lawsuits in distant federal courts.
Or maybe not.
The student's deadpan delivery was quickly betrayed by a round of snickers from his companions. Collectively, they scoffed at a much- publicized attempt by the Recording Industry Association of America to curb free downloading and distribution of music via the Internet, a phenomenon that has exploded in recent years among tech-savvy college students hooked into high- speed campus networks.
"It's like the war on drugs; it's a fruitless kind of endeavor," said Adam Breit, an economics major from Atlanta. "The Internet is too difficult to regulate. It's a bunch of faceless culprits."
Across the street, peering out the door of his fraternity house, business major Ben Katz had no sympathy for music executives who say file- sharing networks cut into their profits.
"If they really want to discourage it, they should stop charging like $22 for a CD," said Katz, who is from Boston. "There's tens of millions of people doing it. I guess I'll roll the dice."
Irreverent, come-and-get-me reactions among students contrast sharply with those of local college officials, who take the recording-industry threats quite seriously. They don't relish even a remote chance that their students could be hauled into court, forcing the students' families to spend large amounts of money on a legal defense, regardless of a suit's outcome.
No local students have been hit with such lawsuits, federal court records show.
Universities also want to be seen as vigilant in policing use of their own computer networks to minimize chances that they will be targeted for litigation. The recording industry association isn't threatening to sue schools, but at least 10 universities, mostly in the Northeast, have been served with subpoenas demanding help in identifying offenders. Some Louisiana universities regularly get notices from the trade organization that specific addresses on their computer network have been used to download music.
Bandwidth hogs
Aside from the legal concerns, colleges don't like how downloading music and video files gobbles up their Internet bandwidth, limiting their capacity to send and receive data. Such recreational computer use obstructs professors' research and other business vital to daily campus operations. That's the primary reason Dillard University has blocked communications between campus computers and known music file-sharing Web sites, university officials say.
"Our goal was not to take care of American recording artists' mandate," said Terry Simon, director of telecommunication services at Dillard. "If a byproduct is that we adhere to their guidelines, then so be it."
Despite a 2000 order by a federal court forcing Napster Inc. to shut down a free service that allowed swapping of copyright music, no court has yet ruled that song-trading among individuals is illegal, said Glynn Lunney, a professor of intellectual law at Tulane. He said the recording industry is probably less interested in a resolution of that complex legal question than it is in forcing a significant number of people to spend hundreds of thousands of dollars defending themselves, before settling out of court."Then they will tout the settlement as victory," he said.
"The very fact that they're trading music and video doesn't seem to sink in as a crime. These kids grew up doing it; their friends do it. And I think the music industry has its hands full," said Ron Hay, LSU's computer services director. "Are they reformed? My suspicion is that they are not."
Hay finds irony in the high-tech struggle: Universities that helped launch the Internet are now being forced to restrict its use.
"We're going to have to start closing rather than opening" Internet access, he said. "That's going to be a hard pill to swallow."
http://www.nola.com/news/t-p/index....20872168860.xml
The recording industry decided to get tough.
So it sent out its lawyers to find a diabolically clever criminal -- a 12-year-old. Then it filed a lawsuit against her for stealing music over the Internet.
Properly chastised, the pre-teen and her mother (who live in subsidized housing) bought "amnesty" from the multibillion-dollar industry for $2,000 and a promise not to copy anymore songs.
One down, 64,999,999 more lawsuits to go.
This is no way to do business.
Using the Internet to download digital music files has fundamentally changed the way an entire generation listens to and acquires songs. Instead of going to a record store and paying an inflated price for a plastic disc, those connected to the Internet visit online peer-to-peer (or P2P) networks and search out the music they crave. They download a song, burn it onto a disc or load it onto an MP3 player, then crank it up. Beyond minimal P2P and Internet fees, there is no other cost.
Sources put the number of people capable of downloading music in this way at between 40 million and 65 million. That's in the United States, not counting Australia, England, Canada and all the other nations where songs with English lyrics are appreciated.
The increasingly anachronistic music industry, through its lobbying group, the Recording Industry Association of America, has decided to go after these freeloading downloaders -- hence the 261 lawsuits filed last week.
Downloaders are outraged. Web sites such as www.boycott-RIAA.com are dedicated to beating this attack on "sharing." They have hundreds of postings from filesharers, testimonials from artists who embrace the emerging business paradigm and editorials excoriating the RIAA.
"This country revolves around greedy Congressmen and lobbyists," wrote one. "I'm never buying a CD, DVD or anything else."
"Should the laws stick around even though culture has evolved?" asks another writer. "Fine. Bring back slavery."
Finally, "Where was all the fuss during the time that the RIAA was price-gouging the public for the last 20 years? Odd, politicians didn't seem to care too much about that."
The recording industry, basically, calls downloaders thieves. After all, says the industry, they are stealing copyrighted property.
Under current law, the recording industry is right. Downloaders -- or filesharers, if you prefer -- are stealing. No one who uses Kazaa or Morpheus or another P2P can say they haven't been warned about the possibility of being sued.
But the RIAA shouldn't lose sight of two critical points:
Most of those "thieves" are also their best customers, often buying CDs after having heard a song or two via a filesharing site.
The world has changed and the music industry hasn't. To survive they will have to stop assaulting customers in court and find a way to harness the new technology to create profit. Napster, Kazaa and Morpheus figured it out and have at least 65 million fiercely loyal customers.
Regardless of the RIAA members' rights, it is impossible to have sympathy for the four companies (Sony, AOL-Time Warner, Universal and BMG) who dominate the recording industry.
Frank Sinatra didn't have any sympathy for them when he tried to organize artists to get a better deal in the 1960s. The Dixie Chicks -- who sold 20 million copies of their first two CDs (generating $175 million) -- have none. Dixie Chick Natalie Maines told "60 Minutes II" that they didn't make a penny off those sales. The Chicks sued Sony two years ago to force a better deal for their third CD. Don Henley (Eagles), Roger McGuinn (Byrds), Luther Vandross and Meatloaf have all either sued the record industry or testified about its abusive practices.
So when downloaders say they aren't hurting the artists by sharing the songs, they're essentially right.
In an effort to retrieve its customers, these companies lowered the prices of most CDs. That added insult to injury; they could have done that years ago when CD technology made producing discs far cheaper than making LPs. Instead, the price of discs went up and stayed there.
It's impossible for this newspaper to embrace anyone who disdains copyright laws. After all, this is a copyrighted editorial and not available for reprint without permission.
But the record companies are dinosaurs, mired in a dying technology. Instead of embracing the modern and finding a way to profit from it, they flail at their own customers. Don't expect that 12-year-old or anyone else to mourn if they fail.
http://www.modbee.com/opinion/story...p-8362855c.html
It's just about impossible to imagine a worse public relations campaign than the one being waged by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) in the nation's courtrooms.
One of the first victories scored against 261 alleged music pirates was a quick settlement by 12-year-old Brianna LaHara, an honor student who lives with her 9-year-old brother and single mother in a New York housing project. Brianna's mom, Sylvia Torres, testified that she had assumed that her daughter's paid subscription to the KaZaA service made her downloading perfectly legal.
On September 9, that assumption cost the nursing supervisor $2000 in fines, and cost Brianna a public apology for having downloaded songs like "If You're Happy and You Know It" and the theme to the television show Family Matters. A statement issued by the RIAA quoted Brianna as saying, "I am sorry for what I have done . . . I love music and don't want to hurt the artists I love." Prior to the settlement, she told reporters from the New York Daily News that her stomach was "all in knots."
A Washington, DC–based Internet music service trade association known as "P2P United" reportedly volunteered to pay the fines, relieving Ms. Torres of what would have been an immense financial burden and somewhat mitigating a sour public reaction to the RIAA's draconian legal tactics. An RIAA spokesman told the Los Angeles Times that the payment by P2P United was appropriate considering that "it was their members who induced her infringement in the first place." Adam Eisgrau, executive director of P2P United, stated, "Brianna and her mother shouldn't have to pay the price of the recording industry's consistent unwillingness to embrace new technology."
Despite the potential for damaging its already tarnished image, the RIAA went forth with the Brianna case to make its point for zero tolerance of downloading. Damage control will be nearly impossible. Litigation against children isn't popular even among the most ardent copyright supporters. "If you go after too many 12-year-old girls, you can alienate a lot of people," analyst Mike McGuire told the LA Times. Market researcher Phil Leigh commented that the RIAA settled quickly "to get her out of the headlines . . . . They don't want to be seen picking on children. She's not even a teenager."
The music industry is also going after folks at the other end of the age spectrum. On September 10, BBC News reported that Durwood Pickle, a 71-year-old Texas grandfather, was also caught in the RIAA's crosshairs—the result, he claims, of visits by his teenage grandchildren, who used his computer while they were at his home. Mr. Pickle told reporters he didn't understand why he was being targeted for something he hadn't done.
Defendants like Brianna LaHara and Durwood Pickle are exactly the sort of people that Senator Norman Coleman (R-MN) had hoped to protect with his inquiries into the RIAA's antipiracy campaign. "Someone has to take responsibility," responded RIAA president and general counsel Cary Sherman to accusations of heavy-handedness in the effort to contain the downloading epidemic. The RIAA's new CEO, Mitch Bainwol, reiterated that sentiment, saying his organization's goal was "to send a strong message that illegal distribution of copyrighted music has consequences."
Two unlikely consequences of the lawsuit blitz are resurgence in retail music sales and a decline in the popularity of downloading. A September 11 news analysis by the BBC claims that the RIAA's efforts to scare people away from peer-to-peer file sharing simply aren't working. Eric Garland, a spokesman for BigChampagne, a research firm that monitors peer-to-peer network activity, told the BBC that use of the Fast Track network, used by both Grokster and KaZaA, had increased following the avalanche of subpoenas launched by the RIAA in August. "There's no mass exodus, that's safe to say. Ironically, usage this week and this month is up," Garland stated.
Music fans aren't daunted by the RIAA, and some are beginning to fight back. Shortly after the Brianna LaHara case was settled, a Northern California man initiated his own countersuit against the music industry. On September 10, Eric Parke filed suit in Marin County Superior Court in San Rafael. In his suit, Parke seeks an injunction against the RIAA's "Clean Slate" amnesty program, and accuses the trade group of deceptive business practices in persuading consumers that recanting their file-sharing ways will protect them from future lawsuits. Clean Slate is a "misleading attempt to obtain admissions of copyright violations by individuals without giving individuals any meaningful benefit in return or any binding amnesty from suit," Parke told the San Francisco Chronicle. The 37-year-old mortgage broker told reporter Benny Evangelista that he had never downloaded, but initiated his suit out of conviction that "somebody had to stand up to the RIAA."
http://www.stereophile.com/shownews.cgi?1733
The best-selling "Chicago" movie soundtrack is available on CD starting at $13.86.
The actual movie, with the soundtrack songs included, of course, plus additional goodies ranging from deleted musical numbers to the director's interview and a "making-of" feature, can be had for precisely $2.12 more.
Therein lies the problem for a critically wounded music recording industry: The "Chicago" CD looks like a rip- off, and the DVD looks like a steal.
Nearly everything the record companies have done wrong in the age of downloading has been done right by the movie studios.
America's love for movies is stronger than ever, while the nation listens to music with smoldering resentment.
While movie companies escort happy customers to newly-installed recliner stadium seats, the music companies escort their biggest fans straight to the courthouse. There is only so much time for entertainment in a busy day, and people will spend their leisure where they meet the path of least resistance.
For every slight by the music world, there's a smarter parallel move by the cinema promoters:
Not until 20 years after the introduction of the CD in the United States did a record label announce across-the- board price cuts that acknowledged consumer anger at paying $19 for one decent Justin Timberlake song. Universal will now drop prices on many CDs to below $10, a breaking point many buyers seem to accept.
In contrast, the movie studios saw the threat from pay-per-view cable and satellite in 1997, when DVDs first arrived here, and slashed prices immediately. DVDs started between $19 and $24; today hundreds of great titles are available in the $10 range. With "Pirates of the Caribbean" still taking in great business in theaters, a two-disc DVD version will arrive before Christmas for $18.
People listen to the average CD many more times than they watch a DVD. Yet CDs are languishing in stores and DVDs are flying off the shelves. How to see this other than sheer music industry incompetence?
Music companies stood by while one of their primary conduits to the public, radio stations, consolidated and grew numbingly homogenized. The variety of music stations offered to the public shrank drastically. Many listeners in their 30s and 40s gave up on trying new material.
In the 1990s, the movie industry increased its product outlets across a wide range of styles. Multiplexes overbuilt to the point of bankruptcy, but the result for the consumer was convenient playing times and a near disappearance of daunting ticket lines.
Art houses expanded screens in many cities, providing venues for truly obscure intellectual adventures as well as extended runs for word-of-mouth hits not big enough for the 'plexes. Thus you can still see megahit "Bruce Almighty" for a buck or the acquired taste of "Winged Migration" three months after it opened.
Movies operate largely from the same why-fix-if-it-ain't-broke box office.
The concert business has Ticketmaster. Enough said.
Threatened over the past decade by various forms of piracy, the movie industry chose to go after profiteering international crime rings while letting the local cable companies take on illicit home descramblers with low- key enforcement action.
The record labels, not satisfied with infuriating a younger generation with high prices and legal threats, is now enraging clueless middle-aged parents forced to pay $3,000 to $15,000 settlements over individual downloading lawsuits. Record companies pursued an act of Congress for the right to invade the privacy of Internet companies and customers in search of burners' personal information. For good measure, the labels forced a New York 12-year-old to pay a $2,000 fine, taking customer relations to a new level.
Through a combination of intelligent design, lucky accident and the good sense to follow the consumer's lead, movie companies settled on the VHS video format for 25 years before gently introducing a DVD alternative. It then let the DVD win out by making it more attractive rather than cynically undercutting VHS. The minor distractions of laser disc and Beta video, which could have irritated consumers if allowed to fester, were dumped.
But the music industry instead allowed format changes to drive its business model.
The CD format saved the business for 20 years because consumers had little choice but to replace vinyl or tape copies with CDs to keep their libraries relevant. CD makers knew they were borrowing from the future the day the last Bob Seger 8-track gave way to a new CD, but did nothing to expand their market on radio or among new buyers.
Even the blank CD formats are mired in confusing infighting over CD-R and CD-RW. Many store-bought CDs can't play in computers or other older components. Mini-disc, anyone?
Record label missteps are legion. But solutions are at hand: Let go of whole-disc sales and create a dollar-per- song online service as good as Apple iTunes. Make it universally available, with all the independents signed up.
Bring Ticketmaster to heel and make live music accessible and fun again. Allow file sharing for a $50 to $100 annual license. Woo 40-year-old buyers as if they were 16.
Most of all, spend less on lawyers and more on creative thinkers. You can't subpoena success.
http://www.denverpost.com/Stories/0...626541,00.html#
Since every penny I earn depends on copyright protection, I'm all in favor of reasonable laws to do the job.
But there's something kind of sad about the recording industry's indecent passion to punish the "criminals" who are violating their rights.
Copyright is a temporary monopoly granted by the government -- it creates the legal fiction that a piece of writing or composing (or, as technologies were created, a recorded performance) is property and can only be sold by those who have been licensed to do so by the copyright holder.
Without copyright, once a work was performed or printed, other people who saw or heard or read it could simply do their own performance or print their own editions, and keep all the money without paying a dime to the creator of the work.
At the same time, a book or song isn't land or even corporate stock. In exchange for the private monopoly of copyright, when it expires the work is then free for anyone to perform or print or record.
Until 1978, copyright only lasted 52 years in the U.S. -- and then only if you remembered to renew it. There were other technical lapses that could result in the inadvertent loss of copyright -- it wasn't really user-friendly.
And the most obnoxious feature of the law was that some authors outlived their copyright. Their most popular works would go into public domain while they were still alive and counting on the income. It's like revoking someone's Social Security at age 72, just because they had the temerity not to die when demographics predicted they would.
Since 1978, the law was changed so that copyright lasted until a certain number of years after the author's death. So not only did the author never outlive the copyright, but the author's dependents could continue to derive income from it for some time.
Also, copyright began, not when the work was listed with the Library of Congress, but rather from the moment of creation.
But there were loopholes. If you wrote something as an employee of a company that paid you a salary for creating it, then your writing was a "work made for hire" and the copyright belonged to the company. You had no rights.
Here's where the ugly stuff begins. A lot of publishers began routinely requiring writers to sign contracts that declared that what they wrote was a "work for hire," so that the authors wouldn't own any part of their own work. Of course the companies didn't actually hire the writers and give them benefits, like real employees. It was basically highway robbery -- the companies demanded that either the writers sign their names to a lie and give up all their rights, or the company wouldn't publish it.
Only a few of us were stubborn enough to refuse to sign work for hire contracts. It was an expensive moral quibble, but I have real objections to perjuring myself and pretending that I was hired by a company when in fact I never was. If I took all the risks and wrote something on spec, then the copyright should belong to me. I'd license them to do whatever was needed, but I wouldn't, in effect, declare them to be the author of my work.
So it's pretty hilarious to hear record company executives and movie studio executives get all righteous about copyright. They've been manipulating copyright laws for years, and all the manipulations were designed to steal everything they could from the actual creators of the work.
Do you think these companies care about the money that the actual creators of the work are being deprived of when people copy CDs and DVDs?
Here's a clue: Movie studios have, for decades, used "creative accounting" to make it so that even hit movies never manage to break even, thus depriving the creative people of their "percentage of profits." A few have dared to sue, but most figure that it isn't worth the ill will. (The sentence "You'll never work in this town again" runs through their minds. They remember what happened to Cliff Robertson after he blew the whistle on an executive who was flat-out embezzling!)
And record companies manage to skim enormous amounts of money from ever CD sold. As you can easily calculate by going to the computer store and figuring out the price of an individual recordable blank CD. Figure that the record companies have been paying a fraction of that price for years. Then subtract that from the price of a CD. Figure the songwriters and performers are getting some ludicrously small percentage -- less than twenty percent, I'd bet -- and all the rest flows to the record company.
In other words, the people complaining about all the internet "thieves" are, by any reasonable measure, rapacious profiteers who have been parasitically sucking the blood out of copyrights on other people's work.
And I say this with the best will in the world. In fact, these companies have expenses. There are salaries to pay. Some of the salaries are earned.
But remember that huge fortunes like, say, David Geffen's were made by getting ownership of record publishing companies. Count on it -- Geffen got a lot richer than any but a handful of the actual performers. And when their careers are over, the record company owner keeps right on earning.
Not only that, but the digital technologies that allow perfect-quality copying came as a huge windfall to the studios and record companies.
I basically replaced all my vinyl records and cassette tapes with CDs, and then replaced all our VHS tapes and laserdiscs with DVDs. The record companies and studios would have laughed if somebody said, "This is just an upgrade. I should be able to turn in my vinyl and cassettes for CDs and my videotapes for DVDs, for no more than the actual cost of production." Ha ha ha ha ha.
In all the ridiculously overblown "estimates" of how much the studios and record companies are "losing" from "piracy," nobody bothers to calculate just how much extra money they made from consumers paying full price for music and movies they had already paid full price for only a few years before.
That's all right, you see, because that helps the companies' bottom line, whereas piracy hurts it.
But how much?
http://www.ornery.org/essays/warwatch/2003-09-07-1.html
File sharing may not be so legal in Canada after all. - Shawn Abel and Ryan Black
There have been some articles circulating lately on the web which proclaim that file-sharing is legal in Canada. In addition, in the last few days I've seen several references to the latter article in slashdot commentary. I and a fellow law student have become concerned with the effect these articles might have, because in our opinion file-sharing is certainly not legal in Canada, and constitutes infringement that could get you successfully sued. As much as we would love to be able to share music freely, we don't want other Canadians who use p2p apps to increase their exposure to lawsuits because they think they're immune to legal repercussions. When you use p2p apps, please do so knowing that you're still at some risk. We have been in detailed discussion with Jay Currie, author of the techstation article, and this is what we have concluded. And before I get into it, let me say that this is our opinion, but is not legal advice. We are not your lawyers.
To begin with, it is, of course, infringement to make a copy of a copyrighted sound recording in any reproducible format. Data files like mp3s are considered sound recordings the same way that a track on a CD is.
Canada has a relatively unique provision in the Copyright Act, at s. 80, which provides:
80. (1) Subject to subsection (2), the act of reproducing all or any substantial part of
(a) a musical work embodied in a sound recording,
(b) a performer's performance of a musical work embodied in a sound recording, or(br> (c) a sound recording in which a musical work, or a performer's performance of a musical work, is embodied onto an audio recording medium for the private use of the person who makes the copy does not constitute an infringement of the copyright in the musical work, the performer's performance or the sound recording.
The key words here are "for the private use of the person who makes the copy". This means that you may make a copy of any sound recording and use it yourself. You may copy a friend's cd, or you may download music, and listen to it yourself. All of these activities are exempted from infringement.
In contrast, the following activites are not exempted by s. 80. You may not copy a cd or rip an mp3 and give it to anyone else. You may not send an mp3 to a friend over the net, because a copy is made in that process. You may not file share (or upload) over the internet without infringing. This last infringement is due to the nature of p2p file-sharing.
When a person requests a file over a p2p network, like Kazaa, the network sends out requests to the effect of, "Hey, Mr. X is looking for song Y, do you have a copy?" Your computer has results, and sends the information back through the network to Mr. X. Mr. X, seeing the result, decides to download it. He sends a request to your computer for the file. Here's what's key: he does not log onto your computer, make a copy of Song Y, and send it back. Your computer receives the request for Song Y, and then your computer makes the copy by reading the information off of your hard drive and transmits it to him. He now has a copy (which he downloaded, but most importantly, _you_ uploaded simultaneously), as do you.
Thus, whenever someone downloads from your computer, your computer makes a copy for their use. This is infringement with no exemption, because you are entirely responsible for what your computer does. Some have argued that, at least while you are away from your computer, you are not responsible for someone downloading from it. This would only be valid if (a) that person had complete control over your computer and (b) it was private control, rather than public (because only private copying avoids infringement). Complete control would mean physical control, usually, but also might mean full remote access. However, access to some of your files through an application that you, yourself, chose to execute would fall far short of relinquishing control of your computer, even if you turned on the p2p app and left the room. In addition, even if someone had full remote access of your computer, if that access was from outside your "domestic setting" (as the Copyright Board defines it) it would fall under "public" rather than "private" copying. Strangers over a p2p network fall outside your domestic setting. Therefore, when it comes to p2p applications, you are considered responsible for your computer's actions.
One important point of all this is that so long as you use a p2p application with sharing turned off, you cannot infringe copyright with that application. That's an imperfect solution, of course, because some of us need to share so that the system works. It's also worth noting that the RIAA has chosen only to sue "supernode" users in the US. If you are not a supernode, and if you share small amounts of material, you probably won't attract attention. It's the big sharers who are on the hook.
There are other reasons as well that file sharing is infringement, which I will canvas briefly: Offering your files on a p2p network is "public" rather than "private" copying, for two reasons. First, because sharing on a p2p network is allowing the public, in the common sense meaning of the word, to access your files. Second, because the Copyright Board has defined "to the public" as something intended to reach more than one person outside your domestic setting. Any public copying is of course not protected under the private copying provision in s. 80.
In short, when we share our files, we infringe copyright each time someone downloads from us on a p2p app, and we can't avail ourselves of the private copying provision in the Act. We are only safe in downloading. I hope that the Act is updated once again to give us some relief for sharing music through the medium of the internet (although full-on p2p file-sharing will probably always be considered infringment, it would be nice if at least ftp'ing music on a private scale would be legal).
We hope this article serves as a helpful and useful warning to fellow Canadians. Stand on Guard, Canucks.
Pawlo's comment: Please be advised that this is an anonymous (more or less) reader submission and the legal analysis has not been reviewed by the Greplaw staff. If you need help understanding your rights, I advise that you consult an attorney who is versed in the field.
http://grep.law.harvard.edu/article...233&mode=thread
The Recording Industry Association of America's right to pursue a heavy handed legal attack on music pirates. Stealing is stealing, whether it's breaking into a home or downloading a file on the Internet.
No, the RIAA is arbitrarily suing the very people it should be courting and is failing to adapt to a new era of digitally delivered services.
The music piracy controversy is splitting newspaper editorial boards and opinion writers around those two arguments. Here's a sampling:
An editorial in the Detroit Free Press last week blasted the RIAA suits, saying "the music industry just doesn't seem to get it when dealing with its largely youthful audience. The youngest among them were practically born online. And online is where you reach them -- not where you hunt them down with lawsuits and half-baked 'amnesty' offers, as the Recording Industry Association of America started doing this week. ... People who want to do the right thing -- make sure artists are paid -- certainly hope for a cyber-solution. Somewhere between spending $13-plus per CD, when you want only one song, and worrying that the industry will sue you for sampling and swapping, the answer should be found online -- not in court." • Detroit Free Press Editorial: Online Music -- Industry Should Find Better Solution Than Lawsuits
The Modesto Bee in California also took issue with the RIAA's lawsuit brigade: "The recording industry, basically, calls downloaders thieves. After all, says the industry, they are stealing copyrighted property. Under current law, the recording industry is right. Downloaders -- or filesharers, if you prefer -- are stealing. No one who uses Kazaa or Morpheus or another P2P can say they haven't been warned about the possibility of being sued. But the RIAA shouldn't lose sight of two critical points: Most of those 'thieves' are also their best customers, often buying CDs after having heard a song or two via a filesharing site. The world has changed and the music industry hasn't. To survive they will have to stop assaulting customers in court and find a way to harness the new technology to create profit. Napster, Kazaa and Morpheus figured it out and have at least 65 million fiercely loyal customers." • Modesto Bee Editorial: Pirates Vs. Dinosaurs
But Mike Langberg of The San Jose Mercury News writes today that the RIAA's legal moves are "absolutely necessary." Langberg: "Internet apologists, who seem to believe the most basic rules of right and wrong don't apply to online activity, are appalled. Not me. Property, whether it's your house or the copyright on a song, deserves to be protected by law. Anyone who takes someone else's property without permission must face the possibility of real punishment." • San Jose Mercury News's Mike Langberg: Record Companies Are Right to Sue Over Greedy Music Downloading
A Montana newspaper, The Missoulian, also sided with the RIAA in an editorial on Friday. "Do you think the neighbor kids should be able to waltz into your house and steal your stuff? Do you think shoplifters are entitled to take what they can carry out of a department store? Should your broker be able to skim money from your investment portfolio for his personal use? Well, of course not. So, what's all the uproar over the recording industry's filing lawsuits to stop thieves from pirating music over the Internet?," the paper wrote. • Missoulian Editorial: Recorded Music Is Free Only To Thieves
A New York Times editorial from last week offered a more balanced assessment of the music industry's legal war against piracy. The editorial argued that the RIAA is "right to aggressively pursue people, even minors, who steal their products, but that alone will not solve their problems. They need to change how they do business, and fast, if they want to survive in the 21st century." The newspaper concluded that "[t]he only way for the industry to defend itself is to litigate hard, and publicly, against the copyright infringers. But it also needs to adapt to the times. Consumers do not want to pay $18 or $19 for a single CD, a steep price in absolute terms and when compared with other forms of entertainment, like DVD's, which offer more bang for the buck. Universal Music Group's recent decision to reduce prices as much as 30 percent stands as an example for other companies to follow. The industry also needs to improve its technology. File swappers get their music online not only because it is free, but also because it is convenient. Consumers want to get the music they want in their homes, immediately, and they don't want to be forced to buy a whole CD to get a song they like. Online music stores, which keep prices down by eliminating CD's, packaging, delivery and bricks-and-mortar stores, are the wave of the future." • New York Times Editorial: Suing Music Downloaders (Registration required)
The Consequences of the RIAA Suits
While a number of musicians have quietly cheered the music industry's moves, some artists are worried that the sweep of lawsuits will alienate their fans, The New York Times wrote in an article on Sunday. "It would be nice if record companies would include artists on these decisions," Deborah Harry of Blondie told the newspaper, "adding that when a grandfather is sued because, unbeknownst to him, his grandchildren are downloading songs on his computer, 'it's embarrassing.'"
The singer Moby wrote about the debate on his Web site: "The record companies should approach that 14-year-old and say: 'Hey, it's great that you love music. Instead of downloading music for free, why don't you try this very inexpensive service that will enable you to listen to a lot of music and also have access to unreleased tracks and ticket discounts and free merchandise?'"
But the Times piece makes clear that artists have serious concerns about the release of their work online: "For some of them, the problem with file sharing is control. Before a CD is released, early versions of the songs often end up on file-sharing services, where fans download the music under the misconception that it is the finished product. Other times, songs online by one act are credited to another act. And fans exchange studio outtakes, unreleased songs, and live performances that some artists would prefer remain unheard." • The New York Times: File-Sharing Battle Leaves Musicians Caught In The Middle (Registration required)
Meanwhile, in a separate article today, The New York Times reports that the RIAA's moves could backfire and create an anonymous black market of sorts for illegal file swapping. The Times said "hundreds of software developers are racing to create new systems, or modify existing ones, to let people continue to swap music -- hidden from the prying eyes of the [RIAA], or from any other investigators. ... Some experts wonder if the industry's efforts will create more trouble for it than ever. 'The RIAA is breeding antibiotic-resistant bacteria,' said Clay Shirky, a software developer who teaches new media at New York University." • The New York Times: Crackdown May Send Music Traders Into Software Underground (Registration required)
The Associated Press noted in an article that while the RIAA may have a hard time collecting damages on its lawsuits since so many of the defendants are minors. Even though experts quoted in the articles said the RIAA has a good case against defendants who refuse to settle the charges, "proving a parent's liability for a child's activity is much harder, said Jonathan Zittrain, codirector of the Berkman Center for Internet and Society at Harvard Law School. 'And in general, if you win an action against a kid, you don't get to collect against the parent,' Zittrain said." • The Associated Press via The Philadelphia Inquirer: Song-Swap Suits May Face An Obstacle
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dy...-2003Sep15.html
Move over Dr Atkins. In 2004 the late doctor's low carb/high protein Diet Revolution is being overthrown by a younger, sexier weight-loss programme - The South Beach Diet. Penned by cardiologist Dr Arthur Agatston, The South Beach Diet - comprehensively subtitled The Delicious, Doctor-Designed Foolproof Plan for Fast and Healthy Weight Loss - has already usurped Atkins at the top of the New York Times best-seller list. The paperback hit UK bookstores in December and claims weight loss of 8 to 13 pounds within a fortnight.
Bill and Hillary Clinton are the poster boy and girl of South Beach, with New York magazine reporting Clinton's claim that "all his Hollywood friends" were converts. The powerful Democratic troika Barbra Streisand, Oprah Winfrey and Donna Karan are all said to subscribe. Kim Sex and the City Cattrall is a South Beacher (amongst other things).
New weight loss regimes are as vulnerable to deposition as a South American dictator. Dr Atkins, however, was a Juan Peron of diet dictators. His Diet Revolution was first published in the 1970s but didn't gain worldwide acclaim until just before his death in 2002. To date, over 10 million copies have been sold and lollipop ladies Renée Zellweger, Jennifer Aniston and Geri Halliwell have all credited their dress-size-in-minus-numbers to the good doctor.
Whether beautiful genes, personal trainers and live-in dieticians or Atkins are responsible is a moot point. But celebrity endorsement gave the Atkins diet legs and it's only a matter of time before Hollywood royalty migrates to South Beach. After all, these are the people who change their lifestyle regime as often as their red-carpet outfits.
Nobody disputes that Atkins' no-carbohydrates diet was a ruthlessly efficient catalyst to dropping a dress size. The exorcism of carbohydrate-rich potatoes, pasta, rice and bread ("a junk food" according to Dr A) in favour of oodles of protein-rich, high-fat cheese, steak and butter seemed like Nirvana compared to a SlimFast shake.
But it also happened to give one breath like the bottom of a Labrador's basket and potentially increased risk of heart disease, stroke, colon cancer, osteoporosis and kidney damage.
"The major problem I have with the Atkins Diet is the liberal intake of saturated fats", says Dr Agatston in the introduction to The South Beach Diet. "Eating a meal that's high in saturated fat can trigger a heart attack ... This is why we have strongly encouraged the right fats in the South Beach Diet." Whereas Atkins demonised carbohydrates, South Beach is neither low carb nor low fat. Instead there's a Good-Carb/Bad-Carb routine combined with an equally moderate balance of protein and fat.
"South Beach is really designed for the tummy area', says LA-based beauty guru Linda Silver, creator of the Roy male grooming collection. "I did it and it really works. I lost 14 pounds in two weeks and better than that I had no desire for sugar, bread or carbs. It works and I'm glad I answered your question before I headed into the kitchen for lox and bagels. You really only have to sacrifice for two weeks and the weight loss is immediate." Endorsements of this ilk are doing the rounds on the cocktail circuit from Miami and Manhattan to Beverly Hills.
Targeting the stomach area is the dieter's equivalent of a direct hit. Dieting without feeling hunger pangs as Agatston promises and Atkins delivered is a Slam Dunk. Agatston's approach is less controversial than Atkins. Just as George Dubya oversimplified global conflict by divvying up the atlas between Good Guys (Americans) and Bad Guys (Arabs), so Dr Agatston divides food groups with the latest buzzwords of the world's diet tribes: The Glycaemic Index.
GI is the latest nutribabble that grades foods on the rate they raise blood sugar levels. Sugar rush (High GI) foods such as white bread, Coca Cola, mashed potato, sweetcorn, bananas and white rice are Bad Guys. Slow-burning (Low GI) foods like oily fish, chicken breast, coffee, apples, milk, muesli and chickpeas are Good Guys.
The South Beach is appealing because it ostensibly denies you nothing and encourages such dietary sacrilege as eating until you're full and snacking in between meals. Alcohol is permitted as is tea and coffee. Of course there's a catch: a banana peel upon which most quick fix dieters will fall. This is the success rate of the initial Phase 1 of the programme. For two weeks Agatston DOES cut all carbohydrates, alcohol, fruit and dairy to cleanse the body's intake of bad carbs. Democratic deployment of good carbs comes later.
Despite Agatston saying one can gobble as much salad as you like (as long as you lay off the pies), this phase of the South Beach is no less draconian than Weight Watchers' points counting. One can't help but lose weight if one cuts out processed food, fat, carbohydrates and alcohol. Cynics claim that it's water rather than fat loss that makes Agatston's one stone in a fortnight promise work.
The trouble starts when the good carbs are reintroduced after this purging period in Phase 2. White rice, pasta, bread and potatoes, bananas, fruit juice, pineapple, carrots and corn are still out but the temptation is to overcompensate for the fortnight of deprivation. Agatston recommends staying on Phase 2 until target weight is achieved which could mean a severely restricted palette for as long as it takes. Once achieved, Phase 3 is for the rest of your life.
All dieticians understand that overweight people want to see results and fast. Unless they've gone from Kathy Bates to Mena Suvari by February, they move onto the next fad. Not coincidentally, the South Beach Diet's initial two-week purge will gobble body fat as surely as does the Cabbage Soup diet endorsed by Elizabeth Hurley.
It doesn't take a genius to surmise that if you brew up a vat of cabbage soup and drink it exclusively then the pounds tumble like Miss Hurley's credibility as an actress. A packet of Marlboro Lights would be just as effective. Dr Agatston scores points because he emphasises health as much as aesthetics. Fasting and/or eating raw vegetables exclusively may be marvellous for the internal organs but both tend to destroy the soul.
"It's a diet truism that you can't lose in a day what took you years to put on," says Agatston in his chapter "Why do people fail on the South Beach Diet?" Hence the overriding tone of South Beach is evangelical tinged with AA-meeting rhetoric. Dieting is not dissimilar to Alcoholics Anonymous. You get with the programme and you stay with it for life. It's a discipline few people can exercise after the initial burst of drop a dress size cheerleading.
With around 60 percent of Americans somewhere between Ricki Lake and The Hindenberg, it's tempting to arch a collective eyebrow and wonder whether yet another miracle diet can change the shape of a nation. Won't South Beach go the same way as all the other fad diets of Christmas past like the Scarsdale, F-Plan, Grapefruit, Hay and Blood Group diets?
The South Beach Diet's trump card is combining medical research - here comes the science part - alongside good old fashioned vanity. Like Crème de la Mer, the miracle moisturiser originally formulated to treat severe burns, The South Beach Diet has morphed from its medical beginnings. Dr Agatston created TSB as a complementary nutrition programme for his cardiology patients.
The messianic Dr Agatston, now associate professor of medicine at the University of Miami medical school, claims "My concern was not with my patients' appearance, of course; I wanted to find a diet that would help prevent or reverse the myriad heart and vascular problems that stem from obesity."
The irony that a diet would emanate from Miami, the "Mecca of physical beauty and body consciousness", is not lost on Dr Agatston. But it didn't prevent him giving his programme the glamorous South Beach moniker. The Perky Aorta Diet wouldn't play so well on Oprah's Book Club.
Before we wallow in a morass of British cynicism, it is worth stating that Dr Agatston's South Beach formula is a common sense eating plan albeit dressed up as a sexy new bestseller. It doesn't advocate wallowing in fat (Atkins), risking a swoon (Cabbage Soup) or meaningless nutribabble (Metabolic Typing and Blood Group Dieting).
"South Beach is not as bizarre as Atkins", said Catherine Collins of the British Dietetic Association when the diet was unveiled in the UK. She warns "These diets assume that a steady blood sugar level stops overeating but cravings are only one reason we eat too much."
Just as another lonely evening in front of Eastenders can tempt an alcoholic (or anyone) to lift the elbow, so carbohydrates, fats and sugars can sing their siren song when we're feeling bored, insecure or lonely rather than just greedy for a sugar rush. Fat is not just a physical issue. As anyone who's tried and failed to give up smoking will tell you, the mental addiction is titanic and the physical merely a tug boat.
The world would be a kinder place and diet gurus would be out of a job should the Rubenesque figure be as celebrated today as it was in the 18th century. But it just so happens that the 21st century sees fat as Jerry Springer-esque - ergo rather common and incontinent - while emaciated teenagers on catwalks are icons of youth and beauty.
It's going to take more than a fat lady like Michelle singing on Pop Idol to shift our ideal of the perfect human form and I could bet my South Beach abdominals that the lady will lose a considerable amount of weight before she shoots her first video. For every Michelle there's a Marjorie Dawes taking the piss out of lardy Brits. Undoubtedly South Beach could indeed help Michelle lose a stone and potentially change her life. Whether weight loss changes anyone's life for the better is a whole other story.
In the same decision, the Copyright Board of Canada imposed a government fee of as much as $25 on iPod-like MP3 players, putting the devices in the same category as audio tapes and blank CDs. The money collected from levies on "recording mediums" goes into a fund to pay musicians and songwriters for revenues lost from consumers' personal copying. Manufacturers are responsible for paying the fees and often pass the cost on to consumers.
The peer-to-peer component of the decision was prompted by questions from consumer and entertainment groups about ambiguous elements of Canadian law. Previously, most analysts had said uploading was illegal but that downloading for personal use might be allowed.
"As far as computer hard drives are concerned, we say that for the time being, it is still legal," said Claude Majeau, secretary general of the Copyright Board.
The decision is likely to ruffle feathers on many sides, from consumer-electronics sellers worried about declining sales to international entertainment companies worried about the spread of peer-to-peer networks.
Copyright holder groups such as the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) had already been critical of Canada's copyright laws, in large part because the country has not instituted provisions similar to those found in the U.S. Digital Millennium Copyright Act. One portion of that law makes it illegal to break, or to distribute tools for breaking, digital copy protection mechanisms, such as the technology used to protect DVDs from piracy.
A lawyer for the Canadian record industry's trade association said the group still believed downloading was illegal, despite the decision.
"Our position is that under Canadian law, downloading is also prohibited," said Richard Pfohl, general counsel for the Canadian Recording Industry Association. "This is the opinion of the Copyright Board, but Canadian courts will decide this issue."
In its decision Friday, the Copyright Board said uploading or distributing copyrighted works online appeared to be prohibited under current Canadian law.
However, the country's copyright law does allow making a copy for personal use and does not address the source of that copy or whether the original has to be an authorized or noninfringing version, the board said.
Under those laws, certain media are designated as appropriate for making personal copies of music, and producers pay a per-unit fee into a pool designed to compensate musicians and songwriters. Most audio tapes and CDs, and now MP3 players, are included in that category. Other mediums, such as DVDs, are not deemed appropriate for personal copying.
Computer hard drives have never been reviewed under that provision, however. In its decision Friday, the board decided to allow personal copies on a hard drive until a fee ruling is made specifically on that medium or until the courts or legislature tell regulators to rule otherwise.
"Until such time, as a decision is made on hard drives, for the time being, (we are ruling) in favor of consumers," Majeau said.
Legal analysts said that courts would likely rule on the file-swapping issue later, despite Friday's opinion.
"I think it is pretty significant," Michael Geist, a law professor at the University of Ottawa, said. "It's not that the issue is resolved...I think that sooner or later, courts will sound off on the issue. But one thing they will take into consideration is the Copyright Board ruling."
Friday's decision will also impose a substantial surcharge on hard drive-based music players such as Apple Computer's iPod or the new Samsung Napster player for the first time. MP3 players with up to 10GB of memory will have an added levy of $15 added to their price, while larger players will see $25 added on top of the wholesale price.
MP3 players with less than 1GB of memory will have only a $2 surcharge added to their cost.
With a population of about 31 million people, Canada is approximately one-tenth the size of the United States. But Canadians are relatively heavy users of high-speed Internet connections, which make it easy to download music files. About 4.1 million Canadians were using a broadband connection at home as of the end of June 2003, according to U.K.-based research firm Point Topic. By comparison, U.S. cable and DSL (digital subscriber line) subscribers totaled 22.7 million at the end of September, according to Leichtman Research Group.
Canada has already raised the hackles of some copyright holders through its reluctance to enact measures that significantly expand digital copyright protection, as the controversial Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA) has done in the United States. As a result, Canada could become a model for countries seeking to find a balance between protecting copyright holders' rights and providing consumers with more liberal rights to copyrighted works. For now, it remains unclear how other countries might be influenced by Friday's ruling.
Geist said he believes the tariff decision could be just the tip of the iceberg for hardware makers, as Canadian regulators grapple with the full implications of the policy. Other devices, including PCs, may eventually be brought under the tariff scheme, he predicted.
"Given that they've made a strong stand on (peer-to-peer matters), if the policy remains the same, there's little choice but to move ahead on personal computers," Geist said.
However, a representative of the Canadian Private Copying Collective (CPCC), the group of music copyright holders that typically petitions for new media types to be added to the list, said computers were not on its agenda.
"We have never sought a levy on computer hard drives and do not intend to do so in the future," Lucie Beaucheni, vice chair of the CPCC, said.
"On March 19, 1998, Part VIII of the (Canadian) Copyright Act dealing with private copying came into force. Until that time, copying any sound recording for almost any purpose infringed copyright, although, in practice, the prohibition was largely unenforceable. The amendment to the Act legalized copying of sound recordings of musical works onto audio recording media for the private use of the person who makes the copy (referred to as "private copying"). In addition, the amendment made provision for the imposition of a levy on blank audio recording media to compensate authors, performers and makers who own copyright in eligible sound recordings being copied for private use."
-- Copyright Board of Canada: Fact Sheet: Private Copying 1999-2000 Decision
The Copyright Board of Canada administers the Copyright Act and sets the amount of the levies on blank recording media and determines which media will have levies imposed. Five years ago this seemed like a pretty good deal for the music industry: $0.77 CDN for a blank CD and .29 a blank tape, whether used for recording music or not. Found money for the music moguls who had been pretty disturbed that some of their product was being burned onto CDs. To date over 70 million dollars has been collected through the levy and there is a good possibility the levy will be raised and extended to MP3 players, flash memory cards and recordable DVDs sometime in 2003.
While hardware vendors whine about the levy, consumers seem fairly indifferent. Why? Arguably because the levy is fairly invisible - just another tax in an overtaxed country. And because it makes copying music legal in Canada.
A year before Shawn Fanning invented Napster, these amendments to Canada's Copyright Act were passed with earnest lobbying from the music business. The amendments were really about home taping. The rather cumbersome process of ripping a CD and then burning a copy was included as afterthought to deal with this acme of the digital revolution. The drafters and the music industry lobbyists never imagined full-on P2P access.
As the RIAA wages its increasingly desperate campaign of litigation in terrorum to try to take down the largest American file sharers on the various P2P networks, it seems to be utterly unaware of the radically different status of private copying in Canada.
This is a fatal oversight, because P2P networks are international. While the Digital Millennium Copyright Act may make it illegal to share copyright material in America, the Canadian Copyright Act expressly allows exactly the sort of copying which is at the base of the P2P revolution.
In fact, you could not have designed a law which more perfectly captures the peer to peer process. "Private copying" is a term of art in the Act. In Canada, if I own a CD and you borrow it and make a copy of it that is legal private copying; however, if I make you a copy of that same CD and give it to you that would be infringement. Odd, but ideal for protecting file sharers.
Every song on my hard drive comes from a CD in my collection or from a CD in someone else's collection which I have found on a P2P network. In either case I will have made the copy and will claim safe harbor under the "private copying" provision. If you find that song in my shared folder and make a copy this will also be "private copying." I have not made you a copy, rather you have downloaded the song yourself.
The premise of the RIAA's litigation is to go after the "supernodes," the people who have thousands, even tens of thousands of songs on their drives and whose big bandwidth allows massive sharing. The music biz has had some success bringing infringement claims under the DMCA. Critically, that success and the success of the current campaign hinges on it being a violation of the law to "share" music. At this point, in the United States, that is a legally contested question and that contest may take several years to fully play out in the Courts.
RIAA spokesperson Amanda Collins seemed unaware of the situation in Canada. "Our goal is deterrence. We are focused on uploaders in the US. Filing lawsuits against individuals making files available in the US."
Which will be a colossal waste of time because in Canada it is expressly legal to share music. If the RIAA were to somehow succeed in shutting down every "supernode" in America all this would do is transfer the traffic to the millions of file sharers in Canada. And, as 50% of Canadians on the net have broadband (as compared to 20% of Americans) Canadian file sharers are likely to be able to meet the demand.
The Canada Hole in the RIAA's strategic thinking is not likely to close. While Canadians are not very keen about seeing the copyright levy extended to other media or increased, there is not much political traction in the issue. There is no political interest at all in revisiting the Copyright Act. Any lobbying attempt by the RIAA to change the copyright rules in Canada would be met with a howl of anger from nationalist Canadians who are not willing to further reduce Canada's sovereignty. (These folks are still trying to get over NAFTA.)
Nor are there any plausible technical fixes short of banning any connections from American internet users to servers located in Canada.
As the RIAA's "sue your customer" campaign begins to run into stiffening opposition and serious procedural obstacles it may be time to think about a "Plan B". A small levy on storage media, say a penny a megabyte, would be more lucrative than trying to extract 60 million dollars from a music obsessed, file sharing, thirteen year-old.
If American consumers objected -- well, the music biz could always follow Southpark's lead and burst into a chorus of "Blame Canada". Hey, we can take it….We'll even lend you Anne Murray.
Jay Currie is a Vancouver writer whose writing and blog is at www.jaycurrie.com
The most popular diet plans today are high in protein and low in carbohydrate. High protein diets are not new. One of the most popular over the past 3 decades has been the Atkins' diet plan, which focuses on meat, poultry, fish, and cheese, and severely restricts carbohydrates. Such restriction results in ketosis and as a result these diets are referred to as "ketogenic diets." The weight loss is immediate, but not long term, and they produce unhealthy, and ultimately dangerous side effects (increased risk of heart disease, osteoporosis, kidney stones, and cancer).
The 1990s version of the high protein diet is carbohydrate-reduced, resulting in a calorie distribution of 40% carbohydrate, 30% fat, and 30% protein. This kind of program was pioneered by Barry Sears PhD author of "Enter the Zone." By limiting the amount of protein a person eats, and sticking to the 40/30/30 ratio, food intake is restricted to 1200 to 1700 calories per day. Weight loss is accomplished by semistarvation. Again, there are shot term (constipation and the pain of hunger) and long term unhealthy side effects. Other best-selling books like "Protein Power" by Michael Eades, MD and Mary Dan Eades, MD, and "Heathy for Life" by Richard Heller PhD and and Rachael Heller PhD have capitalized on restricting carbohydrates in order to sell to the desperate, always-dieting, public.
Arguments in favor of this method tell us that this is the way our hunter-gather ancestors ate. Again, more bunk. Hunter-gathers were opportunistic eaters who ate what they could find to stay alive. That is not you or me. I doubt we’ll be found anytime soon scooping up some road kill or grabbing a cockroach as it runs past.
People who have severe insulin resistance will often do better on a high protein, low carb diet, but for the majority this diet is boring, unsatisfying and requires the ingestion of extra fiber to keep the digestive tract working properly.
Yeah, sure the Eskimos ate like this, but only in the winter. They didn’t have any choice. In any case it’s a bad example and not the way most indigenous peoples ate.
For athletes who need to lose weight quickly, high protein/high fat will work in the short term, but it’s not the sort of eating you want to stay on continually. If you’re an endurance athlete, you wouldn’t want to go this route at all.
This particular diet is a good example of some of the nonsense that comes and goes. Like the government/mainstream medical style diet, it’s better than one full of fast food, but like the high protein diet, it also provides a featureless menu and a lot of mighty stiff discipline to pull it off. An overweight, over-fed individual might be able to endure this abrupt, attention-getting regimen for a few days, using it as a way to clean the slate and prepare for a sensible eating plan.
In reality, soup diets work as a fast without the fast, which is not recommended; there are certainly smarter ways to go. When you stop taking in calories your body looks internally for nutrients. Because it considers fat as the last recourse, it will start in on your muscle mass first. Not only that, you will feel horrible -- shaky, irritable and very unhappy. Primitive man is also once again brought to the fore by those who promote fasting, but remember primitive man didn’t go hungry on purpose.
I’m not dead set against certain short-term single-food diets but I definitely have qualifications. First of all, what single food? Secondly, for whom? An over-fat, overfed person who has enough nutrient stock and who eats tuna and water exclusively for a few days in preparation for a sensible eating plan thereafter is one thing. A teenager who is growing or someone who has health problems needs to forget this kind of thing.
This is a sensible, balanced diet that most people find easy to assemble and easy to live with. It fits into a modern life. Forty percent carbohydrates, 30 percent protein and 30 percent fat is a good balance. You have enough carbs for energy, enough protein to build or maintain muscle mass and enough fat to keep your nerves and skin healthy. The recommended calorie intake may be too low for some people. If you find yourself hungry, increase the portion sizes because The Zone is mainly for fat loss although it does discuss maintenance calorie levels. It may not provide enough calories for gaining mass, however.
Starting (in the U.S.) with the Department of Agriculture (USDA) and the Department of Health Management and Resources (HMR): These folks advocate high carbs, low fat and minimal protein. They push grains like they were unfamiliar with any other food source. They fear fat without making distinctions or even considering that even some saturated fat is necessary for the body to survive.
Protein is only given honorable mention as being useful for some minor handiwork.
This is, at best, a meek approach to eating and certainly not beneficial for anyone who performs any level of physical activity. In addition it’s been known for some time that this sort of diet (as espoused by the Food Pyramid) may promote insulin resistance in those who are genetically predisposed.
Of course, it’s better than the normal fast food diet, overloaded as it is, in saturated fat, sugar, chemicals and excessive calories.
The answer to all three questions is an unqualified YES. In fact, the medical community has not been able to discount the benefits even though some, like Atkins, have been on the market for decades. The reason they cannot discount them completely is that they work.
Leading weight loss physicians, including Dr. Atkins, Drs. Eades, Mt. Sanai Medical Center, and others, have researched, studied, and concluded that carbohydrates do make you fat. Although many would have you believe otherwise, the data that has been studied reveals a different story.
High protein diets don't eliminate carbohydrates completely. They simply limit them to amounts and types that are in line with the body's actual requirements. They have found that limited carbohydrates reduce insulin problems (diabetes), control fat absorption, reduce the body's production of cholesterol, and help build stronger muscles.
High protein doesn't mean high fat. Sure, you can enjoy bacon and sausages on a high protein diet, but eating lean red meats, pork, poultry, and fish is recommended. Taking in the majority of your daily calories in protein provides the body with the essential building blocks for making healthier muscle and tissue, and helps to control chemicals in the body that make us crave fattening foods.
A high protein diet includes dairy products, meats, fish, poultry, eggs, some vegetables, some fruits, and plenty of liquids. Many of us are quite satisfied living on these foods and can make a high protein diet a lifetime eating program.
High protein diets are completely safe according to their proponents. Of course, all diets have naysayers. But, consider the fact that the American Heart Association and the American Diabetes Association have convinced people for years that a low fat, high carbohydrate diet would control heart disease, insulin dependency, and weight. Unfortunately, what we have after nearly 40 years of this is the heaviest society on Earth. We have more heart disease, diabetes, and obesity than ever. What does that mean? It means that carbohydrates are a culprit in this.
The human body does not require carbohydrates to create energy. Protein provides high-quality, sustained energy. Protein also provides necessary nutrients for building muscle, tissue, blood cells, and overall cell health. Look at it this way--man is an omnivore. A hunter-gatherer, in a manner of speaking. He has evolved that way. The introduction of cultivated carbohydrates (grains) has led man down the path to obesity and illness. In fact, despite those lovely murals, the upper class Egyptians of old were overweight and in bad health. Why? They ate grains, drank beer (made from grain), and consumed huge amounts of everything but protein. They were also suffering from slave labour--they had slaves who performed even small tasks leading them to be sedentary. Of course, the lower classes and slave classes did not suffer from carbohydrate fattening because they were constantly engaged in strenuous activity. (The distinction between the classes was made following a note from a visitor.)
Evolution is a slow process. It takes tens of thousands of years for a species to change dramatically. Man hasn't been around too terribly long in his current state. We are still the hunter-gatherers we once were. We are not herbivores. Perhaps, in another ten thousand years, man's body will change to process carbohydrates as some animals do, but, until then, high protein intake is essential for our health and well-being.
A final few observations. High protein diets include fat. Fat is essential to good health. The body needs it to operate efficiently. The brain requires it to create chemicals that make us who and what we are. This doesn't mean you should eat a pound of lard at a time, but worrying about a bit of fat on a steak or a strip of bacon is wasted. It isn't harmful at all according to the experts. Lastly, the high protein diets do not raise cholesterol. In fact, they help reduce it. The body manufactures cholesterol based upon our food intake. The research shows that proteins help reduce cholesterol while sugars increase it.
Before beginning any diet program, it is recommended that you talk with your physician.
The Concept of a high protein, low carbohydrate diet is not new. In fact most anthropological evidence suggests our "Stone Age" ancestors were nomadic "hunter-gathers" that subsisted on a diet rich in meats, wild green plants and shrub fruits. During this period there were fluctuations in the food supply forcing our Paleolithic predecessors to become proficient at maximizing food storage and utilization. Throughout evolution our diet has undergone significant changes, but many experts feel that our bodies are still best suited to handle a high protein low carbohydrate diet.
How did copyright policies come to be diametrically opposed to their stated purpose? And how can we bring them back into alignment with that purpose? To understand, we should start by looking at the root of United States copyright law: the U.S. Constitution.
Copyright in the U.S. Constitution
When the U.S. Constitution was drafted, the idea that authors were entitled to a copyright monopoly was proposed -- and rejected. The founders of our country adopted a different premise, that copyright is not a natural right of authors, but an artificial concession made to them for the sake of progress. The Constitution gives permission for a copyright system with this paragraph (Article I, Section 8):
[Congress shall have the power] to promote the progress of science and the useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.
The Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed that promoting progress means benefit for the users of copyrighted works. For example, in Fox Film v. Doyal, the court said,
The sole interest of the United States and the primary object in conferring the [copyright] monopoly lie in the general benefits derived by the public from the labors of authors.
This fundamental decision explains why copyright is not required by the Constitution, only permitted as an option -- and why it is supposed to last for "limited times." If copyright were a natural right, something that authors have because they deserve it, nothing could justify terminating this right after a certain period of time, any more than everyone's house should become public property after a certain lapse of time from its construction.
The "copyright bargain"
The copyright system works by providing privileges and thus benefits to publishers and authors; but it does not do this for their sake. Rather, it does this to modify their behavior: to provide an incentive for authors to write more and publish more. In effect, the government spends the public's natural rights, on the public's behalf, as part of a deal to bring the public more published works. Legal scholars call this concept the "copyright bargain." It is like a government purchase of a highway or an airplane using taxpayer's money, except that the government spends our freedom instead of our money.
But is the bargain as it exists actually a good deal for the public? Many alternative bargains are possible; which one is best? Every issue of copyright policy is part of this question. If we misunderstand the nature of the question, we will tend to decide the issues badly.
The Constitution authorizes granting copyright powers to authors. In practice, authors typically cede them to publishers; it is usually the publishers, not the authors, who exercise these powers and get most of the benefits, though authors may get a small portion. Thus it is usually the publishers that lobby to increase copyright powers. To better reflect the reality of copyright rather than the myth, this article refers to publishers rather than authors as the holders of copyright powers. It also refers to the users of copyrighted works as "readers," even though using them does not always mean reading, because "the users" is remote and abstract.
The first error: "striking a balance"
The copyright bargain places the public first: benefit for the reading public is an end in itself; benefits (if any) for publishers are just a means toward that end. Readers' interests and publishers' interests are qualitatively unequal in priority. The first step in misinterpreting the purpose of copyright is the elevation of the publishers to the same level of importance as the readers.
It is often said that U.S. copyright law is meant to "strike a balance" between the interests of publishers and readers. Those who cite this interpretation present it as a restatement of the basic position stated in the Constitution; in other words, it is supposed to be equivalent to the copyright bargain.
But the two interpretations are far from equivalent; they are different conceptually, and different in their implications. The balance concept assumes that the readers' and publishers' interests differ in importance only quantitatively, in "how much weight" we should give them, and in what actions they apply to. The term "stakeholders" is often used to frame the issue in this way; it assumes that all kinds of interest in a policy decision are equally important. This view rejects the qualitative distinction between the readers' and publishers' interests which is at the root of the government's participation in the copyright bargain.
The consequences of this alteration are far-reaching, because the great protection for the public in the copyright bargain -- the idea that copyright privileges can be justified only in the name of the readers, never in the name of the publishers -- is discarded by the "balance" interpretation. Since the interest of the publishers is regarded as an end in itself, it can justify copyright privileges; in other words, the "balance" concept says that privileges can be justified in the name of someone other than the public.
As a practical matter, the consequence of the "balance" concept is to reverse the burden of justification for changes in copyright law. The copyright bargain places the burden on the publishers to convince the readers to cede certain freedoms. The concept of balance reverses this burden, practically speaking, because there is generally no doubt that publishers will benefit from additional privilege. So unless harm to the readers can be proved, sufficient to "outweigh" this benefit, we are led to conclude that the publishers are entitled to almost any privilege they request.
Since the idea of "striking a balance" between publishers and readers denies the readers the primacy they are entitled to, we must reject it.
Balancing against what?
When the government buys something for the public, it acts on behalf of the public; its responsibility is to obtain the best possible deal -- best for the public, not for the other party in the agreement.
For example, when signing contracts with construction companies to build highways, the government aims to spend as little as possible of the public's money. Government agencies use competitive bidding to push the price down.
As a practical matter, the price cannot be zero, because contractors will not bid that low. Although not entitled to special consideration, they have the usual rights of citizens in a free society, including the right to refuse disadvantageous contracts; even the lowest bid will be high enough for some contractor to make money. So there is indeed a balance, of a kind. But it is not a deliberate balancing of two interests each with claim to special consideration. It is a balance between a public goal and market forces. The government tries to obtain for the taxpaying motorists the best deal they can get in the context of a free society and a free market.
In the copyright bargain, the government spends our freedom instead of our money. Freedom is more precious than money, so government's responsibility to spend our freedom wisely and frugally is even greater than its responsibility to spend our money thus. Governments must never put the publishers' interests on a par with the public's freedom.
Not "balance" but "trade-off"
The idea of balancing the readers' interests against the publishers' is the wrong way to judge copyright policy, but there are indeed two interests to be weighed: two interests of the readers. Readers have an interest in their own freedom in using published works; depending on circumstances, they may also have an interest in encouraging publication through some kind of incentive system.
The word "balance," in discussions of copyright, has come to stand as shorthand for the idea of "striking a balance" between the readers and the publishers. Therefore, to use the word "balance" in regard to the readers' two interests would be confusing -- we need another term.
In general, when one party has two goals that partly conflict, and cannot completely achieve both of them, we call this a "trade-off." Therefore, rather than speaking of "striking the right balance" between parties, we should speak of "finding the right trade-off between spending our freedom and keeping it."
The second error: maximizing one output
The second mistake in copyright policy consists of adopting the goal of maximizing -- not just increasing -- the number of published works. The erroneous concept of "striking a balance" elevated the publishers to parity with the readers; this second error places them far above the readers.
When we purchase something, we do not generally buy the whole quantity in stock or the most expensive model. Instead we conserve funds for other purchases, by buying only what we need of any particular good, and choosing a model of sufficient rather than highest quality. The principle of diminishing returns suggests that spending all our money on one particular good is likely to be inefficient allocation of resources; we generally choose to keep some money for another use.
Diminishing returns applies to copyright just as to any other purchase. The first freedoms we should trade away are those we miss the least, while giving the largest encouragement to publication. As we trade additional freedoms that cut closer to home, we find that each trade is a bigger sacrifice than the last, while bringing a smaller increment in literary activity. Well before the increment becomes zero, we may well say it is not worth its incremental price; we would then settle on a bargain whose overall result is to increase the amount of publication, but not to the utmost possible extent.
Accepting the goal of maximizing publication rejects all these wiser, more advantageous bargains in advance -- it dictates that the public must cede nearly all of its freedom to use published works, for just a little more publication.
The rhetoric of maximization
In practice, the goal of maximizing publication regardless of the cost to freedom is supported by widespread rhetoric which asserts that public copying is illegitimate, unfair, and intrinsically wrong. For instance, the publishers call people who copy "pirates," a smear term designed to equate sharing information with your neighbor with attacking a ship. (This smear term was formerly used by authors to describe publishers who found lawful ways to publish unauthorized editions; its modern use by the publishers is almost the reverse.) This rhetoric directly rejects the Constitutional basis for copyright, but presents itself as representing the unquestioned tradition of the American legal system.
The "pirate" rhetoric is typically accepted because it blankets the media so that few people realize that it is radical. It is effective because if copying by the public is fundamentally illegitimate, we can never object to the publishers' demand that we surrender our freedom to do so. In other words, when the public is challenged to show why publishers should not receive some additional power, the most important reason of all -- "We want to copy" -- is disqualified in advance.
This leaves no way to argue against increasing copyright power except using side issues. Hence opposition to stronger copyright powers today almost exclusively cites side issues, and never dares cite the freedom to distribute copies as a legitimate public value.
As a practical matter, the goal of maximization enables publishers to argue that "A certain practice is reducing our sales -- or we think it might -- so we presume it diminishes publication by some unknown amount, and therefore it should be prohibited." We are led to the outrageous conclusion that the public good is measured by publishers' sales: What's good for General Media is good for the U.S.A.
The third error: maximizing publishers' power
Once the publishers have obtained assent to the policy goal of maximizing publication output at any cost, their next step is to infer that this requires giving them the maximum possible powers -- making copyright cover every imaginable use of a work, or applying some other legal tool such as "shrink wrap" licenses to equivalent effect. This goal, which entails the abolition of "fair use" and the "right of first sale," is being pressed at every available level of government, from states of the U.S. to international bodies.
This step is erroneous because strict copyright rules obstruct the creation of useful new works. For instance, Shakespeare borrowed the plots of some of his plays from other plays published a few decades before, so if today's copyright law had been in effect, his plays would have been illegal.
Even if we wanted the highest possible rate of publication, regardless of cost to the public, maximizing publishers' power is the wrong way to get it. As a means of promoting progress, it is self-defeating.
The results of the three errors
The current trend in copyright legislation is to hand publishers broader powers for longer periods of time. The conceptual basis of copyright, as it emerges distorted from the series of errors, rarely offers a basis for saying no. Legislators give lip service to the idea that copyright serves the public, while in fact giving publishers whatever they ask for.
For example, here is what Senator Hatch said when introducing S. 483, a 1995 bill to increase the term of copyright by 20 years:
I believe we are now at such a point with respect to the question of whether the current term of copyright adequately protects the interests of authors and the related question of whether the term of protection continues to provide a sufficient incentive for the creation of new works of authorship.
This bill extended the copyright on already-published works written since the 1920s. This change was a giveaway to publishers with no possible benefit to the public, since there is no way to retroactively increase now the number of books published back then. Yet it cost the public a freedom that is meaningful today -- the freedom to redistribute books from that era.
The bill also extended the copyrights of works yet to be written. For works made for hire, copyright would last 95 years instead of the present 75 years. Theoretically this would increase the incentive to write new works; but any publisher that claims to need this extra incentive should substantiate the claim with projected balance sheets for the year 2075.
Needless to say, Congress did not question the publishers' arguments: a law extending copyright was enacted in 1998. It was called the Sonny Bono Copyright Term Extension Act, named after one of its sponsors who died earlier that year. His widow, who served the rest of his term, made this statement:
Actually, Sonny wanted copyright to last forever. I am informed by staff that such a change would violate the Constitution. I invite all of you to work with me to strengthen our copyright laws in all ways available to us. As you know, there is also Jack Valenti's proposal to last forever less one day. Perhaps the committee may look at that next Congress.
The Supreme Court has agreed to hear a case that seeks to overturn the law on the grounds that the retroactive extension fails to serve the Constitution's goal of promoting progress.
Another law, passed in 1996, made it a felony to make sufficiently many copies of any published work, even if you give them away to friends just to be nice. Previously this was not a crime in the U.S. at all.
An even worse law, the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA), was designed to bring back copy protection (which computer users detest) by making it a crime to break copy protection, or even publish information about how to break it. This law ought to be called the "Domination by Media Corporations Act" because it effectively offers publishers the chance to write their own copyright law. It says they can impose any restrictions whatsoever on the use of a work, and these restrictions take the force of law provided the work contains some sort of encryption or license manager to enforce them.
One of the arguments offered for this bill was that it would implement a recent treaty to increase copyright powers. The treaty was promulgated by the World Intellectual Property Organization, an organization dominated by copyright-holding and patent-holding interests, with the aid of pressure from the Clinton administration; since the treaty only increases copyright power, whether it serves the public interest in any country is doubtful. In any case, the bill went far beyond what the treaty required.
Libraries were a key source of opposition to this bill, especially to the aspects that block the forms of copying that are considered "fair use." How did the publishers respond? Former representative Pat Schroeder, now a lobbyist for the Association of American Publishers, said that the publishers "could not live with what [the libraries are] asking for." Since the libraries were asking only to preserve part of the status quo, one might respond by wondering how the publishers had survived until the present day.
Congressman Barney Frank, in a meeting with me and others who opposed this bill, showed how far the U.S. Constitution's view of copyright has been disregarded. He said that new powers, backed by criminal penalties, were needed urgently because the "movie industry is worried," as well as the "music industry" and other "industries." I asked him, "But is this in the public interest?" His response was telling: "Why are you talking about the public interest? These creative people don't have to give up their rights for the public interest!" The "industry" has been identified with the "creative people" it hires, copyright has been treated as its entitlement, and the Constitution has been turned upside down.
The DMCA was enacted in 1998. As enacted, it says that fair use remains nominally legitimate, but allows publishers to prohibit all software or hardware that you could practice it with. Effectively, fair use is prohibited.
Based on this law, the movie industry has imposed censorship on free software for reading and playing DVDs, and even on the information about how to read them. In April 2001, Professor Edward Felten of Princeton University was intimidated by lawsuit threats from the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) into withdrawing a scientific paper stating what he had learned about a proposed encryption system for restricting access to recorded music.
We are also beginning to see e-books that take away many of readers' traditional freedoms -- for instance, the freedom to lend a book to your friend, to sell it to a used book store, to borrow it from a library, to buy it without giving your name to a corporate data bank, even the freedom to read it twice. Encrypted e-books generally restrict all these activities -- you can read them only with special secret software designed to restrict you.
I will never buy one of these encrypted, restricted e-books, and I hope you will reject them too. If an e-book doesn't give you the same freedoms as a traditional paper book, don't accept it!
Anyone independently releasing software that can read restricted e-books risks prosecution. A Russian programmer, Dmitry Sklyarov, was arrested in 2001 while visiting the U.S. to speak at a conference, because he had written such a program in Russia, where it was lawful to do so. Now Russia is preparing a law to prohibit it too, and the European Union recently adopted one.
Mass-market e-books have been a commercial failure so far, but not because readers chose to defend their freedom; they were unattractive for other reasons, such as that computer display screens are not easy surfaces to read from. We can't rely on this happy accident to protect us in the long term; the next attempt to promote e-books will use "electronic paper" -- book-like objects into which an encrypted, restricted e-book can be downloaded. If this paper-like surface proves more appealing than today's display screens, we will have to defend our freedom in order to keep it. Meanwhile, e-books are making inroads in niches: NYU and other dental schools require students to buy their textbooks in the form of restricted e-books.
The media companies are not satisfied yet. In 2001, Disney-funded Senator Hollings proposed a bill called the "Security Systems Standards and Certification Act" (SSSCA)[1], which would require all computers (and other digital recording and playback devices) to have government-mandated copy restriction systems. That is their ultimate goal, but the first item on their agenda is to prohibit any equipment that can tune digital HDTV unless it is designed to be impossible for the public to "tamper with" (i.e., modify for their own purposes). Since free software is software that users can modify, we face here for the first time a proposed law that explicitly prohibits free software for a certain job. Prohibition of other jobs will surely follow. If the FCC adopts this rule, existing free software such as GNU Radio would be censored.
To block these bills and rules requires political action.[2]
Finding the right bargain
What is the proper way to decide copyright policy? If copyright is a bargain made on behalf of the public, it should serve the public interest above all. The government's duty when selling the public's freedom is to sell only what it must, and sell it as dearly as possible. At the very least, we should pare back the extent of copyright as much as possible while maintaining a comparable level of publication.
Since we cannot find this minimum price in freedom through competitive bidding, as we do for construction projects, how can we find it?
One possible method is to reduce copyright privileges in stages, and observe the results. By seeing if and when measurable diminutions in publication occur, we will learn how much copyright power is really necessary to achieve the public's purposes. We must judge this by actual observation, not by what publishers say will happen, because they have every incentive to make exaggerated predictions of doom if their powers are reduced in any way.
Copyright policy includes several independent dimensions, which can be adjusted separately. After we find the necessary minimum for one policy dimension, it may still be possible to reduce other dimensions of copyright while maintaining the desired publication level.
One important dimension of copyright is its duration, which is now typically on the order of a century. Reducing the monopoly on copying to ten years, starting from the date when a work is published, would be a good first step. Another aspect of copyright, which covers the making of derivative works, could continue for a longer period.
Why count from the date of publication? Because copyright on unpublished works does not directly limit readers' freedom; whether we are free to copy a work is moot when we do not have copies. So giving authors a longer time to get a work published does no harm. Authors (who generally do own the copyright prior to publication) will rarely choose to delay publication just to push back the end of the copyright term.
Why ten years? Because that is a safe proposal; we can be confident on practical grounds that this reduction would have little impact on the overall viability of publishing today. In most media and genres, successful works are very profitable in just a few years, and even successful works are usually out of print well before ten. Even for reference works, whose useful life may be many decades, ten-year copyright should suffice: updated editions are issued regularly, and many readers will buy the copyrighted current edition rather than copy a ten-year-old public domain version.
Ten years may still be longer than necessary; once things settle down, we could try a further reduction to tune the system. At a panel on copyright at a literary convention, where I proposed the ten-year term, a noted fantasy author sitting beside me objected vehemently, saying that anything beyond five years was intolerable.
But we don't have to apply the same time span to all kinds of works. Maintaining the utmost uniformity of copyright policy is not crucial to the public interest, and copyright law already has many exceptions for specific uses and media. It would be foolish to pay for every highway project at the rates necessary for the most difficult projects in the most expensive regions of the country; it is equally foolish to "pay" for all kinds of art with the greatest price in freedom that we find necessary for any one kind.
So perhaps novels, dictionaries, computer programs, songs, symphonies, and movies should have different durations of copyright, so that we can reduce the duration for each kind of work to what is necessary for many such works to be published. Perhaps movies over one hour long could have a twenty-year copyright, because of the expense of producing them. In my own field, computer programming, three years should suffice, because product cycles are even shorter than that.
Another dimension of copyright policy is the extent of fair use: some ways of reproducing all or part of a published work that are legally permitted even though it is copyrighted. The natural first step in reducing this dimension of copyright power is to permit occasional private small-quantity noncommercial copying and distribution among individuals. This would eliminate the intrusion of the copyright police into people's private lives, but would probably have little effect on the sales of published works. (It may be necessary to take other legal steps to ensure that shrink-wrap licenses cannot be used to substitute for copyright in restricting such copying.) The experience of Napster shows that we should also permit noncommercial verbatim redistribution to the general public -- when so many of the public want to copy and share, and find it so useful, only draconian measures will stop them, and the public deserves to get what it wants.
For novels, and in general for works that are used for entertainment, noncommercial verbatim redistribution may be sufficient freedom for the readers. Computer programs, being used for functional purposes (to get jobs done), call for additional freedoms beyond that, including the freedom to publish an improved version. See "Free Software Definition," in this book, for an explanation of the freedoms that software users should have. But it may be an acceptable compromise for these freedoms to be universally available only after a delay of two or three years from the program's publication.
Changes like these could bring copyright into line with the public's wish to use digital technology to copy. Publishers will no doubt find these proposals "unbalanced"; they may threaten to take their marbles and go home, but they won't really do it, because the game will remain profitable and it will be the only game in town.
As we consider reductions in copyright power, we must make sure media companies do not simply replace it with end-user license agreements. It would be necessary to prohibit the use of contracts to apply restrictions on copying that go beyond those of copyright. Such limitations on what mass-market nonnegotiated contracts can require are a standard part of the U.S. legal system.
A personal note I am a software designer, not a legal scholar. I've become concerned with copyright issues because there's no avoiding them in the world of computer networks [3]. As a user of computers and networks for thirty years, I value the freedoms that we have lost, and the ones we may lose next. As an author, I can reject the romantic mystique of the author as semidivine creator, often cited by publishers to justify increased copyright powers for authors, which authors will then sign away to publishers.
Most of this article consists of facts and reasoning that you can check, and proposals on which you can form your own opinions. But I ask you to accept one thing on my word alone: that authors like me don't deserve special power over you. If you wish to reward me further for the software or books I have written, I would gratefully accept a check -- but please don't surrender your freedom in my name.
Footnotes
[1] Since renamed to the unpronounceable CBDTPA, for which a good mnemonic is, "Consume, But Don't Try Programming Anything," but it really stands for the "Consumer Broadband and Digital Television Promotion Act."
[2] If you would like to help, I recommend the Web sites digitalspeech.org and www.eff.org.
[3] The Internet being the largest of the world's computer networks.
This essay is available in Free Software, Free Society: The Selected Essays of Richard M. Stallman
Please send FSF & GNU inquiries & questions to gnu@gnu.org. There are also other ways to contact the FSF. Please send comments on these web pages to webmasters@www.gnu.org, send other questions to gnu@gnu.org. Copyright (C) 2002, 2003, Free Software Foundation, Inc., 59 Temple Place - Suite 330, Boston, MA 02111, USA Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted without royalty in any medium provided this notice is preserved.
To be accurate, write; to remember, write; to know thine own mind, write
He who does not tire, tires adversity.
Seek not happiness too greedily, and be not fearful of happiness.
Lao-tzu
A journey of a thousand miles must begin with a single step.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
He who knows does not speak.
He who speaks does not know.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
He who knows others is wise;
He who know himself is enlightened.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
He who loves the world as his body may be entrusted
with the empire.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
I have three treasures. Guard and keep them:
The first is deep love,
The second is frugality,
And the third is not to dare to be ahead of the world.
Because of deep love, one is courageous.
Because of frugality, one is generous.
Because of not daring to be ahead of the world,
one becomes the leader of the world.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
Manifest plainness,
Embrace simplicity,
Reduce selfishness,
Have few desires.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
People are difficult to govern because they have too much knowledge.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
The best [man] is like water.
Water is good; it benefits all things and does not compete with them.
It dwells in [lowly] places that all disdain.
This is why it is so near to Tao.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
The more laws and order are made prominent,
The more thieves and robbers there will be.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
The softest things in the world overcome
the hardest things in the world.
Through this I know the advantage of taking no action.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
The Way of Heaven is to benefit others and not to injure.
The Way of the sage is to act but not to compete.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
There is no calamity greater than lavish desires.
There is no greater guilt than discontentment.
And there is not greater disaster than greed.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
To be worn out is to be renewed.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
To have little is to possess.
To have plenty is to be perplexed.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
To know that you do not know is the best.
To pretend to know when you do not know is a disease.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
To produce things and to rear them,
To produce, but not to take possession of them,
To act, but not to rely on one's own ability,
To lead them, but not to master them -
This is called profound and secret virtue.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
When armies are mobilized and issues are joined,
The man who is sorry over the fact will win.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
When the highest type of men hear Tao,
They diligently practice it.
When the average type of men hear Tao,
They half believe in it.
When the lowest type of men hear Tao,
They laugh heartily at it.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
When the people of the world all know beauty as beauty,
There arises the recognition of ugliness.
When they all know the good as good,
There arises the recognition of evil.
Lao-tzu, The Way of Lao-tzu
"No, mein Führer. It goes against the honor of a seaman to shoot at shipwrecked survivors. I cannot issue such an order. My U-boat men are volunteers, waging a costly struggle in the belief they are fighting honorably for a good cause. Their combat morale would be undermined by this order. I must request that you withdraw it."
Hitler, lapsing into a Viennese dialect, backed down: "Do what you want, but no more offering assistance and sailing instructions." Few stood up to Hitler in such a manner; fewer still won their point. For this, Dönitz deserves due credit, but perhaps it is ultimately attributable to his understanding of what his submariners would and would not do (emphasis added by KD).
A name that is well-known in the history of the electric incandescent lamp is Albon Man. However, little appears to have been written about him. Albon Man (Jun 29, 1826-Feb 18, 1905) teamed up with William Edward Sawyer in 1878 to pursue incandescent lamp development. Much of the discordancy that existed in that relationship is revealed in an article by Charles D. Wrege and Ronald G. Greenwood8.
In 1878 Sawyer was about 28 years of age; Man, a New York attorney, was about 52 years of age. Thus, there was a difference of about 24 years in their ages. In Jul 1878 Sawyer, Man and five other individuals formed the ill-fated Electro-Dynamic Light Company2. One of the other five persons, Hugh McCulloch, was, apparently, an uncle of Albon Man. The Electro-Dynamic Light Company ceased to exist after about 1881.
A biographical sketch of Albon Man appeared in the book Success and How to Attain It, which was published in 18953. Man also contributed a section, titled "Is Electricity Energy or Only Matter?", pages 197-261, to the book. The portrait of Man shown to the left was scanned from that book (opposite page 195). The biographical sketch is given below
Between 1856 and 1919 the U.S. Patent Office granted patents for forty-nine antimasturbation devices. Thirty-five were for horses and fourteen for humans. The human devices, made for boys, consisted of either sharp points turned inward to jab the penis should he get an erection during the night, or an electrical system to deliver shocks. How many of these devices were actually used, or what effect they had on the children no one knows. Masturbation by girls was even more shocking, shameful, and unmentionable! The pendulum of sexual mores has now most certainly swung to the opposite extreme in the last half-century.
Secular medical authorities nowadays universally proclaim that masturbation is physiologically harmless and that it may even be a normal, natural form of release. Physiologically there seems to be no harm in masturbating, though most psychology text book writers admit that associated guilt and shame afflict millions, especially during adolescence. This guilt is usually blamed on strict and legalistic religious upbringing and Victorian prudishness about sex. Textbooks on human sexuality seem to all go to great length to explain away the guilt that results from illicit sex, and thus many of these secular writers end of writing polemics against the Bible and openly endorsing hedonistic living that is in reality pagan.
No man knows how bad he is till he has tried very hard to be good. A silly idea is current that good people do not know what temptation means. This is an obvious lie. Only those who try to resist temptation know how strong it is. After all, you find out the strength of the German Army by fighting it, not by giving in. You find out the strength of the wind by trying to walk against it, not by lying down. A man who gives in to temptation after five minutes simply does not know what it would have been like an hour later. That is why bad people, in one sense, know very little about badness. They have lived a sheltered life by always giving in. We never find out the strength of the evil impulse inside us until we try to fight it: and Christ, because He was the only man who never yield to temptation, is the only man who knows to the full what temptation means-the only complete realist (C.S. Lewis, Mere Christianity).
University Requirements
# Course Name
Course No. Credit
1 Holy Quran (part 30) HADTA1100 1
2 Holy Quran (part 29) HADTB1100 1
3 Holy Quran (part 28) HADTC2100 1
4 Holy Quran (part 27) HADTD2100 1
5 Holy Quran (part 26) HADTE3100 1
6 Arabic language (grammar) ARAB 1301 3
7 Arabic writing and compoxition ARAB 3202 2
8 biography of prophet Mohammed HADT 1302 3
9 Quranic studies HADT 2201 2
10 studies in Faith HADT 2303 3
11 Islamic world today HADT 3306 3
12 studies in Fiqh SHAR 1303 3
13 Islamic institutional systems SHAR 2207 2
14 Human rights in shariah and law SHAR 2208 2
15 English Language ENGL 1301 3
16 Palestinian studies POLS 3220 2
17 Studies in Hadith HADT 4204 2
18 first aids NURS 4000 0
This text is that of a book of excerpts compiled a few years after the book was first published. Anything that looks like an error is, in fact, the way it actually appears in the book. I've transcribed the complete text of that book; I do not, unfortunately, have a copy of the original. I'm sure you'll notice bits that look like typos. They're not; that's all part of the fun."
We've built a nation with our hands the toil of people from a dozen lands Strangers when we first began, now we're Singaporean Let's reach out for Singapore, join our hands forevermore Chorus: One people, one nation, one Singapore That's the way that we will be forevermore Every creed and every race, has its role and has its place One people, one nation, one Singapore And when the time comes for the test Our vigilance will never rest We'll be united, hand in hand We'll show the world just where we stand And reach out for Singapore, join our hands forevermore (Repeat Chorus twice)
SING SINGAPORE VERSION: We have a vision for tomorrow Just believe, just believe We have a goal for Singapore We can achieve, we can achieve You and me, we'll do our part Stand together, heart to heart We're going to show the world what Singapore can be We can achieve, we can achieve There is something down the road that We can strive for We re told no dream's too bold that We can't try for There's a spirit in the air It's a feeling we all share We're going to build a better life For you and me We can achieve, we can achieve Count on me Singapore (x2) Count on me to give my best and more Count on me Singapore ------------------------------------- ANONYMOUS TAKE: We have a revision of pay tomorrow Just release, just release We have a poorer Singapore We won't receive, we won't receive You and me, we have a part With our CFP [pension], for a start We have to show the world that we take less money We won't receive, we won't receive There is nothing down the road that we can look for We are told the dream that we could never try for There's a spirit in the air The Seven Month feeling we all share We're gonna build a better after-life For you and me We were deceived, we were deceived Count money Singapore (x2) Count on me to give my salary and more Count money Singapore
Hon. Members: Bald cunt!
Mr. Speaker: Order. Let the bald cunt finish.
Mr. Iain Duncan Smith: Mr. Speaker, it is time for change. It is time to learn from Australia and elsewhere. For fuck's sake. Opening up health services to the rigour of the private sector could bring enormous benefits to the patients. And if the fucking public aren't public fucking sector, I don't know who is. Yeah, you too, the hon. Member for Cockarse Fucking Shitcunty.
Mrs. Calamine Thickness (Ambridge Pullover): Is the Chancellor aware that Mr David Beckham, a role model to thousands upon thousands of young people, it turns out, is not receiving his treatment from the NHS at all, but from the fucking private sector? Surely this sends out entirely the wrong signals, and not just to farmers…
My unsolicited advice to you, kid, is to spend as little time as possible in Maricopa county. Stay the fuck away from Mill Avenue and the suburbs. Don't drink the water, and don't order the raisin toast. Keep indoors, in a dark, quiet room with lots of tequila and Nico's burritos. With a hearty, borderline mad constitution and just the right combination of B multivitamins and habaneros, you may survive to see Spring.
When he was asked about the relationship between these three apparently incompatible religions, he told a story about a city of the blind:
"One day the news came that an elephant was passing outside the city, so the townsfolk decided to send a delegation to report back as to what an elephant was. Three men left and stumbled forwards until they found the beast. They felt the animal and headed back to report. The first man said: "An elephant is like a vast snake!" The second man was indignant at hearing this: "What nonsense!" he said. "I felt the elephant and what it most resembles is a huge pillar." The third man shook his head and said: "Both these men are liars! I felt the elephant and it resembles a broad, flat fan." All three men stuck by their stories and for the rest of their lives refused to speak to each other. Each professed that they and only they knew the truth.
Of course all three blind men had a measure of insight. The first felt the trunk of the elephant, the second the leg, the third the ear, but not one had begun to grasp the totality or the greatness of the beast. If only they had listened to one another, they might have grasped the true nature of the beast. But they were too proud and preferred to keep to their own half-truths.
"So it is with us," said Jalal-ud Din. "We see the Almighty one way, the Jews have a slightly different conception and the Christians a third. To us, all our different visions are irreconcilable. But what we forget is that before God we are like blind men stumbling around in total darkness...""
Objectively, we know that this is not the case, that Britain, a small island incapable of running trains or managing a minor flood alert, cannot be an equal military partner of the mighty US."
Still, as it's "never forget" week, two weeks ago the US military announced they had "run out of targets" in Kabul. But this weekend they announced that Kabul had been subjected to "the two heaviest nights of bombing so far". So they suddenly found some targets, did they? They looked at their maps and said: "Oh what clots we are. There's about 50 tank factories here, we've been mistaking them for post offices. And a suicide-bomber recruitment centre, you can only just see it on the crease in the A-to-Z.""
Red Crescent hospital, Kandahar
What the Taliban said: A pre-dawn raid on 31 October killed 11 people at the hospital.
What the Pentagon said: The strike missed both the hospital and another Red Crescent building nearby. "It was a legitimate terrorist target, intentionally struck."
What we now know: Journalists later saw a large crater in the centre of the clinic, and hospital vehicles crushed by fallen masonry. One doctor reported 15 dead and 25 seriously injured; the numbers could not be verified.
US ground troops
The Taliban: Claim they shot down two US helicopters during 20 October special forces raid, and have taken a number of US prisoners.
The Pentagon: Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said both claims were false.
What we now know: Despite suggestions of a clean assault, it has emerged that special forces met unexpectedly strong resistance. One helicopter took off in such a hurry it hit a wall and lost its landing gear, later shown off to substantiate Taliban claims. No independent evidence of US prisoners has emerged.
Red Cross warehouse, Kabul
The Taliban: US planes have hit a food warehouse twice, once on 16 October and once about 10 days later.
The Pentagon: Rumsfeld said first raid hit its intended target, "a building we had been told was a Taliban warehouse. It turns out it may have had some Red Cross activity in it."
What we now know: General Richard Myers said the second strike "should not have happened". He added that the Taliban "use food as a weapon".
Herat military hospital or veterans' home
The Taliban: US bombs killed more than 100 people at a hospital in Herat.
The Pentagon: "We have absolutely no evidence at all that would suggest that is correct," said Rumsfeld.
What we now know: The next day spokeswoman Torie Clarke said a 1,000lb bomb had gone astray and exploded in a field near an old people's home. She expressed regret for any loss of life, but gave no numbers. It is still not clear what was hit or how many were killed.
Karam village, near Jalalabad
The Taliban: Claimed 200 people killed by US bombs.
The Pentagon: Rumsfeld says US jets hit underground caves stuffed with ammunition; the ammunition exploded, causing fires that raged for up to four hours; any civilian casualties were therefore inflicted by the caves, not US bombs.
What we now know: Foreign journalists saw giant craters in the village, suggesting more than a cave fire, and plenty of fresh graves.
Not surprisingly, nearly all leading Americans think not. But most people of influence in the rest of the world, and nearly 80 per cent in the Middle East and Islamic world, believe that, to a certain extent, the US was asking for it.
This is the most striking finding of a poll exploring global attitudes to the United States and the events of 11 September, which brings out an important subtext of the tragedy and its aftermath - the difference between how Americans think they are seen, and the way the rest of the world sees them.
The survey by the Pew Research Centre, the Princeton Survey Research Associates and the International Herald Tribune newspaper, was conducted among 275 people of influence in politics, media, business and culture.
Forty of them were in the United States, while 235 were in 23 other countries, and they were asked to reflect the views of their compatriots.
In America, only 18 per cent considered that "US policies and actions in the world" were seen as a main cause of the attacks. Elsewhere, that rose to 58 per cent, and to 81 per cent in the Middle East and the area around Afghanistan.
While 70 per cent of the Americans questioned believed that the United States was seen to be considering its partners' interests, an almost identical proportion elsewhere said that Washington was seen as acting unilaterally.
All the Americans felt that no one would regard the US as having overreacted to the terrorist attacks. By contrast, 40 per cent of those interviewed elsewhere reckoned the war was seen as an overreaction, a figure rising to 60 per cent in the Islamic world. Only minorities, even in Europe, thought their people would support the anti-terrorist offensive being extended to countries such as Iraq and Somalia.
But the most interesting themes that emerged were a barely disguised resentment at America's massive power in the world, and a gulf between Americans' views of how the world sees them and the world's actual feelings.
From its closest allies, in Europe, to the Middle East, Russia and Asia, a uniform 70 per cent said people considered it good that after 11 September Americans had realised what it was to be vulnerable.
Most striking, though, is the gulf in perceptions. In countless speeches, including by President Bush, American spokesmen have portrayed the war as a battle between good and evil, with the terrorists bent on destroying America's way of life. Its position as a beacon of freedom and democracy, Americans believe, is the reason the rest of the world most admires their country.
But this is not so. The biggest appeal of America lies in its technological prowess, large majorities of those interviewed in the rest of the world said. A majority of Americans said people believed the US was admired because "it does a lot of good around the world". "
It is far from clear that all the anti-terrorist measures put forward in Britain and the US now pass this test. This is why the alleged choice between civil liberties and effective measures against terrorism is regularly less simple than it seems. Nothing does more to breed terrorism than the closing of the normal political and legal channels, and injustice against which there is no legal remedy is perhaps the biggest present we can offer to any terrorist organisation. It is now widely admitted that internment was one of the best recruiting sergeants the IRA ever had. Because I prefer defeating terrorists to relieving my feelings, I have no wish to make that mistake again.
In this light, some of President Bush's proposed anti-terrorist measures could have been designed strictly for the benefit of Osama bin Laden. Mr Bush proposes that everyone who is not a US citizen and is suspected of terrorist activity be tried by a special military tribunal. In this, he repeats two of the mistakes made by the English in their dealings with the gunpowder plot - errors for which we are still paying in Northern Ireland. First, by enlarging the target group, he presents the terrorists with a crowd of involuntary allies. That is not clever. Second, by taking suspicion for proof, he shortcircuits the legal requirements of due process. Seventeenth-century English lawyers knew that they should not imprison on suspicion, so they decided it was all right to detain people if they were "vehemently suspected". One can see the Americans making just the same mistakes with similar consequences for the loyalty of American Arabs.
David Blunkett's Bill, though it is a bad Bill, is nothing like as bad as this. Indeed, the House of Lords' main complaint is that much of it is not a terrorism Bill at all. Civil servants react to an unexpected opening in the legislative programme with the same eagerness with which political activists react to the news that an MP with a large majority is retiring at short notice. Part three of the Bill, which allows the Inland Revenue and other public authorities to disclose information to each other, was aimed at all crime, not just at terrorism. One of the Lords' amendments would restrict these powers to terrorism only. I do not think this amendment will handicap the fight against terror.
The same is true of the additional police powers, including those which allow them to demand the removal of face-coverings. The concern of Islamic peers with the possible effects of this power is intense.
The section of the Bill on incitement to religious hatred may well be needed, but it is the sort of thing that needs very careful drafting. It should not be rushed through under an accelerated procedure as part of a response to an emergency. If it is to be done at all, the drafting will have to make very clear that its object is to stop incitement to breach of the peace, and not to restrict freedom of thought. The present drafting method, by attaching religion to the clauses on race in the Public Order Act, comes nowhere near achieving this. If this measure is to be introduced at all, the present draft must be thrown away and the whole process begun again. If the Lords should insist on this, I do not believe we will be impeding the fight against terrorism.
Some parts of the Bill, especially that dealing with money-laundering, have received general praise, and are likely to emerge having suffered little damage. The key anti-terrorist section of the Bill is part four, which deals with asylum applications from people suspected of terrorism. The Home Secretary is not bound, under Article 33(2) of the UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1951, to give asylum to those who constitute a threat to the security of this country. On the other hand, under Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights, from which no derogation is allowed, he is not allowed to return them to a country where they are likely to suffer death or torture. That is the Home Secretary's problem. It is what Sherlock Holmes might have called a three-pipe problem.
It is real enough, but the solutions are not adequate. A power of detention will have to exist, but it must be targeted at real offenders, and it must be under proper judicial oversight. There is no need for the power in clauses 34 and 35 to disapply the UN convention, unless the Home Secretary intends to use his power of detention against those who are not a threat to the security of this country. Those clauses must go.
The Home Secretary has agreed to confine his power of detention to those who are "reasonably" suspected and not merely to those who are suspected. This is, in fairness, a significant improvement."
The Irish judge who originally gave the warning in the 1790s put it in strong terms: "The condition upon which God hath given liberty to man is eternal vigilance: which condition if he break, servitude is at once the consequence of his crime, and the punishment of his guilt." And he was merely discussing the election of the Lord Mayor of Dublin."
The production of the bin Laden videotape - utterly convincing evidence of his guilt to the world's press, largely, if wilfully, ignored by the Muslim world - helped to obscure the fact that Mr Evil, seemed to have disappeared. It also helped to airbrush a few other facts away. We could forget that US air strikes, according to statistics compiled by a Chicago University professor, have now killed more innocent Afghans than the hijackers killed westerners and others in the World Trade Centre. We could forget that Mullah Omar, the mysterious leader of the Taliban, has also got away."
A couple of days earlier, American B-52 and B-1 bombers were accused of killing some 50 civilians, many of them children, in Qalaye Niazi, a village in eastern Afghanistan, leaving body parts, clumps of hair and pools of blood in the streets. The American military reacted as it always does, displaying neither regret nor reverence for the dead; the target was a Taliban compound, a spokesman claimed, and if there were civilian injuries, they were the fault of the Taliban and al-Qa'ida.
I am not fond, as readers of this column are aware, of quoting clerics. But when I saw pictures of the devastation at Qalaye Niazi, I recalled remarks made by the Bishop of Winchester in a recent sermon. Michael Scott-Joynt said that, evil though they were, the events of 11 September had to be understood as a "judgement" upon the West. Scott-Joynt was not, like some evangelical Christians in the United States, blaming gays and feminists; he was making a point about the way Western governments have failed in their responsibility towards poor countries. And they do not come much poorer than Afghanistan, even before the bombing began last year.
If the bishop is right, think of the new horrors we may be calling down when we stand by and allow the Americans to demonstrate how little they care about people in that shattered country. Commander Dave Culler, spokesman for the US Central Command in Florida, actually used the phrase "collateral damage" in his denial last week that civilians had been killed in Qalaye Niazi; there could hardly be more eloquent testimony that the US remains committed to the notion of a pax Americana within its own borders, whatever the cost in mayhem and massacres elsewhere. I don't know whether President Bush reads Foucault - I don't imagine French intellectuals are high on his bedtime reading list - but if he had he would be aware of the maxim that power creates resistance, and resistance new forms of power: B-52s on the one hand, box-cutters and suicide-bombers on the other.
It is painfully clear that Bush has learnt nothing from 11 September, and his European allies - step forward Tony Blair - do not have the guts to point out his colossal error. The American military continues to kill innocent people and disclaim responsibility, creating a new generation of terrorists with every misplaced bomb and mistaken map co-ordinate. The American government is no more likely to listen to an Anglican bishop than to decent people in the US who are horrified by the death toll in Afghanistan. But the bishop would probably agree with me that one of the measures of our humanity is a capacity to grieve for innocent victims in Asia, as well as New Yorkers who perished in the rubble of the Twin Towers."
The inescapable implication of currently available evidence is that the use of torture by US forces was not an aberration, but a practice sanctioned at the highest levels. Undoubtedly there were serious breaches of discipline, and the blank failure to understand that they had done anything wrong displayed by some of the abusers does not speak well for the levels of training of sections of the US military.
Abuse on the scale suggested by the Red Cross report cannot be accounted for by any mere lapse in discipline or the trailer-park mentality of some American recruits. It was inherent in the American approach to the war. American military intervention in Iraq was based on neo-conservative fantasies about US forces being greeted as liberators. In fact, as could be foreseen at the time, it has embroiled these forces in a brutal and hopeless war against the Iraqi people. From being regarded as passive recipients of American goodwill, they are now viewed as virtually subhuman. If, as seems clear, British forces are innocent of anything resembling the systemic abuse that appears to have been practised by the Americans, one reason is that they do not share these attitudes.
The resistance mounted by the Iraqi insurgents can be compared to the anti-colonial liberation struggles of the 1950s, but the closest parallels with the intractable conflict now under way are found in Chechnya, which remains a zone of anarchy and terror despite the ruthless deployment of Russian firepower and the systematic use of torture for more than a decade. It was the prospect of an intractable guerrilla conflict that led many soldiers in the Pentagon to express deep reservations regarding the war. When the civilian leadership launched the invasion of Iraq, US forces were plunged into a type of conflict for which they are supremely ill equipped.
In the wake of Vietnam and Somalia, American military doctrine has been based on "force protection" and "shock and awe". In practice, these strategies mean killing anyone who appears to pose any threat to US forces and overcoming the enemy through the use of overwhelming firepower. Effective in the early stages of the war when the enemy was Saddam and his regime, they are deeply counter-productive when, as in Iraq today, the enemy comprises much of the population. As Douglas Hurd has observed, filling the hospitals and mortuaries is not the best way to win hearts and minds. The effect has been to make the conflict more savage. It is in circumstances such as these that torture becomes routine. In Iraq over the past year, as in Chechnya, and before that in Algeria where the French fought a similar dirty war, anyone could end up a victim of torture.
In subjecting randomly selected Iraqis to abuse, American forces are following a well-trodden path, but the type of torture that has been practised has some distinctive features. Unlike the Russians or the French, who inflicted extremes of physical pain as well, US forces in Iraq appear to be relying mainly on techniques that focus on the application of intense psychological pressure. In order to soften up detainees they have swept up from the streets, they have used disorientation, sensory deprivation and sexual humiliation. These are all forms of abuse that would damage any human being, but leading naked Iraqi males around on dog leads and covering their heads with women's underwear look like techniques designed specifically in order to attack the prisoners' identity and values. The result is that an indelible image of American depravity has been imprinted on the entire Islamic world.
It remains unclear how these techniques came to be used in Abu Ghraib prison. What is evident is that from the start of the war on terror the Bush administration has flouted or circumvented international law on the treatment of detainees. It unilaterally declared members of terrorist organisations to be illegal combatants who are not entitled to the protection of the Geneva Convention. The detainees held at Guantanamo Bay fall into this category, and so apparently did the Taliban and al-Qa'ida suspects who were captured in Afghanistan. Being beyond the reach of international law, they were liable to torture.
In Iraq, the Bush administration evaded international law by a different route. They outsourced security duties at Abu Ghraib and other American detention facilities to private contractors not covered by military law and not regulated by the Geneva Convention. In effect, the Bush administration deliberately created a lawless environment in which abuse could be practised with impunity.
Some of the lawmakers who watched video stills of the sexual abuse of Iraqi women by US personnel in a closed session on Capitol Hill in Washington last week have described the behaviour they witnessed as un-American. Maybe so, but it was made possible by policies emanating from the highest levels of American leadership. The torture of Iraqis by US personnel is an application of the Bush administration's strategy in the war on terror.
Tossing aside international law and the norms of civilised behaviour in this way is self-defeating. Not so long ago, the clash of civilisations was just a crass and erroneous theory, but after the recent revelations it is becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy. In toppling Saddam, the Americans destroyed an essentially Western regime, not unlike the Stalinist Soviet Union in its militant secularism. In doing so, they empowered radical Islam as the single most important political force in the country.
The immediate beneficiary of the torture revelations is likely to be Iran - a fact that seems to have been grasped by Ahmed Chalabi (the Iraqi émigré that the neo-conservatives believed would take the country to American-style democracy), who appears to be forging links with the Iranian regime. At a global level, the principal beneficiary is al-Qa'ida, which is now a more serious threat than it has ever been.
The Bush administration's self-defeating approach to terrorism is symptomatic of a dangerous unrealism running right through its thinking. For Paul Wolfowitz, the Deputy Defense Secretary, and other neo-conservatives, the solution to terrorism was to "modernise" the Middle East. For them, that meant overthrowing many, if not most, of the area's regimes and replacing them with secular liberal democracies. They appear not to have noticed that the region's secular regimes were authoritarian states such as Syria and Iraq. In the Middle East today, as in Algeria in the past, democracy means Islamist rule.
In part, the attack on Iraq was simply another exercise in the type of neo-Wilsonian fantasy that is a recurring feature of US foreign policy, but it was also an exercise in realpolitik - and a resource war. A key part of the rationale for the invasion was to enable the US to withdraw from Saudi Arabia, which had come to be seen as complicit with terror and inherently unstable.
If it was to pull out from Saudi Arabia, the US needed another source of oil. Only Iraq has it in sufficient quantities - hence the drive for regime change. In this Dr Strangelove-like vision, once Saddam had been removed and Iraq remodelled as a Western-style democracy, the oil would start flowing. The war would be self-financing, and the world economy would move smoothly into the sunlit uplands.
Things have not turned out quite like that. Oil prices have risen, not fallen, and they could easily rise further. Partly this is a result of the increasingly desperate security situation in Iraq. The Americans did more than overthrow Saddam's despotic regime; they also destroyed the Iraqi state, with the result that the country is now in a condition of semi-anarchy.
Given the ill-judged attack by US forces on the Shia holy city of Najaf and the likelihood that the beheading of Nicholas Berg by Islamist militants will be followed by more such atrocities, the level of violence in the country will almost certainly escalate. In that case, Iraq will be the scene of a mass exodus. International organisations and Western oil companies will leave and any prospect of rebuilding the country will be lost. Where will that leave Iraq - and its oil?
The exodus will not be confined to Iraq. Western companies are already leaving Saudi Arabia, the producer of last resort in the global oil market. Emboldened by the worsening situation in Iraq, forces linked to al-Qa'ida have intensified their attacks on Saudi targets. Economists may say that the world need not fear another oil shock, but they have forgotten the geo-political realities. Saudi oil is still hugely important, and any sign of increased instability in the country is immediately reflected in the oil price. The impact of a major upheaval in the kingdom would be incalculable.
The US cannot afford an ongoing war in Iraq, but the price of a quick exit will be high. Even so, it looks clear that that is exactly what is about to happen. After the torture revelations, "staying the course" is no longer feasible. This is not because the American public has reacted with massive revulsion to evidence of the systematic abuse of Iraqis - as has been the case in Britain and other European countries. Rather, Iraq and its people are now viewed with a mix of bafflement and hatred, and a mood of despair about the war has set in. Most Americans want out - and soon. Locked in internal dispute, the Democrats have not so far been able to grasp the nettle. The pressure on President Bush to announce that America has completed its mission with the handover of sovereignty may well prove overwhelming.
If he decides to cut and run, Bush may yet survive the débâcle in Iraq. No such prospect beckons for Tony Blair. It was his brand of messianic liberalism that dragged Britain into the war. For the Prime Minister, going to war in Iraq offered an intoxicating feeling of rectitude combined with the reassuring sense of being on the side of the big battalions. But American invincibility was a neo-conservative myth, and the notion that Blair can survive the hideous fiasco that is unfolding in Iraq is as delusional as the thinking that led to the war in the first place. It cannot be long before he is irresistibly prompted to seek new avenues for his messianic ambitions.
In the US, American withdrawal will be represented as a reward for a job well done. The rest of the world will recognise it as a humiliating defeat, and it is here that the analogy of Vietnam is inadequate. The Iraq war has been lost far more quickly than that in South-east Asia, and the impact on the world is potentially much greater. Whereas Vietnam had little economic significance, Iraq is pivotal in the world economy. No dominoes fell with the fall of Saigon, but some pretty weighty ones could be shaken as the American tanks rumble out of Baghdad.
The full implications of such a blow to American power cannot be foreseen. One consequence is clear enough, however. The world has seen the last of liberal imperialism. It died on the killing fields of Iraq. It is no consolation to the people of that country, but at least their sufferings have demonstrated the cruel folly of waging war in order to fight a liberal crusade.
John Gray is Professor of European Thought at the LSE.
The US-led coalition against terrorism depends on a moral distinction between terrorists and their adversaries. The international co-operation that it embodies has been crucial in providing intelligence about terrorists, and in leading to the arrests of suspects. All this will be jeopardised if the US is seen to ride roughshod over international standards in the treatment of prisoners.
If the US allows the impression to grow that it cares little about international standards on prisoners, it risks encouraging a general lowering of standards. In 1999, three US soldiers were arrested by Serbian forces during the Nato war over Kosovo. The US immediately, and rightly, demanded that they be treated as PoWs – even though they did not meet all of the normal criteria. It was successful then, but how sure can we be that after Guantanamo an adversary holding US prisoners will not reject such US pleas?"
He was referring to the treatment of Elizabeth Filkin, the parliamentary investigator into MPs' behaviour. She has been edged out of her job by a variety of parliamentary toads, including those big Scots frogs Tam Dalyell and the Speaker himself.
Tony Blair answered this question in an extraordinary way.
He said: "Um ..."
Shouts of laughter ensued. Normally, Tony Blair says: "That is precisely why!"
On this occasion, he said, for a fatal moment, nothing.
The House sits up to the buttocks in allegations of sleaze, dishonesty and improper payments. Its response has been to kick the investigator out of her job.
And Tony Blair, the "whiter than white" Prime Minister, says: "Um ...""
As soon as the minister declared that the company was insolvent, the bonds were re-rated to CC. That's the sort of risk rating you associate with emerging Third World markets (basket cases is the technical term). Over the past five weeks, they've been re-rated, because the Government has been making supportive noises, but only up to BB. That's the level of risk associated with Bulgaria. And Ecuador.
There's worse. The Government wants to change the terms and conditions of Railtrack bonds, perhaps as soon as 17 December. They want bondholders to enter into a "standstill" arrangement which waives a number of their rights. Unless the bond holders accept these changed terms, their income (from the interest payments) will not be guaranteed. It's called a "coercive exchange proposal". It's what our Government has suddenly found it has in common with Zimbabwe.
So, what were the most secure bonds in the world implicitly guaranteed by the British Government will have become junk-like.
If the bond holders bend to this pressure, and the "coercive exchange" takes place, then the policy of credit rating agency Standard and Poors will be to re-rate the bonds to D. That stands for default. And Railtrack's credit rating will slump to an SD. That stands for Selective Default. Argentina has SD credit rating."
The Sketch coughed up quite a lot of blood at this reply. Spineless monkey-spankers was the drift of the criticism.
"Our values are indestructible!" he roared at us (do you sense a hint of megalomania in claims like that? "Values that will last a thousand years!" as a previous German chancellor might have put it?)."
And to those who say the Prime Minister's ambitions to bring social justice, respect, value, freedom and democracy to everyone everywhere is using the world as a moral gymnasium, the Sketch says: HATE CRIME! Your hate crime will be punished! This is the future. Dare to believe it.
Lions will lie down with lambs. Lions will get cosy with lambs. Lions will get carried away and start having sex with lambs, and even if lions eat the lambs they have raped, we will never stop tucking them into the same bed because our values are the values of mutual respect and tolerance and freedom from prejudice and freedom from want and education, education, education that are indestructible and immutable and underlying the bedrock of all our efforts for a thousand years."
Of course, what religious schools teach the children to read after they've taught them how to read is the price (sometimes a high price) we pay for this basic, primitive pedagogical achievement.
They will teach their pupils, perhaps subliminally, that they are the chosen ones. They will catechise them in their traditions, their symbols, their scraps and patches. They'll prepare the little ones to meet their enemies, to fight for their virtue, and comfort them with the promise of a place in paradise. And surely, they will teach them about sin. For without sin, religion is a placebo. It's decaff. It's no-alcohol vodka. It's the Church of England."
"I'm speechless," the Home Secretary confessed.
Will these new laws work? And why? The old ones haven't."
The glow didn't last. There were others, 800 others out of 20,000 applicants, who were also being denied compensation. They had been British by the definition of the time, which is why they were interned but their status was downgraded by successive governments. When the costs of the compensation scheme (the "debt of honour" announced by Tony Blair in a piece of pre-election compassion) started mounting, it was cut back.
How quickly fruit shrivels on the vine. We must recall how the debt of honour was discounted by four per cent when next we hear the Government talk of "our eternal values"."
David Blunkett returned to the despatch box to defend the Religious Hate Crime element of his Anti-Terrorism Bill. This is a very ham-fisted piece of legislation, don't you think? Mr Blunkett was certain of its merits because it had had "an appreciable impact" on television interviewers in the Arab world.
Is that a good basis for a law? Its therapeutic effect? "There seems to be a lot of confusion about this," Mr Blunkett said. No one disagreed. Tories had been arguing that Moonies and other cults would be able to use the law to blunt criticism of their way of life. "It doesn't work that way round!" the Home Secretary declared. That wasn't what the law was about. "Not to prosecute them. Not to oppose them. It's a question of public order. It's not about religion. Or cults. Or expressing oneself in that way." Which is why calling the Pope the anti-Christ wouldn't be illegal under the new law.
It allows for people to be locked up without trial. If tried, the court proceedings would be secret. So secret that prisoners wouldn't be allowed to hear the evidence against them. Prisoners wouldn't be allowed to hire a lawyer. Their legal representation would be hired by the court and responsible to the court. The lawyer wouldn't have the right to see the accused. The decision of the court would be absolute. No appeal. Not even in secret.
It's possible things improved last night. If the Government accepted Lord Donaldson of Lymington's amendment, those convicted by the secret court will be allowed to appeal, by going back to the secret court that had convicted them in secret, to ask them to secretly overturn their decision.
It's a system that Beria would have felt really pretty comfortable with.
On the good side, only Johnny Foreigner will be subject to this regime. Not our terrorists. No, our terrorists will be punished differently, when they eventually find their way into their own private hell in the House of Commons.
This Bill is the product of the dark, choleric presence of the Home Secretary. "He bears grudges, he's bad tempered and there's a nasty undertow to much of what he does," as one of his colleagues put it so succinctly yesterday. It's true that if we're depending so completely on the discretion of a home secretary, Mr Blunkett would be the last Home Secretary you'd choose. "
Even the Prime Minister's abilities in the arts of sincerity can't carry that one off. There are 100,000 people from the past five years who don't believe it - mainly because they're dead, killed by the bug that lives in unwashed, unswept wards.
Then you hear him say: "They kept her in a medical assessment unit. Perfectly properly." The unit turned out to be a chair in a corner of A&E which had been reclassified as a Medical Assessment Unit.
We must all want to believe the Prime Minister - his ratings remain high as a kite, after all. But how difficult it is when you listen to him."
Ms Keeble rebutted this without being able to refute it. The Government's absolute priority, she said, was combating homelessness. Perhaps in the political sense, by increasing homelessness.
Tory James Gray pointed out the Conservatives had built 150,000 houses, Labour has built 90,000, a decline of 40 per cent. His front bench colleague, Geoffrey Clifton Brown claimed a 37 per cent drop in social housing, a 7 per cent rise in empty council houses and a 152 per cent rise in bed and breakfast accommodation.
Ms Keeble said Labour was redressing years of Tory under-investment. Treble slops all round!
The opposition is assembling its firepower: you may not have noticed. The questions have more substance than at any time in the past two years. Paul Beresford, for instance, laughed at government claims of setting local authorities free. The National Audit Office, he said, now spends £600m inspecting best-value regulations imposed by central government. Six hundred million is quite a lot of money, incidentally.
Harry Cohen worried that the bids for London Underground were shaping up to be a disaster for public control. "Private contractors can perform worse and still get bonuses." he said. "Thirty years of guaranteed profits." Were we not so scandal-hardened we'd be shocked as well.
Stephen Byers slid over the guaranteed profits. He said that value for money was the great criterion and that there was no question of any privatisation.
The private sector, you see, is investing in the Tube under public management. Notwithstanding the fact that private money is more expensive, and public management is less efficient. It's the worst of both worlds, but that's how we know it's a government plan.
Mr Byers' way with figures qualify him for a Treasury job. "We are putting in £64.9bn of total rail investment made up of £34.3bn private investment and £33.5bn government investment
Teresa May, rather brilliantly asked him how it was that 33.5 and 34.5 added up to 64.9.
Aha! Mr Byers crowed. She obviously hadn't seen Table A2 of the 10-year plan. Or at least, the footnote to Table A2 which shows that £3bn has been netted off to ensure no double-counting.
Which was why, Ms May pointed out, he had double-counted the £3bn in the first place.
Mr Byers issued more slops. "She can't give a commitment to match our spending. They can't make a commitment. We can."
That's true. That's undeniably true. They make commitments all the time. They issue undertakings. They give guarantees. They publish targets and benchmarks, and draft regulations, they pledge extra investment.
And still the trains run later, the poor are evicted from their homes, and language is debased, debauched and disgraced."
"Since my right honourable friend is sometimes subjected to unflattering and even malevolent interpretation of his motivations," he said, "will he now provide a brief characterisation of the political philosophy he espouses and which underlies his policies?" The House was amazed. Those that weren't amazed were aghast.
There was laughter. Taunts. Cries of Answer! The Prime Minister opened his mouth and waited for something to come out. So did we. What was the political philosophy that underlies the Prime Minister's policies? What was he doing there? What were we doing there? Aching Nora. Philosophy. Underlying philosophy. Mr Blair cleared his throat a few times. Was the Third Way the underlying philosophy? Or was that lying more than underlying? How about The Many Not The Few? Or Social Justice and Economic Efficiency - Advanced Circle Squaring for Beginners? Or Smearing the Enemies of Progress Wins Elections? Or: Political Philosophy: It's All Bollocks? All these approaches have been trailed and trialled in their various ways.
But yesterday, Mr Blair didn't like the feel of any of them. He took a deep breath and told the House that the underlying philosophy was to bring in foreign consultants to fill vacancies in the National Health Service. Got that? Consultants. Brought in from overseas. To do the work we can't do ourselves.
How this underlying principle will translate to other areas of the public service, the Sketch leaves to humorists, satirists and, possibly, philosophers. Mr McWalter had ripped the thin skin off the Prime Minister's milk pudding and shown how little there was underneath."
But the Post Office cannot, as Labour's Bob Cryer pointed out, even put up the price of a stamp (they lose money on every private letter they deliver). Nor can they restrict their deliveries to uneconomic areas. That's commercial freedom, according to the dental nurse.
Shadow spokesman John Whittingdale excelled himself. While that's a lot easier than it sounds, it was indicative of a Tory revival. They loved every minute. They're going to love even more stages two and three (30,000 and 50,000 will go; this isn't yet common knowledge).
Stephen Byers stood up, and old Labour aged visibly. The transport secretary's defence - probably the single most cynical political manouevre the Sketch has been privileged to witness - was offered with the same bland assurance that he makes any statement in the House.
Railtrack shareholders are to be paid off on condition they accept a £300m bribe paid for by the taxpayer. Mr Byers has been advised that he must on no account be taken to court by shareholders for he would be skinned by forensic experts, his head set on a pike and his heart eaten by dogs. The upside for the Government in this is narrowly exceeded by the downside.
But how to explain it to the backbench? This is where the Sketch fell backwards, reaching for its brains. The money is to be paid for the benefit of the travelling public in order to get Railtrack out of administration more quickly. It is, ultimately, a £300m benefit for the taxpayer.
If you believe that you'll believe anything. But of course, no one any longer does. Not even Tony Blair."
Mr Milburn said something or other in reply but I've no intention of saying what it was.
That sweet, peeping little wren, minister Hazel Blears (she really must do something about her name) explained what the Independent Reconfiguration Panel was, and – more importantly – why it hadn't yet met after six months of existence.
The Independent Reconfiguration Panel oversees controversial reconfiguration decisions and applies consistency to them, she said. The panel hasn't met yet because no one's on it. No wonder reconfiguring inconsistency is out of control, you see, it's obvious now.
Put yourself in the position of a 102-year-old trolley victims - not only caked in three-day-old dried blood, but also reading that reconfiguration is inconsistently applied. It's no wonder mortality rates are what they are, you know.
It wasn't until Andrew Dismore's question that we found out what "reconfiguration" meant. It's a New Labour neologism for "closing down things in the NHS". The Urgent Treatment Centre at Edgware is being reconfigured, for instance. It's to be shut half the time.
This will cause confusion, minister John Hutton said, among people who come to the Urgent Treatment Centre expecting urgent treatment.
There used to be a sketch featuring a man being told his dry cleaning would be ready next week. "But you're called 8-hour Cleaning Services!" he complains, and is told: "It's just the name of the shop, sir."
The National Health Service. It's just its name; it's not what it does.
Mr Milburn is insisting on reform. He's setting up local trusts that will receive government funds from which they can buy operations from their preferred supplier.
Sound familiar? It should do. It's the internal market back under another guise. The Tories should praise it. A lot. If Old Labour believe that praise is justified, they might bring down the government. Well, it's worth a try.
Sir Patrick Cormack inflated himself to make a point of order about "the rampant verbal inflation" of question time.
The House had reached no more than question 10 on the order paper. He asked the old todger in the chair to demand crisp answers from ministers instead of their rambling diatribes.
Todge could do nothing but agree, as one helpless old member to another."
Government statistics certainly corroborate Mr Smith but without vindicating him. The percentage of GDP taken in tax is estimated to be falling this year from 37.3 to 36.8, and Gordon Brown will almost certainly announce on Budget day next week an even more astonishing reduction. Only the most creative accounting can offer us a picture of falling tax burden and massively increased public spending.
One way is to move certain substantial items off balance sheet. (Anyone managing to finish this paragraph will given sweets.) The working families tax credit, for instance, has been called a tax cut, even though it is in fact a benefit (the old family credit). This alone represents the 0.5 per cent of GDP by which Mr Smith claims to have reduced the tax burden.
You probably want to hear more about off-balance sheet accounting. By a happy chance, Howard Flight had another up his sleeve. Over £4bn of railway debt has been underwritten by the Government, he said, but the figure didn't appear in the public accounts as a liability. Why not? Mr Smith chimpily explained the sum was a "contingent liability", adding, "The money doesn't score unless it's called." It was, he told the House, extraordinarily unlikely that the Government would be called on by the new railway company for these billions. Those who believe that should change their medication."
His political achievement has been astonishing. He's redefined the centre. He's squared circles. He's struck a new balance. He's found a new path. He's reconciled economic efficiency with social justice. He's construed social democracy as the only decent way for civilised people to think. And he's surgically excised the centrepiece of Tory philosophy. None of this is easy.
The Tories can't talk about tax cuts any more. The Prime Minister's communications strategy has neutered them. Tax cuts, in the current climate, are not just selfish, they're vindictive. Tax cuts mean sacking nurses. Tax cuts finance violent crime. Tax cuts condemn more 90-year-old women to end their days on blood-caked trolleys while fat cats bid for their skeletons to make cheap dice.
On the other hand, massively increased public spending means a healthier, wealthier, wiser population. Yes, and look, persistent rumours flit round Whitehall of important targets being met in health and education. The figures may have been twisted, tortured and otherwise forced to yield up meanings they'd never naturally do – but it seems to be true that half a million children have been "lifted out of poverty", that improvements have been made in primary education, and that patients no longer have to wait for years for operations.
Mr Blair firmly tells us we have to spend much more money to buy better services, and large numbers of people believe him.
He refrains from mentioning, however, that he's already spending much more money. New Labour spends about £100bn a year more than the Tories did. Is that a lot or a little, you ask? It's a big, fat increase on what the Tories were spending and is due to get even bigger. What we don't know is how much good it's doing.
So what do you get for £100bn these days? We are told that almost no patients have to wait longer than 15 months for an operation (that is presented as a success, incidentally). Pensioners are getting an extra five or ten quid a week (maybe they can afford to take up smoking). And children in primary school are spelling better, and are better at reciting their times tables.
I'm impossible to please, but that doesn't strike me as very much for £100bn.
World-class schools and hospitals. That's the vision. Or the sales pitch, as we used to call it. World-class schools and hospitals. The £100bn hasn't been enough, we need more. And yet, real spending on health has quadrupled since the 1960s (it's what they've taken to calling "starving the NHS of investment"). None the less, waiting lists, waiting times and satisfaction indicators have all gone the wrong way, as expectations have climbed.
It's the paradox that underlies so much political activity: the more that is spent, the worse things get."
Later, in the welfare debate, David Willetts took some pains with the Chancellor's child poverty statistics. Mr Brown, he said, had not intentionally misled the country with his claim that 1.3 million children had been lifted out of poverty. No, the Chancellor had assumed that everyone who could would take advantage of one of his myriad tax credit schemes, but in the event fewer than half of those eligible did so. Tax credits are too complicated. Too remote. Too alien.
"For all his huffing and puffing," Mr Willetts said, "he took child poverty to where it was in the early 1990s." But let's at least dare to hope. Look at all the health money. Look at all the effort. The goodwill. The high hopes. The inspection processes. They've obviously thought it through. (I don't know why I said that.) If you close your eyes and hold your breath we might just be able to have faith. Surely? But then we hear: "Hospitals will no longer choose patients. Patients will choose hospitals." And: "In six years' time the maximum waiting time for a hospital operation will be three months." And "we can debate endlessly the system of finance".
It is a rule that those who believe political promises will be disappointed; the greater the belief, the more bitter the disappointment."
The concerns derive from real conditions. In an estate near me, I've had an identical conversation with perhaps fifty people in a row. They complain about the appalling conditions, the decline in transport, the shortage of housing and how they trusted New Labour but feel let down. Then they say: "But the bloody asylum-seekers get anything they want", and out pour the stories. "They get seven grand off the council for a new kitchen," is a common one. Eventually I expect to hear: "They come straight off the Eurostar and get given a diamond. It's true – 27 carats, worth 85 million quid, my brother told me and he works for the council. Yet my daughter went to the dentist and was told she couldn't have an appointment before Thursday."
Addressing the "real concerns" means accepting they're right to be angry about the way they're treated, and the way in which politicians are divorced from their lives, but being unequivocal in stating that when they blame asylum-seekers they're talking a load of cobblers. "
No, the Chancellor dismissed hypothecation and has chosen national insurance as a means to fund the National Health Service instead. This is quite funny, as national insurance itself is a tax hypothecated for, on, or against our retirement.
Since the Second World War, national insurance has been made up of contributions from generations of taxpayers who have been led to believe they were paying in premiums to a fund that would pay out when they retired. Pause, if you like, for tears of laughter or grief.
Clement Attlee raided the fund shortly after it was started, by using it to pay new pensioners, even though they'd contributed almost nothing to the fund. Present purposes were more important than long-term provision. Robert Maxwell used similar reasoning when he discovered the Mirror Group's pension fund. But Maxwell's crime was trifling compared with the actions of successive prime ministers and chancellors.
If contributions had been left in the fund to mature over the 47 years of a normal working life, it is hard to calculate how many trillions there would be in the national insurance fund, how strong the public finances would be, how secure our future, how fat our pensions (but let's start at about £40,000 a year).
Of course, there aren't trillions saved. Though for once the fund is in credit, this isn't always the case. There was £18bn in it, the last time I looked. The credit balance is thought to be a real achievement by Labour's back bench and there are calls for the money to be distributed immediately. Mr Brown describes it as "the finest insurance scheme in the world" but there is no insurance element at all.
The Shorter Oxford defines hypothecation as "a. Rom. Law. An agreement without delivery". "
He is doing what the Tories should be doing: lifting data, cross-checking registers, showing how the world is working under New Labour, and producing scandals (see extract from his committee submission, below). In his evidence, he said that many of these advisory committees are "rotten to the core", that conflicts of interest are widespread and that interests are routinely undeclared.
His evidence hasn't proved exactly how rotten the committees are, if they are actually rotten at all, but the preconditions are well established. The Medical Research Council, for instance, is governed by a board of 17 members, eight of whom have misdeclared interests.
The chairman, Sir Anthony Cleaver, failed to mention Lockheed Martin UK Ltd, the Foundation for Science and Technology and a variety of other potential conflicts of interest. He is also a member of the Committee on Standards in Public Life. This isn't altogether reassuring.
Another member of the council, Professor Ray Fitzpatrick, declared no interests at all and yet has been a director of Bupa since November 2000.
In the National Care Standards Commission, we find Lucianne Sawyer. She's on this new independent body to regulate social care and is responsible for inspecting the controversial new care standards (which some say are responsible for closing down large numbers of private care homes).
Lucianne Sawyer fails to declare two property companies and a third company, First Base, which deals in home care. Ms Sawyer is also the wife of the Environment minister Michael Meacher."
"In June 1997, the Paymaster General, Geoffrey Robinson MP, the man in charge of monitoring and collecting the nation's taxes, was keen to sell his offshore shares in Coventry City. If he sold them and brought the money onshore he would be liable for tax.
"Derek Higgs - who Robinson has recently made a fellow Coventry City director - bought the shares in an offshore deal, thus allowing Mr Robinson to keep the proceeds tax-free.
"Six months later, Robinson appointed Higgs to head up an influential government task force charged with overseeing privatisation matters, and in particular to helping finance high-technology industries.
"Geoffrey Robinson's own company - Transtec - specialised in transferring technology into industry.
"Two years later, as the task force neared its two-year time limit, they transformed into Partnerships UK, a Treasury-based advisory committee, again charged with privatisation.
"A year later they privatised themselves with capital raised from the companies the committee members represented. They now occupy a unique position.
"They are a private company, listed on the cabinet website and continuing to operate out of the Treasury, despite their PPP status. They no longer have to list their interests.""
The Tories have been shambling along in opposition for years now, it's hard to remember how many, and have lost every rhetorical battle they have had with the Government. This is no mean feat, when you consider the battlegrounds. The Dome, the railways, the health service, David Beckham's foot, the Tube, the London mayoralty, the spin, the cash for access, the cash for favours, the sleaze – oh, don't get me started. Every single rhetorical battle the Government has won, though they have faced insuperable odds and been armed with nothing more than six broken bottles of Guinness and a handbag.
It's a pitiful effort by the Tories, and John Spellar was right (these words come through teeth so clenched I can't open my eyes), they should be ashamed of themselves.
The Government's three responses are simple, and after constant repetition some of the shine, you will observe, has come off them. They are simple, but they are solid and no way has yet been found round them.
Tories run at the wall with their heads down, then fall over backwards. The next one runs at the wall with his head down, and falls over backwards. A Tory MP then runs at the wall with his head down. What happens? He falls over backwards. For variety, she runs at the wall with her ... but you get the idea. But only because you're not a Tory MP.
These are the three lines of defence the Government uses against any hostile question:
"But this is precisely the result of the shambles we inherited from 18 years of Tory misrule." "It's a bit rich coming from the party that had 18 years to do something about precisely this and did nothing!" "And yet they are opposing the investment that would cure precisely the very thing they are complaining about!"
If they sound dull and tired now, they have never sounded anything else. They are the reason that debate in the House of Commons is so sterile. You can't blame the Government; it's those kamikaze Conservatives.
Iain Duncan Smith reflects on the state of the country: 192 muggings a day, one for every Home Office initiative; waiting times are up; survival rates are down; liver cancer patients in France have twice the chance of survival; not enough GPs; 35,000 more on waiting lists.
The Prime Minister says 1, 2 or 3, and that's the end of it.
One Tory gain yesterday: the Prime Minister became, for the first time I can remember, quite obviously irritable. Angry, then. He got angry. That's enjoyable for everyone, obviously, but it's not exactly victory at Stalingrad.
So unless the Tories start making an effort and doing better, I'm going to release all the photographs in my possession. I'm not joking this time! Labour's Tam Dalyell asked a question with his characteristic punctuation: "Has Kuwait. Indicated support. For military action against Iraq?" Then he sat down. The Tories could learn a lot from Tam Dalyell (no, seriously).
The Prime Minister hesitated in his answer and said: "It hasn't yet got to the point of military action in Iraq." And we all thought, "Cripes! Kuwait's indicated support for military action in Iraq." A memorable moment in Prime Minister's question time. A question was asked, it was answered, and we learnt something we hadn't known before. Bad luck Tories: the only goals are own goals."
The Shorter Oxford says it means bog-trotter (no letters please). It comes from Irish toraighe meaning "pursuer". In the 17th century it was applied to those dispossessed Irish who became outlaws and made their living by chasing and killing English settlers. A good livelihood to be made, no doubt, and plenty of fresh air.
The term came to be applied to papists of all sorts, particularly English papists who supported James II's claim to the throne. Royalists became known as Tories, and finally this traditional tendency was identified with the 19th century Conservatives resisting the liberalisation of everything ("Why do we need change, things are bad enough as they are"). However, the original meaning of the word connotes a violence and recklessness that sets an excellent example to the modern Opposition. We could do with much more of the terrier in the Tory these days. Much more chasing and killing. Much more running to earth and savaging.
Andrew Tyrie - a long, languid Tory - chased Gordon Brown down a hole in a post-Budget Treasury select committee meeting last week. He had managed to track down the amount of spending the Chancellor has moved off balance sheet.
There are contingent liabilities in the accounts at about £44bn. Is that a lot or a little? I think we can safely say it's a lot. You could take 15p off income tax with £44bn. The Chancellor has underwritten various public projects that private firms have contracted to undertake. By listing them as contingent liabilities he gets schools, hospitals and a new London Underground system but doesn't have to admit to having increased public spending.
Thus, when the Prime Minister jeers at Iain Duncan Smith, asking how public services can be improved without raising taxes, he's been quite lucky not to have had this thrown back in his face.
In the committee, Mr Brown defended himself by saying that moving items off balance sheet was a practice commonly used by the private sector.
Mr Tyrie stirred himself (he has the idlest manner in the House) to observe that this was hardly much of a recommendation. Enron moved items off balance sheet and collapsed in a smoking pile of ruins as a result."
When the Government passed laws to give tenants more security, landlords stopped renting out properties. Fewer flats became available and those that were available were more expensive. Legislating to make things better for tenants made things worse for tenants.
There is a bed crisis in hospitals. Beds are blocked by old patients who have nowhere to go. Why? Some 46,000 beds have been lost in the care home industry. Why? The government regulated for higher and more expensive standards in care homes, marginal homes closed down.
So, pensioners lie on hospital trolleys for days because the government has legislated to improve things for pensioners.
We heard last week that the number of beds blocked had recently reduced a bit from 6,000. This was because £300m of public money had been applied to the problem.
When you do the maths that turns out to cost £50,000 per bed.
Wouldn't it have been cheaper to give the money to the care homes to make the improvements in the first place? "
They were very rude, those mid-Victorian satirists. I can't approve."
When Iain Duncan Smith started on his Prescott question last week he had a serious point. The chubby Deputy Prime Minister had made earnest promises at the start of New Labour's regime. If in five years public transport hadn't improved and more people were not travelling by bus and bicycle, he invited us to judge his record and chuck him out.
This invitation was easy to make and clever: it gave the old fraud five years to drive his fat cars around the country, assuming everyone would have forgotten what he'd said so long ago. As we invariably do. The success of Mr Prescott's rhetorical device has encouraged its use more recently in the health service billions. If the multibillions haven't worked in 10 years, chuck us out, they advise. Oh, let's make a note in our diary.
At any rate, Mr Duncan Smith told us, delays on the Underground have doubled, punctuality and reliability on the railways have gone to hell, and it's anyone's fault except the Government's. Transport is a rich feeding ground for an opposition politician. The more the Government acts, the worse things get. And don't get me started on the Tube, where no risk at all has been shifted to the private sector.
Mr Duncan Smith began by saying: "Does the Prime Minister recall his Deputy saying just days after the 1997 election..." and was immediately felled by a Labour heckle: "We won!" Laughter and thigh-slapping. The press gallery asking: "What? What did he say? Who was it?"
The Prime Minister said: "*** off, ****, you ****** isn't you **** ****** ***** underneath!" Sorry, wrong Hansard. Actually Tony Blair's answer was good (dishonest, but good). He said traffic had gone up because the economy was doing so much better than under the Tories. But thanks to the heckle, he could have said anything he liked. "
The council in his constituency, Mr Cameron said, had set the country's lowest tax rate but was investing in recreation centres, social housing and doorstep recycling. "Does it not show that we can have quality local services without fleecing taxpayers?" This attacks Labour's spending rationale at a fundamental level. The Prime Minister's brilliantly irrelevant answer said: "If we look at the top 10 council taxes levied in the country, five of them are levied by Conservative councils and none by Labour."
Tory councils have more expensive houses. But that's another answer, and answers are easier than questions."
Mr. Blunkett: No, I shall not give way. I want to finish the point.
There is a good debating point as to whether someone should be ejected from the country, but let me make it clear: we are using immigration powers--we are relating them to the issue of someone who has voluntarily come into our country, was hosted by this country but whom we wish to remove on the grounds that they are a risk to our national security or that their presence is not conducive to the public good. We are challenged on that, not in terms of the fact that, historically, we can do that, because under the Immigration Act 1971--in schedule 3, I think: just for Simon Carr of The Independent, I was not referring to braille to enable me to remember that point--[Interruption.] He would not be in the Gallery because he will be having a good dinner somewhere. The biggest choice that he will have made will not have been at Sainsbury's but on the quality of the wine that he is buying on the expense account of the Independent. He cannot say anything more vile about me than he said on Tuesday morning, so he can get his own back at length, and undoubtedly, often--[Interruption.] Muesli will not be on the menu.
The serious point is that under those immigration powers, we had the ability to deport someone from this country. What has got in our way was the judgment that we were unable to ask a person to leave because their life was at risk. I rest my case.
Mr. Blunkett: The process described in chapter 7--go on, I shall be pompous--paragraphs 40 to 43 sets out the intervention powers to which I referred earlier, which are linked to the powers in chapter 6, paragraphs 83 to the end of the chapter. I thought that I had better memorise those during lunchtime--that was for Simon Carr of The Independent. The page numbers vary, depending whether one is reading e-mail or the print version. I shall end my reply by saying that I agree entirely with the accolades heaped on Sir David Phillips, not least because he is the president of the Association of Chief Police Officers, and I have to do business with him.
After my brief two-year introduction to the mother of parliaments I can say that it remains a strangely moving experience. These ordinary men and women - and some very much more ordinary than others - walk into the chamber dressed in the peculiar authority that their 70,000-odd electors have given them.
In debate, they refer to each other by their constituencies, like medieval barons. They sit where they like. The place ebbs and flows with people, with noise, with mood. So dense is the atmosphere, so rich and strange is it, that no joke made inside the House can survive in the environment outside.
It is the cockpit of democracy. The cauldron of the political world. The dark, strange heart of our national life.
It's a complete waste of time, most of what happens there, but you knew that instinctively. If the authorities managed to drain the moral, emotional and intellectual swamp in which the House of Commons operates there'd be no point to the place at all. It would be nothing more than that game show where people have to talk without saying anything. Where points are awarded for saying the silliest things, the least informative things, the most irrelevant things.
At least as it is, the place provides an awful fable warning against the dangers of power, a morality tale of how hubris crushes human instincts, how the guilty writhe and lie, how the desperate twist and turn and gnaw their own legs off, if necessary to release themselves, like rats caught in a trap. There are a lot of three-legged rats in the House of Commons.
Railtrack is one small example among many. John Redwood, who has a forensic manner, consisting of a clear mind, a calm voice and a vindictive sense of what is right, asked a question that deserves an answer. He wanted to know how much it is going to cost to run Railtrack until the new management is in place.
"We've made the position very clear," Stephen Byers began, and you knew a) that was a lie, and b) if he really had made the position clear he would have had to resign."
"This was a major breach of public trust!" he declared.
And because he didn't growl it, or scowl it, or accompany it with one his gruesome rhetorical flourishes, the Government claque did something very odd. Which was nothing. Normally they roar at this sort of thing. They bellow. They wave and jeer. They pick up his tone and amplify it in a bestial feedback system - this continues until it is impossible to hear what is being said.
So Iain Duncan Smith achieved his first parliamentary victory by creating the mood of the House. It was factual information that shut them up on the Government back benches. He cowed them. They were unable to jeer him down.
Only 4,000 or 5,000 places were misallocated, the Prime Minister claimed; yes, but only nine hospitals were investigated, IDS rebutted. There was a hush at that. Yes, and each hospital had their own rules. It appeared one had sent out a letter saying "we will contact you in 93 weeks". There was a deeper silence at that. Ninety-three weeks!
Here's the rule for a successful Tory attack on Tony Blair: no raised voice. No growling. No overt aggression, even. People seem to like Tony Blair (look at the polls). Attacking him attacks the electorate. So just show us the scandal; allow the audience the luxury of indignation. The artist prepares a cup for others to drink from, he doesn't slobber it off himself."
In a wide range of laws, often opportunistic reactions to one-off events, ordinary people are disempowered while officials and experts are given the whip hand. Increased surveillance, intrusion, arbitrary powers, detention, seizure, state secrecy and the suppression of dissent are the hallmarks of New Labour in action.
Here, then, follows a selection of some of the measures taken, about to be taken, or proposed to be taken. One by one, they may seem inoffensive. As a collective, they are impressive."
In answering another question she went further. "We don't want domestically violent husbands being murdered by their wives." She says the things others daren't think. We need that in a Solicitor General (£109,000 a year).
Posterity will treasure two of her sort-of-spoonerisms: "My honourable question's friend" and then, "my honourable member". Let's not, as women say, go there.
David Blunkett produced a new constitutional principle uniquely suited to the British way of doing things: the Oaf of Allegiance. Foreigners who are granted citizenship will have to take the Oaf of Allegiance outside, smash his face in and nick his mobile before being considered truly British.
Dave also gave us an entertaining portmanteau word, it was that sort of day. Maybe he was aiming at "the cross-party consensus continues" but it came out as "the consensus crosstinues". If consensus is a great soup blended out of many ingredients, you'd be more correct to talk about the "consensus crostinis". But this is silly. I don't know why it seems to fit.
Mr Blunkett is the Home Secretary. He started the job last year punching a fist into his palm and bellowing about cracking down on things. Cracking down on crime. Cracking down on crack. Cracking down on cracking down. He wouldn't have it. Not a bar of it. Whatever the ridiculous liberals said.
His groomers must have told him it wasn't going over very well, because now he presents a very different front. "I'd welcome more sensitivity from the honourable gentleman," he said, woundedly. And then, to another, it was "more warmth" he would have welcomed.
He's quite sensitive himself, underneath the shaggy bluster. After the Sketch suggested that he get himself a Braille note-taking machine he described it as "the vilest thing ever said about him in a national newspaper". He knows how to flatter. But yesterday we saw him, for the first time in the Commons, working a Braille note-taking machine. It's improved his performance, it has to be said, insofar as his performance is capable of improvement.
Mr Chope asked him why there was a target to repatriate 30 per cent of failed asylum-seekers, why not 100 per cent? "I don't know why the honourable gentleman reminds me of Piers in Alan B'stard," he began. That wasn't very nice. That was cruel. It was true, but it was cruel: the Sketch will not condone cruelty. The Home Secretary went on to say that he could of course repatriate 100 per cent of these people perfectly easily, by sending policemen in to arrest them. But he didn't want to tear ethnic communities apart.
Years ago, when Tim Renton became immigration minister he noted a trolley of mail was wheeled into his office during morning tea. "It's nothing minister," the officials explained, "it's just so that we can write back to the people saying, 'The minister has seen your letter'."
Whenever we find ourselves believing what is said to us by the Home Office, its ministers or officials, we've only ourselves to blame."
It has never been a great favourite in post-colonial Africa. It holds little appeal for the rest of the world. Even in the nations of the European Union it is imperfectly understood. Only the United States showed signs of comprehending what it was about - though they possessed no Crown and, strictly, no Opposition either. But lately they have been unwilling to distinguish between opposition to the government and loyalty to the state.
When Harold Macmillan was Prime Minister one of his colleagues, Iain Macleod, was fond of remarking that so feeble was the Labour opposition that the Conservatives would have to provide their own. This somewhat conceited observation was rapidly followed by the collapse of the Conservative government and Labour's unexpectedly narrow victory in 1964. Most commentators now say about the Conservatives - most Conservatives say it about themselves - what Macleod said about Labour."
One morning someone lost it, as if it was a trench in the First World War, and yelled "That's it, I'm going in!" and squeezed round the gap to charge through a line of security guards and make a break for it.
It felt like the rest of us should shout, "Oh my God, Tommy's cracked," and "The fool, he's going over the top!" Instead it was more like Invasion of the Body Snatchers, with the rest of us thinking "Don't fight it. Be like us and accept it, then there's no more pain, just a numbness that's quite pleasant once you're used to it.""
It makes you wonder whether sheep were originally super-intelligent creatures who ruled the world, but after a few centuries of being herded across fields in groups of several hundred, one by one they all gave up and thought, "Oh sod it, I might as well stare in a gormless trance until someone mercifully sticks me in a stew." "
Around nearby Farringdon station groups of protesters were buying beer, preparing to unfurl their banners and conversing in many tongues. By 1pm all we were left with was the rubbish and a sense of calm. Then I realised the main difference; for the first time in months, EC1 was a beggar-free zone. They'd all gone on the march. Cash machines were squatter-free. The supermarket didn't have a bloke with a filthy sleeping bag and a whining dog on the pavement outside."
Gwyneth Dunwoody amplified the point, her voice creaking like a coffin lid. She wanted these constant rumours of unskilled, unqualified workers attended to. She wanted accountability. She didn't want to wait for the accident inspectors to report. This must be dealt with at once.
Mr Byers, astonishingly, said he had just been handed a letter faxed by the contractor's chairman, saying that all inspection had been carried out by full-time, fully qualified staff. Had it been any other minister, one would have believed him.
Note: On Friday, a group of senior politicians were having lunch when the news came through. Crash. Casualties. The fellow carrying the information was beaming. The senior man said: "Byers!"
Who were they? It doesn't really matter. What party were they from? That doesn't really matter either. They were politicians. And that is what they're like."
"God, men say, when die go fly
In sky with eagle hawk and
crow.
God, men say, when die
go fly through Pearly Gates
Where river flow.
Maybe, maybe. I don't know."
Your Sketch feels like that Aboriginal missionary. Keen as we both are to get the good news out, we both lack a visceral belief in what the Good Book - or in this case the Government Red Book - says.
Iain Duncan Smith asked again why there were now more managers than beds in the health service. Mr Blair replied they had increased the number of beds. Maybe that's true. Maybe, maybe. But it was no reason to bring it into the conversation.
Then he added: "And I totally disagree that good management isn't important." Why did he say that? IDS pointed to the Office of National Statistics report that had shown public spending on health (I won't say investment, I won't!) had gone up 25 per cent but half of the money hadn't given rise to any improvement. It's a fact that crucially undermines the Government's spending plans, and the best that can be said for Mr Duncan Smith is that he didn't make a complete bog of it.
Mr Blair said the report only went up to 1999 and didn't take improvements into account. Now, he told the House, all the indicators were going the right way. Only two people now waiting for an operation for longer than 15 months for instance.
Maybe, maybe. I don't know.
Nor did the Liberal Democrat David Chidgey. He didn't know either. He asked what to say to the dozens of his constituents who had approached him saying that if there were only two people in the country waiting longer than 15 months for an operation they were one of them.
Mr Blair said that precisely the same way of compiling waiting lists was used now as always. And 75 per cent of operations were done within three months. Maybe, maybe. Do you know?
Mr Duncan Smith made another good point. He does this occasionally; it's not clear why. Last year, he said, the Prime Minister had undertaken to cut benefits for those involved in criminal behaviour. Just as he was suggesting now. So, "How many criminals had their benefits cut?" he asked. The Prime Minister didn't know. "Thirty nine!" was the answer. Forty thousand beneficiaries had failed to comply with governmental instructions and just 39 had their benefit docked. "It was just another gimmick, wasn't it?" The Prime Minister denied it and rattled off a list of his eye-catching initiatives. The Conservatives were just exploiting the crime situation, he said, while he was dealing with it.
Maybe. I don't know. Who does? Bob Marshall Andrews, impresario of Old Labour's Old Testament prophets, asked Mr Blair to give his opinion of the modernisation of the select committees. A vote had been taken the night before. Robin Cook's proposal to remove the power of appointment to these committees from the party whips was narrowly defeated. It was a free vote, the PM said.
Not true. The sergeant's mess of the Labour whips' office had engaged in a decisive campaign of freelance whipping, and the motion was defeated by a handful of votes. Mr Blair insisted the vote was free.
Maybe? Maybe? No, I think we know."
"That's not a goal," he'd say. Or "That didn't go in," or "I'm sorry, I was fixing my bat, how many runs do we need to win?"
Labour's David Taylor kicked off with swingeing denunciation of the eurozone. The PM didn't even move his feet.
Iain Thing asked for an apology on behalf of Pam Warren, the leader of the Paddington Survivors' Group (their political affiliations had been sought by the Government). No apology was offered. "I endorse entirely what the Department of Transport said at the time," Mr Blair weaselled. And, to expressions of disbelief, "There was never any attempt to discredit her."
The Scots nationalist Alex Salmond suggested that as Mrs Warren was an "ordinary person doing extraordinary things" (in the Government's phrase) she should be eligible for an honour. Mr Blair's response was so muffled and short no one heard what it was. He really doesn't seem to like Pam Warren one little bit.
Archie Norman lofted in one over his head. He recalled the two occasions on which Mr Blair had promised to withdraw subscription charges for cystic fibrosis sufferers, and suggested that these people had a right to take his pledge at face value. Ah, but which face? "We have to look at this in terms of the whole health budget," Mr Blair said, to an audible intake of breath from his critics. "We are aware of things that were said, and we intend to honour them." But won't, he failed to say out loud.
Iain Thing's last two questions were belters. One of Mr Blair's eye-catching initiatives had been to remove the driving licences of men who failed to keep up child support payments. How many licences had been removed? The PM didn't know. The answer was one. How much had the initiative cost? The PM didn't know. The answer was £300,000. How much had it netted? The PM didn't know. The answer was £5,000.
Mr Blair had also said that there were four and a half thousand unemployed young people. David Willetts came to the dispatch box and hammered a point of information into the back of the net. The real figure was 240,000. Mr Blair was unconcerned. He knew he was going into the next round whatever happened.
Later, an amiable geezer from the Speaker's office came to the sketch writers' tea table asking to see me alone. The sketch writers sniggered (they are low creatures). Michael Martin's new spin doctor wanted me to know that they weren't happy with the tone of the Sketch's Speaker coverage. There was a line, he said, which the Sketch was always going over. A joke was one thing, but. Consistent rudeness. Gratuitous insults. They were undermining the very role of the Speaker.
Yes, I flushed. I suddenly felt quite humble. I agreed with every word he said. To have my work recognised at the highest level like this. To be undermining the very office that may take over the Queen's prerogatives in the Government's modernisation of the monarchy.
It must be said, too, that the standard of arm-twisting has improved considerably. The last time one of my colleagues was taken to task by the Speaker's office he was given a veiled threat that his parliamentary pass would be withdrawn.
So let us heartily agree that whether or not Mr Martin is or is not a bulbous-faced booby he has the most impeccable taste. Hats off!"
The obsession with spinning sewage into something more attractive springs from the fundamental problem with our representative democracy. Perfectly ordinary people – some very much more ordinary than others – are elected to Parliament to represent their constituency. They end up administering the biggest budget in Europe. Four hundred billion pounds of public money. They simply try to do too much. They're not equipped for it. They fail. They have to present their failure as a success because otherwise people won't admire them so much. As they toil, so they have to spin."
Gwyneth Dunwoody is not hopeful of her chances. The Government is out to get her. They want her position as chairwoman of the Transport Committee. She's awkward. She tells the truth as she sees it. She won't be twisted out of shape. They hate that.
She was saved last year by the intervention of the House of Commons: it voted to retain her as the committee's chairwoman. The House only gets its act together once, she believes."
It's a small example, but the same sort of thing is happening all over the Western world. A turning away from the great oligarchies, the great powers.
You can't beat them but in good times you can ignore them. The great disconnection is well under way, expressed in cynicism, sneering, refusal to join in, refusal to "connect". Hiding from canvassers. Lying to researchers. Politicians call it apathy but it's not. It's a sullen, resentful, low-level, civic rage.
Do we believe stock market analysts will give good, independent advice? Are company auditors telling us the truth? Do we believe results? Do we believe surveys? Do we believe journalists? How about scientists? Over a period of 25 years, that which is enjoyable becomes lethal before being declared essential. Voters are disconnecting even more deeply than consumers. We haven't stopped buying things but we've largely stopped voting.
Our leader has been making efforts to heal the disconnection. He is looking for "new ways to communicate". But what he actually wants is new opportunities for telling us he's doing the right thing. It's a little different, isn't it? And it turns out to be decisively different. When we realise the conversation he seeks is actually a lecture which he wants to conclude with our spontaneous applause, we slump into an even deeper sulk than before."
One thinks also of Lotfi Raissi, an Algerian pilot whose one stroke of good luck was to be arrested in Britain, not the US. He was picked up at his home near Heathrow airport on 21 September 2001, and Mr Ashcroft's Justice Department instantly demanded his extradition on the grounds that he had trained some of the 11 September hijackers.
But not a shred of evidence was ever forthcoming from Washington, beyond the fact that Mr Raissi was an Arab and had trained at an Arizona flight school at roughly the same time as Hani Hanjour, one of the hijackers of American Airlines Flight 77, which crashed into the Pentagon. In February he was released on bail, and in April his case was thrown out entirely. Had he been in the US, however, he would undoubtedly still be rotting quietly in jail.
But the fanfare around Mr Padilla served Mr Bush's purposes perfectly. Forgotten were the host of clues missed by the FBI and the CIA before 11 September. The US was on full nuclear terror alert, ready once more to take the President's word for anything and to support his plans for a new super-ministry for domestic security
Recent "revelations" about Khalid Almidhar, another of the AA77 hijackers, are equally instructive, albeit for different reasons. More unnamed officials told Newsweek magazine that Almidhar was spotted by the CIA at a meeting of al-Qa'ida operatives in Malaysia in January 2000. But the CIA, it seemed, failed to alert other agencies, including the immigration services who might have picked him up on entry into the US.
But wait. A few days later, other intelligence sources disclosed, this time to the Washington Post, that the CIA had in fact told the FBI. By now an alert reader will have divined that the disclosures have less to do with the fight against terrorism than with the equally entrenched fight between the FBI and the CIA. And as armistice breaks out between them, in reaction to their having had their heads banged together by the Bush administration, blame is being shifted beyond US shores.
Take Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, the al-Qa'ida operative whom other anonymous counter-terrorism officials named early this month as a prime organiser of the 11 September attacks. Those officials claimed he was in Germany before the attacks, liaising with Mohamed Atta, who flew the jet into the north tower of the World Trade Centre.
The only problem is, the Germans know nothing about it - and when they ask Washington for further information, none is forthcoming. But that is a secondary consideration. The finger now points to Berlin, not Langley, where the CIA is based, or FBI headquarters in Washington. Increasingly, for the two secretive agencies engaged in the US's "war on terror", anything goes. "
In other respects, the diet works. Jeremy Heywood may well be the ablest civil servant of his generation. A few years ago, he won golden opinions from the Tory ministers he served. Norman Lamont said that Mr Heywood was the cleverest man he had ever met. Then, as any good civil servant should, he translated effortlessly to new political masters, earning further praise and higher promotion. According to his job description, he is now the principal private secretary in No 10 for economic policy and domestic issues. However, this intellectual paladin has been sent grovelling down Whitehall with a brush and pan to sweep up the Blairites' weasel dung. Corruptio optimi pessima – the corruption of the best is the worst of all. "
Then the political world swung on its axis. The People's Princess died, and the People's Tony took command. The Royal Family did not know how to react, partly because they were concerned with the welfare of the young princes. So Mr Blair and Mr Campbell seized their chance.
Suddenly, it seemed that the House of Windsor had become a ward of Tony Blair's court. The Royal Family would graciously be allowed to continue, but only as a political appendage of the New Labour project. As a sign of the monarchy's new subservience, Mr Blair was able to override the Palace's initial objections and to read a lesson at the Princess of Wales's funeral. He read badly, preeningly and self-regardingly – but his narcissism had been satisfied.
So it was natural that Mr Blair should try a repeat performance during the Queen Mother's funeral. This time, a Palace which had recovered its confidence resisted his intrusion, with magnificent assistance from Black Rod, who demonstrated his soldierly qualities. That is why No 10 reacted so angrily and lost contact with the truth. "
The next thing he knew he was fired.
In the CBC interview, Okulitch did not seem too bitter about the dismissal. He was working as a scientist emeritus, a position where retired scientists can continue working for not additional pay after they have retired. That’s right, they fired a scientist, one with numerous publications under his belt, who was already basically volunteering his time and expertise.
Scientists, like engineers, programmers, writers, artists, and other professionals in other industries, are the ones who actually create value. Apple, Disney, and others might value their brand equity in the billions of dollars, but fire all the people who actually create the products, write the software, and come up with the breakthroughs, and you will have a whole lot of nothing. Disney learned this pretty late and had to buy Pixar. Canada might not have that option.
Geologists, in particular, are not ivory-tower, head-in-the-cloud theorists. Without these guys we don’t find oil and we find seismic faults by building cities on top of them and waiting.
After I heard the story I went to Google and did a web search, news search, and blog search. I wasn’t until my second try that I got any results on this story, on the CBC web site. I’m writing this because I think this is a bad sign, and perhaps as a less-interested outside party our Canadian friends will listen to me: this is a very, very bad sign.
Dr. Andrew Okulitch told CBC News on Monday that it all began Sept. 5, when his Earth sciences sector on Salt Spring Island received an e-mail from Natural Resources Canada advising employees to use the "new government" phrase in all departmental correspondence.
Another person who works at Natural Resources Canada told CBC.ca that employees have been directed to use the phrase "Canada's New Government," with all three words capitalized.
When he received the Sept. 5 e-mail, Okulitch said he immediately fired off a reply to its sender and all the other recipients.
"I said, 'Why do newly elected officials think everything begins with them taking office?'"
Okulitch said he added in his reply, "While this ridiculous and embarrassing policy is in effect, I shall use Geological Survey of Canada on my departmental correspondence to avoid any connection with the new government."
E-mail told him to clear out office
Okulitch said within an hour he received an e-mail from an assistant deputy minister telling him he was no longer part of the scientist emeritus program and to clear out his office immediately.
"No one ever came to see me. He never phoned. He never wrote. And I replied to that and said that it seemed an overreaction," he said.
Okulitch said the assistant deputy minister stood by the decision. He said he was told that no one with an attitude like that should be part of the public service.
He said while being part of the scientist emeritus program was a considerable honour, he'll continue doing his research from home.
So basically, unless a Government of Canada employee pays homage to the Conservatives, they're out. So much for the government of the day treating the civil service as a group of professionals. I wouldn't expect much more from the current Tories. It's been rumored that many of the Tories think the civil service is a Liberal plant, filled with Liberal patronage appointees. Now it's likely true to some extent some of the top civil servants at the deputy minister level, but is highly unlikely at the lower levels.
So we now have a government that wants to decimate the civil service. Eliminate the professionals who help keep government running smoothly and replace them with party hacks. More and more the Tories are starting to look more and more like a capitalist version of the old Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Top down control of the leader, challenges within the party being turned aside and now civil servants having to show total loyalty to the party. I'm sure that though technically not a requirement, a party membership card will ease one's entry into the civil service at some point in the near future.
Now much of this is speculation on my part of course, but it seems like an easy path for the Tories to go down given their utter paranoia of things that have even been touched by the Liberals. A purge of the civil service would be a logical step. Clear out the ideologically impure and replace them with more "reliable" people. It would also have the advantage of slowing any changes from the Tory agenda when they go back to the opposition benches as any new government would have to deal with the new people.
We shall see how all this pans out of course, as I could be wrong. I suspect we will see many more months of the Tories using the public purse as a way of publicizing themselves. Expect vote buying too, with large sums of money heading for Quebec and Ontario in the form of program spending directed directly at the voters of these provinces (leaks have already suggested that this is happening). So much for new and improved government.
The House of Lords does not usually sit during August, September and early October, during the two or three weeks before and after Christmas and for a week or so at Easter and at the Spring Bank Holiday.
To gain entry to the Gallery of the House of Lords, members of the public should join the queue (separate from the queue for the House of Commons) at St Stephen's Entrance to the Houses of Parliament. It is usually fairly easy to get into the Lords' gallery, although it may not always be possible to secure a place for Question Time, which is between 2.35pm and 3.05pm on Mondays to Wednesdays and 3.05pm to 3.35pm on Thursdays.
" I have a special responsibility for relations with orthodox Christians and this has resulted in travels over many years in the former Soviet Union and in the states which have emerged since the fall of communism. The five Central Asian states were already attempting to mobilise before September 11th against their own internal terrorist threat. They had even agreed to establish a joint anti-terrorist centre in Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyzstan. The region is also of course afflicted by the consequences of the drought as well as insurgencies of various kinds.
" It seems clear that any coalition action in or from the region needs to be accompanied by long term efforts to stabilise Central Asia, politically and economically. Some kind of Marshall plan for the region is needed. But also in a recent statement, an Uzbek official cautioned that 'our Government will get full support from the West to fight against those our government declares terrorists. Since the West has little understanding or interest in distinguishing between devoted Muslims and extremists or terrorists, all opponents of the government will be easily jailed.' This is clearly a dangerous prospect. The danger is that we shall once again unwittingly create a Frankenstein.
" The importance of supporting any action with a humanitarian relief programme has already, rightly, been stressed. The Scriptures say 'If your enemy is hungry, feed him.' This is controversial advice in conventional warfare but as we seek to deny to terrorists the achievement of their aim to spread fear and hatred, it is a strategy that is prudent as well as pious.
" But analyses of the conflict which suggest that religion is simply a cover for economic discontents and the unequal development caused by globalisation are hangovers from the flatland Marxist interpretation of the world. Osama Bin Laden himself does not come from the ranks of the poor nor are his stated aims in his struggles with the US, moderate Arab governments, and the Shi'ite regime in Iran reducible to economic grievances. Aid and development may reduce the pool of those who sympathise with terrorists but will not solve the problem of apocalyptic terrorism which, like the gas attack on the Japanese underground, arises not from a clash between civilisations or between have and have nots but from profound anxiety within civilisations about the direction of secular materialism.
" Terrorism cannot possibly be defended from any of the great spiritual traditions of the world but the religious dimension of our present crisis is not reducible to any other categories. In a world of divergent histories and beliefs it is vital that we reinvest in a long tradition of genuine tolerance and respect built on genuine though divergent belief. It is easy to point to Muslim civilisations in which this tolerance was a characteristic. The great Christian defender of the icon tradition of depictions of Christ and the saints, St John of Damascus, was free to write his book at a time when his views were persecuted in the Christian Empire, because he was Chancellor of the Exchequer to the Umayyad Caliph of Damascus. Faith based tolerance is a vital component of our response to the present emergency. I was glad to stand together with London Muslims last night in an event organised by the Muslim Council to demonstrate our many common values and to make new allies in combatting fear and hate.
" My Most Reverend Brother, the Archbishop of Canterbury has issued an open invitation to prayer focussed on tomorrow Friday, October 5th. The invitation is to all Christians but also to all people of faith and already the response has been very encouraging, not in terms of great events, but of people committing themselves to pray in the workplace and at home for peace, justice and the reconciliation of faiths. And to demonstrate that we are fully part of the modern world there is a web site with suggestions and materials - www.invitationtoprayer.org.uk
" Lastly My Lords, I wonder whether it would be wise to consider establishing an ad hoc Select Committee of the House to report on the changing nature of global conflict? Such a Committee would be able to embrace the role of religious and cultural factors as well as the more traditional diplomatic, economic and military tools for combatting the new threat and any necessary changes to domestic and international law. I know that your Lordship's House has a tradition of establishing such Select Committees on an ad hoc basis and remember in particular the success and the great influence of the Committee on Medical Ethics which set the agenda for the euthanasia debate in the 1990s.
" The subject matter would not be the immediate response to the dreadful events of September 11th , but consideration of a longer term strategy for a conflict which will, I fear, haunt us for a long time to come."
The Rt Rev & Rt Hon Richard Chartres
The Old Deanery
Dean's Court
London EC4V 5AA
Tel: 020 7248 6233"
Last month's tragic events have shown us in the most vivid possible way the urgency of dialogue between different systems of thought, polity and social organisation--the dialogue between civilisations to which President Khatami of Iran has drawn our attention. But as the Roman Catholic theologian Hans Kung, never tires of pointing out, such a dialogue can be useful only if it is undergirded by dialogue between different religious traditions, for it is they which underlie so much of culture, politics and even economics.
One feature of our patchwork and plural world is that increasingly civilisations are not monolithic. People with different cultures, beliefs and world views now live cheek by jowl with one another. That means that, as my brother, the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of London, pointed out, we must promote dialogue not only between civilisations but within them. I must point out to him that St. John of Damascus, to whom he referred, suffered at the hands not only of the iconoclasts in Byzantium but of the rulers whom he served, the Omayyads in Damascus. In the end, his left hand was amputated and he retired to a monastery in Jerusalem.
In this country, it is good that the need for dialogue has long been recognised. Leaders of faith communities are conscious of the importance of keeping lines of communication open, and bodies such as the Inter Faith Network, mentioned by the noble Baroness, Lady Richardson of Calow, provide co-ordination within communities and between them and government. Of course, some may be reluctant to engage in any kind of conversation, but many are willing.
However, worldwide we need an immediate reorientation in our policy on exchanges, scholarships and research. The role of the British Council has been mentioned. Too much of our policy has been built on materialistic assumptions that have favoured the physical and life sciences and technology at the expense of subjects such as culture, faith and history--more elusive, but important nevertheless.
That policy has now been proved to be both narrow-minded and dangerous. There is a kind of scientific fundamentalism about it. Technical training takes no account of the uses to which science and technology may be put--whether terrorism, internal repression or exploitation of the poor. I have seen examples of all three. In future, we should be sure that we are engaging with beliefs, values and traditions, which are at the heart of cultures, rather than promoting optimistic and false beliefs about homogenising the world through the spread of technology.
Contrary to popular--and even, dare I say, scholarly--beliefs, there is a long tradition in the Islamic world of a civil polity that recognises the importance of intermediate political, judicious and religious institutions, which are seen to mediate, interpret and develop the injunctions of revelation, as Muslims see them. Such a society will, of course, be founded on the principles of Islam. As the former Chief Justice of the Pakistani Supreme Court, Dr. Nasim Hasan Shah, points out, the laws and institutions of such a society will be conducive to Muslims practising their faith, but they will not be coercive. That is the issue: no one will be forced to be a Muslim; no one will have to be a Muslim in a particular way decreed by the state.
In that connection, it is worth pointing out that the earliest so-called heretics in Islamic history were the Kharijites, who rejected all intermediate institutions, including the Caliphate, and proclaimed the direct rule of God--theocracy in its pure form--la- hukm illa- illa- li-lla-h. However, their view has never, I am glad to say, gained general acceptance in the Islamic world. For more than 200 years, leading Muslim scholars--both Shia and Sunni--have discussed the different ways in which the various schools of Islamic law, the Sharia, can be related to modern conditions.
The Arab scholar, Wael Hallaq, in his most recent study of principles of movement in the different schools of Islamic law, illustrates the continuity of that concern among Islamic jurists.
It is of the utmost importance that those engaged in the building of civil society in the Islamic world, and those who are working for the development of Islamic law in the light of contemporary circumstances, are recognised and supported, not only by their own governments, but also by the wider international community.
Another area which merits further exploration and dialogue is that of jihad, mentioned already by the noble Lord, Lord Howell. That has been variously interpreted in Islam to mean struggling against oppression, against hostility to Islam and, as the noble Lord said, even against one's lower instincts.
I pointed out some years ago that dialogue about jihad and the Christian concept of the "just" war, could be fruitful. It may lead to a wider international consensus on the circumstances in which the use of armed force can be justified. We must listen carefully to what Muslims say about the rest of the world. If it is not an abode of a war--as traditionally described--what is it? We wait to hear the answers.
I am delighted, like other noble Lords, that there is to be substantial emergency aid for those likely to be affected by the current conflict. However, it is unlikely to be more than a fraction of the military cost. Both kinds of expenditure may be necessary now. But how do they compare to any political and diplomatic effort in solving major underlying problems which fuel militancy? Palestine, Kashmir and Chechnya have all been mentioned today in this House. It may be that the resolution of these disputes does not eradicate terrorism, but it will certainly remove its sting in many parts of the world.
Encouraging better internal security in states at risk and choking off the financial supply routes of extremist organisations, both semi-official and illicit, is a sound policy. Public opinion worldwide may also tolerate overt military action provided that there is proper authority for it; that it is proportionate--by that I mean that it does not cause greater evil than the evil it is seeking to remove: that is the meaning of "proportionate" in just war theory--that it does not harm civilians; and that it is aimed at establishing an enduring peace and not more war.
Such action may bring about a backlash against Muslims living as minorities in the West and elsewhere--again, India comes to mind--and also against non-Muslim minorities living in predominantly Muslim countries. Therefore I welcome the steps being taken to prevent incitement to religious hatred here and I welcome the comments of my brother the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Bradford about the protection of non-Muslim minorities in Muslim countries like Pakistan. It is crucial that government and law enforcement agencies be prepared for such an eventuality. Failure at this time would set back the cause of peaceful, multi-cultural and multi-fed societies by many years.
In relation to Afghanistan, further division will not clean up the country. Surely we need a United Nations sponsored conference which brings together the different ethnic and political groups as a first step towards a government of national unity which is then protected by some form of international guarantee.
Freedom from terrorism is a very significant prize, and people, including the populations of Muslim countries who have suffered the most, may be willing to pay the price. In the end however the battle is not just on poverty; it is also a battle for minds and hearts. That is why I return to my original theme of the importance of dialogue. That is why research, exchange and scholarships are important. That is why support for the development of civil society is important. And that is why increased political activity for the resolution of long-standing disputes is important. Military and security measures may at best cauterise the immediate sources of danger. But sustained and long-term action on many fronts is necessary if the causes of extremism are to be addressed effectively.
We have had a sober debate, and even a sombre one. There has been little disagreement.
That is true but democracy is preserved and underpinned by the rule of law--and the rule of law is enforced by the judiciary. Judges have an essential part in the enforcement of the rule of law.
The Home Secretary appears to be trying to water down the right of judicial review. The fact that there is a crisis does not prevent a Minister from taking a decision that is ultra vires, in breach of natural justice or irrational. Ministers' decisions should continue to be subject to judicial review. In times of crisis, it is at least as important as in times of calm and peace for there to be a right to judicial review.
The Roman poet Virgil wrote--I shall quote him in English translation rather than in Latin:
"Amid clash of arms, laws are silent".
That must not be said of this country. Amid the clash of arms in this country, the laws must not be silent. I hope that the noble and learned Lord the Lord Chancellor--who was the sponsor of the Human Rights Act, is now its protector through his department and is head of the judiciary--will fight to ensure that any new legislation is compatible with that Act and that the rule of law is not overriden. Those matters will have to be looked at in more detail when the legislation comes before us.
On the day that the news of the gunpowder plot reached Bishop Auckland everyone in the village lit a bonfire to celebrate the king's deliverance. One woman was out shopping. While she was out, her children lit a fire inside the house. A neighbour told her what had happened. She rushed back and got it put out. But she happened to be a Roman Catholic. One of her Protestant neighbours informed on her for failing to have a bonfire to celebrate the king's deliverance. The authorities did not believe her story and she died in prison. I do not know whether her children turned into conspirators. If they did, that is the sort of thing we ought to have expected. One should be careful not to overreact and behave in a way that produces extremists where there would be none otherwise.
As to Ireland, I have seen a 17th century order that any trees within 100 yards of the River Baan should be cut down because they provided cover for snipers. The disease has a deep hold. It may be easier now in some other places to separate moderates from extremists--but no more so than 300 years ago which is when we should have started.
I start with a few words on identity cards. I take issue with the noble Lord, Lord Campbell-Savours, who made a notable maiden speech. He recounted an anecdote of his time in Paris as a student when his identity card saved him from the savage French police. I was there at the same time or a little earlier--1958--and have a slightly different tale to tell.
I was going to bed in my 1932 Wolseley one night in Pigalle. Someone was plainly anxious about what I was doing--undressing and putting on my pyjamas, as one should. Ten minutes later, there was a rap--a very savage rap--on the car. I looked out of the window and saw eight fierce, heavily armed army men with sub-machine guns that were all pointing in my direction. I gingerly got out of the car. I did not have an identity card but I uttered the immortal words, "Je suis anglais". That was sufficient for them to realise that I was a pathetic and eccentric Brit. They laughed hilariously, got on to the back of their fierce vehicle and drove off. I wish that the noble Lord, Lord Campbell-Savours, had been here to hear my counter-story.
The Gunpowder Plot, to which my noble friend Lord Russell referred, was followed immediately by a piece of legislation the preamble to which says:
"An Act for the better discovering and repressing of Popish recusants".
That was a foul piece of legislation, entitling any Justice of the Peace to haul up any suspected Catholic to take an oath about the Pope and the King. It was repealed two centuries later, to much relief, because it did no good to anyone--indeed, it exacerbated tension.
I have considerable faith in the present Home Secretary, David Blunkett. The approach that he has taken to this thorny issue is exactly right: one of caution and determination to ensure that whatever is proposed is workable, essential and will have minimal impact on our current liberties.
Having said that--my noble friend Lord McNally referred to his sceptical approach--we must be careful of the over-mighty state. We need not think in exaggerated terms of Kafka and Nineteen Eighty-Four, but it is a truism to say that these days the state intrudes more and more, with greater and greater specificity, in our lives. Many people are uneasy about that. I have many friends who came here in those terrible pre-war years who will say, "The thing that I most value about this place is that I am on nobody's list; I feel free; I am free; I can change my name tomorrow; I have no identity card." Those are intangible but invaluable benefits of living in this land. The psychology of freedom must never be forgotten. Freedom is an issue of the heart. People talk about the climate of freedom, not its narrow specifics, and we so easily inadvertently undermine that.
The 45p stamp represents the Literature prize and contains the entire text of a TS Eliot poem printed in letters 20 times smaller than a grain of sand.
The 32 line poem needs to be magnified eight times to be viewed by the human eye.
The Peace prize is represented by an embossed image of a dove carrying an olive branch on the 36p stamp.
Albert Kuvezin has just checked into a hotel having spent 24 hours on a train from Budapest as the result of having been forcibly deported from Hungary along with the rest of his band. Their passports had been stolen from the dressing room of the gig the previous day. Their plea for help from the Russian Embassy resulted in them being frog-marched to the railway station and sent home. Before he can relax he receives a phone call from his co-singer Radik Tiuliush telling him that he has had enough of the rigours of travelling backwards and forwards from Tuva (a 3-day journey just to get to Moscow before an international flight takes them to start a tour). There are only 2 days to find new passports and a new singer before they are due to begin a US tour. This proves impossible and Albert retreats to Kazyl where he is immediately hassled by mobsters and corrupt government officials. He then crashes his car and ends up in hospital.
Whilst convalescing Albert ponders his band’s future and listens to his record collection. Having spent many years being persecuted under the Soviets for listening to and playing rock’n roll he contemplates the long journey that his love of both Tuvan Folk Music and Western Rock has resulted in. He had toured the world many times playing at some of the great festivals such as Glastonbury, Roskilde, Bloomington, Monterey, Transmusicale, and Sziget. He had played hundreds of club shows and listened to and met some great bands along the way. Bands like his thrash heroes Slayer and folk heroes such as the Chieftains and contemporary artists such as Billy Bragg and many more.
And now Yat-Kha was due to travel to London in October 2004 to record a new album that Albert had been busy writing earlier in the year. As he lay there with music from all around the world blaring out from his newly- acquired PA system Albert decided that he would commit his musical and spiritual journey to tape instead of his new songs. His new album would reflect how music took him from one of the world’s more remote regions to international recognition. Remote, yes, yet central enough to pick up the currents of international music, even if the international music scene was not yet hip to the growling waves coming from Tuva. He would revitalise himself by re- engaging with his loves of country, blues, rock and just all things music. Although he was due to self-produce his new album Albert made a last minute phone call to the legendary world music producer Ben Mandelson who immediately made time to take over production duties. Justin Adams, producer of Tinariwen, joins him on a couple of tracks.
The band began by jamming many of Albert’s favourite tunes and from this came the new album Re-Covers.
Sept. 6th, 2001 Ballot Eaters Charged At least three members of the Edmonton Edible Ballot Society have been charged with eating their ballots in the last federal election. The charges follow a year-long investigation by Elections Canada into the groups' culinary activities. Marika Schwandt is alleged to have liquefied her ballot with soy milk and fruit before drinking it, and Mike Hudema reportedly sauteed his ballot in a tangy stir fry. Witnesses claim that Chad Blackburn ate his ballot raw (clearly Chad is a masochist with an iron stomach). The first court appearance will take place on Wednesday, September 26th at 9am. Smoothies, anyone? Approximately one hundred members of the Edible Ballot Society ate their ballots at polling stations across Canada during the last election, and the group suspects that more members will be charged. Special Investigators from Elections Canada have been visiting members of the group since January, and interrogating polling clerks. Those who partook in a ballot meal face up to five years in jail or a fine of up to $5000. "I guess there really is no such thing as a free lunch", remarked one ballot-eater after receiving a court summons. The trio have been charged under sections 167(2)(a) and 489(3)(e) of the Canada Elections Act. These sections were intended to prevent people from rigging elections by destroying other people's ballots, but in this case, Elections Canada has stretched the law to catch ballot eaters. The trio ate their ballots because they refuse to participate in a system where casting a vote for some lying tool once every four years passes for democracy. They want to draw attention to the shallow nature of our procedural electoral process, and spark dialogue on participatory alternatives. Some of these alternatives are discussed on the groups' web page ( http://edibleballot.tao.ca ). The web page also has many delicious recipes which can turn an otherwise bland ballot into a taste sensation. If you wish to ridicule the bizarre actions of Elections Canada, you can write to them at 257 Slater St. Ottawa, Ontario, K1A 0M6, or email them at through their web page here. If you can afford to support the Edible Ballot Legal Defense and Kitchen Appliance Fund, please email wrench@tao.ca. And remember kids - If you voted, you can't complain! For more info email edibleballot@tao.ca.
The trick to cooking with ballots is to use lots of strong spices. This will mask the bitter taste of big business and money. As always when handling ballots, make sure to wash your hands thoroughly with soap and hot water. If you are concerned about coming into contact with the germs of corporate power, you might want to wear latex gloves.
Note: The Surgeon General warns that ballots are toxic and can be hazardous to your health. Eating one every four years probably won't kill you, but putting one in the ballot box probably will.
Before the deputy returning officer gives a person a ballot, he/she initials it. A numbered counterfoil is attached to each ballot. The elector must thereafter proceed directly to the voting compartment, mark the ballot paper, fold it as instructed by the deputy returning officer and return it to the deputy returning officer (the form of the ballot and the voting procedure are governed by ss. 116 and 150-53 of the Canada Elections Act).
When the voter returns the ballot, the deputy returning officer verifies that it is the same one that was handed to the elector. The deputy returning officer then removes and destroys the counterfoil, and returns the ballot to the elector to deposit in the ballot box or, at the elector’s request, deposits it in the ballot box.
At the counting of the votes after the close of the polls, the deputy returning officer must determine, before the candidates’ representatives present, that all the ballots the returning officer initially provided are accounted for. This entails counting the number of ballots in the box including spoiled ballots, and the number of ballots that were not used. If the deputy returning officer is unable to account for all ballots, the election results at that polling station can be contested on the basis of irregularity.
According to section 167(2)(a) of the Canada Elections Act, "no person shall wilfully alter, deface or destroy a ballot". Subsection 480(1) of the Act also provides that every person is guilty of an offence who, with the intention of delaying or obstructing the electoral process, contravenes this Act.
These provisions, based on practices that date from the 19th century, are essential to ensure that electors can exercise their right to vote in conditions that reflect the importance of this aspect of the democratic process and that the count of the votes is accurate. Canada’s system to control all ballots is recognized worldwide as being at the forefront of measures aimed at preventing electoral fraud.
The study - which warns specifically against "the intense use of mobile phones by youngsters" - comes as research on their health effects is being scaled down, due to industry pressure. It is likely to galvanise concern about the almost universal exposure to microwaves in Western countries, by revealing a new way in which they may seriously damage health.
Professor Leif Salford, who headed the research at Sweden's prestigious Lund University, says "the voluntary exposure of the brain to microwaves from hand-held mobile phones" is "the largest human biological experiment ever". And he is concerned that, as new wireless technology spreads, people may "drown in a sea of microwaves".
The study - financed by the Swedish Council for Work Life Research, and published by the US government's National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences - breaks new ground by looking at how low levels of microwaves cause proteins to leak across the blood-brain barrier.
Previous concerns about mobile phones have concentrated on the possibility that the devices may heat the brain, or cause cancer. But the heating is thought to be too minor to have an effect and hundreds of cancer studies have been inconclusive.
As a result, the US mobile phone industry has succeeded in cutting research into the health effects, and the World Health Organisation is unlikely to continue its studies.
Mays Swicord, a scientific adviser to Motorola told New Scientist magazine that governments and industry should "stop wasting money" by looking for health damage.
But Professor Salford and his team have spent 15 years investigating a different threat. Their previous studies proved radiation could open the blood-brain barrier, allowing a protein called albumin to pass into the brain. Their latest work goes a step further, by showing the process is linked to serious brain damage. Professor Salford said the long-term effects were not proven, and that it was possible the neurons would repair themselves in time. But, he said, neurons that would normally not become "senile" until people reached their 60s may now do so when they were in their 30s.
He says he deliberately refrained from publicising his work to avoid alarm, and acknowledges that mobile phones can save lives.
Recently, a decree went around to local authorities in England and Wales – town and county councils, mostly – from the body that governs them, forbidding use of a long list of popular crapspeak terms. The Local Government Association sent out a list last week of 100 “non-words” for councils to avoid.
According to The Associated Press, the list exhorted government officials to replace “revenue stream” with income and to avoid cryptic code words such as “coterminosity,” meaning an overlap of administrations.
“Stakeholder engagement” can easily be replaced by “talking to people,” the chairman of the association said.
Almost simultaneously, a writer for the BBC's online magazine posted a rant about the mindless cheeriness of the most popular catchphrases in business. Lucy Kellaway is on a campaign against “going forward” in particular, which, as we have noted, is used by every inarticulate person who wants to make some reference to the future. She accuses business folk, with their optimistic blue-skying and reaching out, and leveraging, all their synergies and passionate commitments to visions, of being brainlessly upbeat. “All the celebrating, the reaching out, the sharing, and the championing, in fact, grind one down,” she writes. “The reality is that business is the most brutal it has been for half a century.”
The response to her column stretches on for several pages, and it contains her readers' least favourite current buzzwords. BBC types, at least, are unanimous: Stop trying to dazzle us with the latest corporate metaphors. They don't want to hear “product evangelist” or “platform atheist” any more. They don't want to be told to “touch base offline” (for “meet”). They are not impressed by cradle-to-grave, holistic solutions or prepreparing or forward planning. They are tired of pipelines and spaces (as in “How can I help in this space?”) Many object to the verbing of nouns, as in actioning, tasking and incentivizing. They laugh at the tendency of pompous managers to mix their metaphors wildly, as in “You can't have your cake and eat it, so you have to step up to the plate and face the music.”
There were some new ones that I, being at a distance from office culture, had never even heard: Apparently people are talking about “granularity” now, meaning detail. “We're going to do a high-level overview and then deal with the granularity going forward.” A granular report is not, as you might think, a gritty one, or on the subject of sugar, but one that deals with specific technical issues – what crapspeak users used to call “the micro level.”
My own most hated buzzword these days is “cascading.” This is a euphemism for “toeing the party line.” Say you work for a communist government. The Politburo decrees that the intelligentsia, last month's heroes, are no longer the intelligentsia; from now on they must be referred to as counterrevolutionaries. Your job as junior functionary is now to eliminate the term intelligentsia from all party documents and to spread the word counterrevolutionary. If you don't, of course, you will lose your job. A very simple and old-fashioned idea, really. But modernized with “cascading!”
Say you work at a large public broadcaster, for example, and you are very nervous about losing your job, because there is a new regime in place and the new regime despises what you used to do, so you simply change your views on things: You start repeating the new mantras on popularity and diversity. You're not behaving like a spineless sheep, you're cascading!
“Cascade theory” actually started as a pejorative term: It was invented by economists to describe blind follow-the-herd behaviour. Management fads not based in actual research are examples of cascades. Informational cascades occur when large numbers of people believe something just because everyone else does.
Why corporate types would now embrace the term as something to emulate is mystifying. Perhaps the use of the word cascade is itself evidence of the worst kind of cascading.
The term is even more confusing because it has another specific meaning in computer programming. This usage trumps: No business-speak will ever compete with technical jargon for complete impenetrability. Here's a definition of (programming) cascading: “Cascading is a feature-rich API for defining and executing complex and fault tolerant data processing workflows on a Hadoop cluster.” All right, all you CEOs and PR managers, you want to play with the big boys, beat that. That, my friends, is jargon 2.0.
Researchers in Sweden have found that radiation from mobile phone handsets damages areas of the brain associated with learning, memory and movement.
The study, which was carried out on rats, is the latest twist in the long-running debate over whether mobile phones are a health risk.
Scientists have yet to find any conclusive evidence that mobile phones damage the human brain.
This latest study was carried out by Professor Leif Salford and colleagues at Lund University in Malmo.
Lab tests
They experimented on rats aged between 12 and 26 weeks. Their brains are regarded as being in the same stage of development as teenagers.
The rats were exposed to two hours of radiation, equivalent to that emitted by mobile phones.
Their brains were examined under a microscope 50 days later.
The researchers found that rats which had been exposed to medium and high levels of radiation had an abundance of dead brain cells.
Professor Salford said there was good reason to believe that mobile phones could have the same effect on humans.
"A rat's brain is very much the same as a human's. They have the same blood-brain barrier and neurons," he told BBC News Online.
"We have good reason to believe that what happens in rat's brains also happens in humans."
Professor Salford said that there was also a chance exposure to mobile phone radiation could trigger Alzheimer's disease in some people.
"What we are saying is those neurons that are already prone to Alzheimer's disease may be stimulated earlier in life.
"However, this theory is hypothetical. We do not have evidence yet that the human brain is affected in this way."
The study is published in Environmental Health Perspectives - the journal of the US government's National Health Institute of Environmental Health Sciences.
Writing in the journal, the researchers concluded: "We cannot exclude that after some decades of often daily use, a whole generation of users may suffer negative effects maybe already in their middle age."
Further research
Professor Salford said mobile phone users should not be alarmed by the findings.
"This is a negative finding and yes it doesn't seem to be particularly good.
"But this is one observation, in one laboratory with a small number of animals. This study will have to be repeated before we get alarmed.
"Nevertheless, it is strong enough to merit more research into this area."
But he added: "Perhaps putting a mobile phone repeatedly to your head is something that might not be good in the long term.
"Maybe we should think about restricting our use of mobile phones."
A UK-government funded study, published three years ago, found no evidence to suggest mobile phones affect health.
However, the report by the Independent Expert Group on Mobile Phones recommended that teenagers should only make essential calls and that these should be as short as possible.
A spokeswoman for the Mobile Operators Association dismissed this latest study.
She said: "Independent scientific review bodies in the UK and around the world have consistently concluded that the weight of scientific evidence to date suggests that exposure to radio waves from mobile phones operating within the international exposure guidelines do not cause health problems."
Look back at the history of social reform in this country, and you can see that Blunkett's carefulness is typical. In 1861 the Offences Against the Person Act made it illegal "to procure a miscarriage" (ie carry out an abortion). The penalty was life imprisonment. It took another 75 years before the Abortion Law Reform Association (ALRA) was formed. In 1938, Dr Aleck Bourne, a gynaecologist, invited the police to prosecute him for performing an abortion on a 14-year-old rape victim. Bourne was acquitted on the grounds that he had acted to prevent the girl from becoming a "physical and mental wreck".
A year later, a government committee recommended changes to the abortion laws, but nothing was done. It wasn't until the thalidomide tragedy in the early 1960s that abortion became a matter of wide public controversy. When – at last – in 1967 a Bill liberalising the law passed though the Commons, it was a young Liberal MP who sponsored it – not the Health Secretary. It was a rough ride. And even then the new law did not apply to parts of the UK.
Gay law reform has taken even longer. After a series of scandals, largely caused by police overzealousness, the Wolfenden Committee was set up in 1954 to consider the laws on homosexuality. In 1957 the committee recommended liberalisation, and the first parliamentary debate on the subject was held in December that year. The then Home Secretary parked the Wolfenden recommendations, arguing that they wouldn't enjoy the support of the general public. More research, he said, was needed. That's the way it stayed for another 10 years, until the Sexual Offences Act was passed. Even this put the age of gay consent at 21 and made homosexuality a criminal offence if more than two people were present.
Some Labour ministers feared the public reaction. Richard Crossman, in his diary for 3 July 1967, wrote of the Bill: "It may well be 20 years ahead of public opinion; certainly working-class people in the north jeer at their Members at the weekend and ask them why they're looking after the buggers at Westminster instead of the unemployed at home."
Just last year, the Lords were refusing to accept an equalisation of the gay age of consent, and the right of gays to serve in the armed forces was only upheld by a judgment from the European Court of Human Rights. In all cases it was argued that liberalisation of the law was running ahead of public opinion.
The abolition of capital punishment was even more tortuous. In 1908 it was abolished for people under 16; in 1922 for maternal infanticide; in 1931 for pregnant women; in 1933 for the under-18s. In 1957, following the wrongful hanging of Timothy Evans, the ultimate penalty was restricted to murder in the course or furtherance of theft, murder by shooting or causing an explosion, murder while resisting arrest or during an escape, murder of a police officer or prison officer and for two murders committed on different occasions. So if you strangled two people at the same time, you were OK, as long as you weren't robbing them and they weren't police officers. Not until 1969 was the death penalty abolished for murder altogether.
In each case, necessary action awaited the creation not of a majority for change, but of a critical mass of law-makers, enforcers, professionals and a progressive section of society. And in each case the progression was uneven and met by hostility.
So, one day (round about the same time as Andorra) we will legalise marijuana and drugs such as ecstasy, regulate their quality by law and then launch education campaigns to persuade youngsters not to use them in school hours, drivers not to take them, and spliff-smokers to find a less harmful way of ingesting their jollies. Gradually, over time, we will cease the demonisation of pushers – not because they are a fine upstanding group of men and women, but because drugs are about demand pull not supply push. The problem with drugs is pullers, not pushers, and they need education, not punishment.
Again, early this year the same twenty-two top analysts gave their estimates as to where the Dow would close in 2002. The estimates ranged from 10,750 to 12,100. As of today, the Dow is at 8460. Not one of the 22 experts saw the Dow closing below 10,000."
Tragically, if those approaching retirement age don’t recognize a bubble bust almost immediately and sell out near the top, it’s all over. They will not live long enough to recover their capital to retire peacefully. The young sometimes can recover if they are hypnotized and trapped by a supercycle bubble bust, but the old can’t afford such colossal lapses in judgment. Time and time again the markets mercilessly obliterate the careless with extreme prejudice.
To recover from a 10% loss takes an 11% gain to be made whole again, no big deal. A 25% loss requires a subsequent 33% gain, which is usually still manageable. A 50% loss requires a double, or 100%, to merely get back to one’s starting point. It is certainly not easy earning 100% in the markets in a short period of time, as any experienced speculator will probably agree."
A supercycle Great Bear bust has a single mission in life. It exists solely to destroy the manic euphoria rampant in general stock valuations during a bubble and maul stocks back down towards undervalued levels so the whole great cycle can begin anew like a phoenix from the ashes. While equity valuations on average run about 14x earnings over decades and centuries, they are bid up ridiculously high in a bubble when everyone lusts for stocks and they plunge to silly lows at a supercycle bear bottom when virtually everyone hates stocks with a passion.
As the graph above shows, general US stock valuations in terms of the crucial price-to-earnings ratio peaked at 32.6x earnings in September 1929 and ultimately plunged to only 5.6x earnings in June 1932. Massive secular bear markets exist to utterly destroy the fundamentally-unsound speculative excesses of the preceding bubble and drag stocks back down to fundamentally-sound valuations once again."
Traditionally, historians have tended to view the "Maiden Tribute" as either a work of voyeuristic impulse or the journalistic hijacking and sensationalising of Josephine Butler’s campaign against white slavery. Yet, closer inspection of Stead’s earlier work at the Northern Echo suggests that the seeds of his infamous scandal were sown not in London but in Darlington, where the plight of working-class children, whether abused by sex fiends or by unscrupulous employers in Britain’s northern factories, had sufficiently jaded Stead’s view of the respectable ruling elite to make an exposé of upper class villainy almost inevitable. For Stead, the "Maiden Tribute" was deserved retribution for "a society which outwardly, indeed, appears white and glistening, but within is full of dead men’s bones and rottenness".[8] Despite its all too obvious flaws, Stead’s great exposé continues to demand our attention.
The "Maiden Tribute" began on Saturday 4 July 1885 with a dramatic "frank warning": "All those who are squeamish, and all those who are prudish, and all those who would prefer to live in a fool’s paradise...will do well not to read the Pall Mall Gazette of Monday and the three following days". The paper, Stead announced, was about to publish the report of "a Special and Secret Commission of Inquiry" that would "open the eyes of the public" to the ghastly realities of sexual criminality in the London Inferno. Based on his personal account of four "terrible weeks" with "the meanest of mankind", Stead’s report, was "true, and its publication [was] necessary", especially since the government’s Criminal Law Amendment Bill, aimed at dealing with prostitution and raising the age of consent from thirteen to sixteen, had again been shelved and was now "threatened with extinction in the House of Commons". It was, therefore, in the public interest, to publish the case for the bill, to expose those "criminal developments of modern vice" which the bill was framed to repress.[9] What followed was a work of journalistic genius, and one of the greatest scandals ever to hit nineteenth century news-stands.
With the public appetite sufficiently whetted, Stead’s "revelations" hit the news-stands amid a storm of controversy and anticipation. The theme of the "Maiden Tribute" was child prostitution - the entrapment, sale and "ruin" of young English virgins and their abduction to continental brothels. An innovative writer, Stead constructed a matrix of Greco-Christian legend on which to weave his "infernal narrative". In the "Maiden Tribute", London was the iniquitous ancient Babylon mentioned in the Bible, while her streets were the Cretan labyrinth of Greek myth, into which, every nine years, the ancient Athenians were compelled to toss seven virgin maids as a sacrifice to the hideous Minotaur. In the "Maiden Tribute", the brothel-using aristocrat had assumed the role of Minotaur, but his victims were "not seven maidens only, but many times seven...served up as dainty morsels to minister to the passions of the rich".[10]
Not surprisingly, the series was an instant hit. Within days of its publication the "Maiden Tribute" had become an international sensation. Stead wrote proudly of "telegrams from the United States begging for telegraphic information as to the progress of the great exposure", while demand for his revelations in London was so great that, by the third instalment, crowds of newspaper vendors ("gaunt and hollow-faced men and women") lay siege to the Pall Mall Gazette offices and "fought with fists and feet, with tooth and nail...for the sheets wet from the press".[11] By the end of the series, Stead had succeeded in throwing Victorian society into a state of mass hysteria over prostitution. London would not see the like again until the emergence of Jack the Ripper. "
Not surprisingly, the series was an instant hit. Within days of its publication the "Maiden Tribute" had become an international sensation. Stead wrote proudly of "telegrams from the United States begging for telegraphic information as to the progress of the great exposure", while demand for his revelations in London was so great that, by the third instalment, crowds of newspaper vendors ("gaunt and hollow-faced men and women") lay siege to the Pall Mall Gazette offices and "fought with fists and feet, with tooth and nail...for the sheets wet from the press".[11] By the end of the series, Stead had succeeded in throwing Victorian society into a state of mass hysteria over prostitution. London would not see the like again until the emergence of Jack the Ripper.
Yet, the white slavery hysteria manifested by Stead’s exposé was by no means a new phenomenon; rather, it was largely a reawakening of the agitation of the 1860s and 1870s against the Contagious Diseases Acts. The first of these Acts, aimed at controlling venereal disease, was passed in 1864 (followed by the Acts of 1866 and 1869) and provided for the identification, registration and, if necessary, the incarceration of prostitutes in specific ports and garrison towns of southern England and Ireland.[12] Policemen were given wide discretionary powers to enforce the Acts" particulars, the most heinous being that prostitutes suspected of carrying a venereal disease had to submit to a humiliating medical examination by speculum. Those found to be diseased were placed in lock hospitals until cured. Repealers vigorously opposed the measures on both legal and moral grounds, maintaining that, because the Acts applied only to women, they were unfair, unworkable and amounted to little more than a state-sanctioned system of regulated prostitution. This view was also shared by Stead who, in 1872, dismissed the Acts as "practically useless, inasmuch as all the men, and a great proportion of the women, elude all regulation whatsoever". He also pointed out that "clandestine prostitution increases enormously the moment regulation is attempted" and that it was "scandalously unfair that laws which they detest and abhor, should be forced upon the weaker sex, while we dare not apply the same measures...to the male portion of the community".[13]
The Acts themselves were the result of a curious collaboration between the medical profession and the military - a knee-jerk reaction to the alarming spread of venereal disease in the British population and the recognition that, in Britain’s military hospitals in the Crimea, more man-hours had been spent on the treatment of syphilis and gonorrhoea than on enemy-inflicted wounds.[14] Indeed, a War Office Committee charged in 1862 with investigating the extent of venereal disease among the ranks of Britain’s far-flung regiments was so alarmed by what it found that its members "felt it a duty to press on the Government the necessity of at once grappling with the mass of vice, filth and disease which surrounds the soldier’s barracks and the seamen’s homes…which surely, however slowly, saps [their] vigour".[15] Such concerns had been growing since the cholera epidemics of 1831 and 1849, and military and medical authorities were convinced that another epidemic, that of venereal disease, would sweep throughout the armed forces, perhaps even the nation itself, if prostitution were not controlled by the state.
Their concerns, it seems, were not wholly unfounded; figures for 1864 revealed that almost a third of all sick cases in the army were venereal in nature, and admissions into hospitals for gonorrhoea and syphilis constituted 291 per 1000 of total troop strength.[16] The loss of service due to venereal disease, moreover, "was equal to that of the whole Force serving in the United Kingdom for an entire week".[17] Even in the navy, where venereal disease was less severe, statistics for 1862 revealed that it still accounted for a substantial percentage of all naval casualties:
The daily loss from venereal disease was about 586 men per day, or the ratio of 9.9 per 1,000, which may be looked upon as equal to the loss of the services of the whole compliment of such a vessel as H.M.S. Royal Oak (iron-clad).[18]
Of course, prostitution was nothing new in nineteenth century England; the "profession" had formed an accepted and substantial part of working-class economics for centuries. In the 1840s, however, Victorian society witnessed a conjunction of legal and medical powers that was to put prostitutes on the receiving end of a transformation of public health administration. As Ogborn remarks, "the law became the medium of action through which the public health movement operated", and doctors played an growing role in courtrooms as "specialists" in sanitary issues. By the 1850s, moreover, public health advocates increasingly influenced government legislators who, in turn, came to view both prostitution and the prospect of regulation in equally irrational terms.[19] It was the prostitute, not her male customer, who was the "virulent foci of infection", and only through sanitary regulation could society be protected from women who, if left to flourish, would "destroy thousands – hundreds of thousands of lives".[20]
The problem for the medical and military authorities in the 1860s, however, was how to effect regulation without appearing to erode the civil liberties of the prostitutes who would come under their power. The War Office Committee, charged with effecting such regulation considered two options: an existing European or colonial model, which involved the licensing of prostitutes by the state and heavy-handed police enforcement; or a milder system which combined all the powers of legal, medical and philanthropic institutions.[21] Of the two strategies, the former was considered to be more effective in the control of prostitution since it allowed for a greater degree of state intervention. However, the adoption of the Continental system was problematic; firstly, it involved "new and questionable principles of legislation…certain to be distasteful to a large portion of the public";[22] and secondly, if police were given too much power over prostitutes, there was a danger that "the constant exercise of it over the despised and helpless would probably degenerate into tyranny and abuse".[23] Indeed, there had already been much public debate over whether prostitution was an appropriate sphere for state intervention to begin with.[24] Committee members were keenly aware of the sensitive nature of state intervention in the private lives of Britain’s poorest subjects and, if only to safeguard the legislation against criticism, were reluctant to ride roughshod over even prostitutes" civil rights:
We have…to deal in this case with disease, and not prostitution; we have to protect men in the service of the State…These are distinct objects in which the operation of the law is less liable to failure than if it was attempted to be made more generally applicable. [25]
Thus the Continental system was rejected. It was crucial to the success of disease control that British legislation was not understood as a punishment for prostitution, nor lock hospitals seen as prisons for the correction of sinful women. State intervention in prostitution had to be justified purely on medical grounds, with the emphasis firmly on disease, not on prostitution itself. Thus, in July 1864, Parliament passed the first Contagious Diseases Act "as a partial measure of sanitary police, for the benefit of soldiers and sailors of the army and navy".[26] The first Act met with little public opposition, and was accepted by most on narrow medico-moral grounds. It was only when the amendments of 1866 and 1869 extended the Acts" geographical and legislative jurisdiction that public opposition mounted (most notably, Josephine Butler’s Ladies National Association).
The Acts of 1866 and 1869 reinforced any areas of the first Act which the Skey committee (set up in 1864 to monitor the effectiveness of the legislation) considered to be "specially defective". The Committee’s report condemned the first Act as "not going far enough" and questioned the "intelligence" upon which police based their arrests and detained their suspects. The Committee complained that "the evidence commonly obtained as to the existence of disease in women is bad…inconclusive, and the mode of obtaining it very objectionable"; brothel-keepers "will not declare a girl diseased until she is so ill as to be a burden", and the evidence of companions was "frequently actuated by "spite"".[27] Committee members concluded that only by subjecting all prostitutes to compulsory periodical examination could such "dubious sources" be avoided.[28] Compulsory examination would also be a welcome intrusion to the prostitutes themselves:
So far as opposing its operation, they appear to appreciate its value to themselves…Out of 752 informations laid, all the women attended voluntarily but 6; and there is evidence to show that they would tolerate even further interference, having their health for its object.[29]
Official propaganda such as this ushered in the Acts of 1866 and 1869, both of which implemented many of the Committee’s recommendations. The new Acts were intended to close loop holes, tighten up the legal aspects of the legislature and reduce the authorities" reliance on unwilling and untrustworthy sources. What they actually did, however, was to introduce the very system which the War Office Committee had rejected in 1864 - that of Continental regulation. The new Acts mandated "a well organised system of Medical Police"[30]and decreed that all prostitutes, whether diseased or not, were subject to "the periodical medical examination by the visiting surgeon".[31] Moreover, women could be "taken into custody without warrant" if they declined treatment or left hospital without being discharged "and on summary conviction…[were] liable to imprisonment, with or without hard labour".[32]
The Acts of 1866 and 1869 also reduced significantly the role of the magistrate and vested the central power of the legislation in the medical profession. The legal and medical elements of the Acts had been uneasy bedfellows since 1864; magistrates frequently overturned medical decisions and hospital authorities, who viewed the law as an inconvenience that obstructed disease control, searched for ways "to avoid as much as possible any appeal to the local magistracy".[33] The Acts of 1866 and 1869 resolved this conflict with the introduction of the local Visiting Surgeon. He was appointed by the War Office and the Admiralty, could have a woman arrested and, so long as he had the agreement of the Chief Medical Officer or the Inspector of Certified Hospitals, could extend her detainment in hospital over the three month period. In almost all instances the magistrate was not even informed.[34]
By 1869 it was clear that the emphasis of the Acts had shifted from venereal disease to prostitution itself and regulationists faced increasing hostility from both the public and authorities within the medical profession itself. One such authority, Dr John Simon, the Chief Medical Officer of the Privy Council, denounced regulation in his report of 1868 as pathologically unsound, and dismissed evidence of any social improvements under the Acts as incidental to their operation. He also warned that any attempt to bring the civilian population under the legislation would be a violation of moral principles and an illegitimate extension of state authority.[35] Simon’s report effectively destroyed any hopes of extending the legislation to the north. It was also a major blow to the Acts" rapidly diminishing medical credibility. Thereafter, regulation increasingly incurred the wrath of the public and faced growing criticism from the press.
This was certainly the case in north-eastern England, where the Acts were proving a particularly effective honing stone for Stead’s "New Journalism". Like Simon, Stead dismissed regulation, "with all its loathsome details of police spies and medical inspection", as a "dead letter" which could not possibly "check the ravages of syphilis".[36] In the editor’s mind, the Acts were laws which, "without preserving health...cynically sacrifice[d] the liberty and honour of English women in a futile attempt to save abandoned men from the consequences of their crimes".[37] Not that Stead was utterly opposed to government legislation for the control of venereal disease; even he thought that "considerable tampering" might be excused if the Acts were "applied to both sexes alike" and "achieved the end for which they were passed".[38] Under their existing structure, however, the Acts placed an unfair burden on "the sex that is unrepresented in Parliament"[39] and failed to make any significant headway in the control of venereal disease. Their failure was inevitable in that they targeted prostitutes but did not encompass the men who used the brothels. In addition, both military and medical authorities refused to restore the periodical venereal examination of soldiers and sailors, a practice which had been abolished in 1859, having been "distasteful to the men".[40] After 1869 the Acts began to lose touch with their sanitary origins and, until their suspension in 1883 and final repeal in 1886, increasingly resembled the apparatus of highly sophisticated social repression. As Stead put it: "No slavery which ever existed denied more absolutely the rights of humanity".[41]
It was not until 1870, six years after legislation had begun, that organised public opposition to the Acts at last began to mount. Central to this movement was Josephine Butler’s "Ladies National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts" (LNA). As the daughter of the antislavery advocate, John Grey of Northumberland, Butler incorporated the rhetoric and fanaticism of the antislavery movement to redefine prostitution as "nothing else than...the protection of a white slave-trade...[and] the organisation of female slavery".[42] Instilled from an early age with a love of justice and a "horror of slavery and all arbitrary power", Butler proved to be a gifted and charismatic leader, and quickly established herself as the dominant force behind LNA policy. She dismissed the Contagious Diseases Acts as a "tyrannous injustice" whose "flagrant inequality and cruelty have probably never been equalled in the history of the world".[43] She also portrayed regulationists as vicious aristocratic villains who legitimised a system "by which protection is offered to vicious men...under the supervision of state officials for the greater convenience of the licentious".[44]
Under Butler, the LNA took to public platforms around the country to dismiss the Acts as the official sanction of the double standard and demanded their repeal. They described in vivid detail the cruel and humiliating speculum examination which inflicted pain and genital mutilation on prostitutes in the name of medical science, and denounced the injustice of a system by which men "imposed on women a stricter rule in morality than they [were] willing themselves to obey".[45] LNA propaganda, meanwhile, provided detailed accounts of the "instrumental rape" of registered women:
It is awful work; the attitude they push us into first is so disgusting and so painful, and then these monstrous instruments and they pull them out and push them in, and they turn and twist them about; and if you cry out they stifle you.[46]
Harrowing accounts such as this were at the forefront of the LAN’s attack on the medical men who embodied the Acts. To such men, the prostitute was both threatening and deviant - the evil seductress of moral man. She was, therefore, hardly deserving of gentle treatment, nor even (Butler and her co-workers alleged) sterilised instruments.[47] The surgeon and moralist, William Acton, an ardent supporter of regulation, most typified the medical profession’s hostility towards its unworthy patients: "Such women, ministers of evil passions, not only gratify desire, but also arouse it. Compelled by necessity to seek for customers, they throng our streets and public places, and suggest evil thoughts and desires which might otherwise remain undeveloped".[48] The idea that men were the helpless victims of their own sexuality and were led astray by the sexual harpies of London brotheldom, had considerable currency in the nineteenth century. In 1871 the Royal Commission thought that there was "no comparison to be made between prostitutes and the men who consort with them. With the one sex the offence is committed as a matter of gain; with the other it is an irregular indulgence of a natural impulse".[49] Consequently, "experts" such as Acton, concluded that prostitution was a matter of choice rather than necessity, that female rather than male sexuality was the source of moral corruption, and that the Contagious Diseases Acts were a well-deserved nemesis of female sexual debauchery.
Butler, naturally, dismissed such misogynous views as lacking in the merest understanding of either prostitution or male sexuality. Yet, Butler and her supporters held an equally distorted view of prostitution. Butler misrepresented prostitutes by portraying them not as the wretched, often syphilitic jetsam of brutal working-class culture, but as saintly magdalens whose redemption required merely the gentle hand of Christian guidance. There was, of course, no place in this idyllic landscape for prostitutes who refused to change their ways; and LNA members displayed the same revulsion for unrepentant women as did their regulationist opponents. Ultimately, Butler, like Acton, looked to the forces of evil to explain prostitution and, in doing so, failed to make the link between prostitution and the chronic mal-distribution of wealth which afforded middle-class society its privileged position at the expense of the "unrespectable" poor.
Nevertheless, the LNA soon attracted the indignation of the male Establishment, whose earlier derisory response to the "shrieking Sisterhood" soon turned into a deep-seated sexually hostility. LNA were members were accused of trying to politicise females on subjects which were inappropriate for "respectable" women, as well as promoting female autonomy in both public and private spheres. To regulationists, moreover, the LNA came to signify everything that was dangerous in women’s participation in the political arena. They were not only a threat to male supremacy in government, but to male domination on all levels.[50] Hence, as Stead wrote, "men whose central principle is to be earnest about nothing, are curiously earnest in defending the C.D. Acts, not because they care a straw about the Acts, but merely because they detest the principles upon which the agitation for repeal is based".[51]
The LAN’s campaign against regulation attracted thousands of women to the political arena and encouraged them to challenge the male centres of authority - the police, Parliament and the medico-military establishments - which enforced the Acts. A strongly worded Ladies" Protest, published in the Daily News and signed by prominent proto-feminists like Harriet Martineau and Florence Nightingale, outlined the essential arguments of the LNA: Firstly, the Acts gave police too much power over women; secondly, they punished "the sex who are the victims of vice and leave unpunished the sex who are the main causes both of the vice and its dreaded consequences"; thirdly, they made vice safe and smoothed the "path of evil" for "our sons"; and finally, they failed in their ultimate aim of controlling disease.[52] For Butler, moreover, the regulation system doomed registered women to a life of vice, because it publicly stigmatised them and prevented them from finding alternative respectable employment.[53] This view was also shared by Stead:
Whatever may be the object of such Regulation, its practical effects are to doom women who have once resorted to Prostitution to life-long servitude by placing an insurmountable barrier in the way of a return to a virtuous life.[54]
According to London Chamberlain Benjamin Scott, moreover, police corruption and harassment ensured that a registered prostitute found it impossible to have her name removed from the lists because the police were "loath to let go their hold upon a woman". She could not free herself, and "was allowed to give up a vicious life...by favour of the police only as a matter of indulgence".[55] The anti-regulationist Alfred Dyer, meanwhile, maintained that a system of brothel debt condemned prostitutes to a life of sexual servitude. Dyer observed that brothels ensured a woman’s continued service by arbitrarily assigning debts to cover "expenses", and so kept women "deeply in debt and terrified with the threat of imprisonment if they dare[d] attempt to leave without paying".[56] Debtor laws were used to ensure prompt repayment of such debts. When, therefore, brothel escapees went running through the streets, it was not the brothel keeper who pursued them, but the police. [57] Thus prostitutes became brothel-bound, imprisoned by a state sanctioned system which, in effect, made them the chattel of the brothel keepers. This is what Butler called "white slavery".
The idea that working prostitutes were, in fact, slaves to their profession was first mooted by Victor Hugo in 1870. In a letter to Butler, Hugo wrote that the slavery of black women was abolished in America, "but the slavery of white women continues in Europe".[58] Butler, of course, at a time when harrowing images of black slavery were still fresh in the British imagination, was quick to see the symbolic potency inherent in the metaphor, not only in terms of her fight against regulation, but in all forms of male brutality against women. Nowhere did this manifest itself more grotesquely than in child prostitution; and following the suspension of the Acts in 1883, Butler and her supporters turned their attention to another, more forbidding front - the "traffic" in young English virgins to Continental brothels.
The problem of child prostitution had been growing in the public imagination since 1879 when Alfred Dyer claimed to have uncovered a traffic in British girls to the state regulated brothels of Holland, Belgium and France. The girls, he alleged, were fraudulently procured and held against their will, either through unlawful imprisonment or by a system of debt. With the help of Benjamin Scott, Dyer formed the "London Committee for the Suppression of the Traffic in British Girls for the Purposes of Continental Prostitution". The London Committee soon gained the support of Butler and together the aroused reformers put pressure on a reluctant government to introduce legislation to control the traffic.[59] The government responded by appointing a barrister named Thomas Snagge to investigate the allegations of the London Committee. Snagge was able to amass considerable evidence to substantiate Dyer’s claims, discovering some thirty-three girls and young women who, during the period from 1879-80, had been inscribed on the police registers as inmates of licensed Continental brothels.[60] More alarming, however, was the 1882 report of the Select Committee of the House of Lords, appointed to investigate the domestic extent of child prostitution: "
His revelations went on sale on July 6 1885. Published in successive instalments, the "Maiden Tribute" was essentially a Gothic melodrama, a gruesome narrative that revealed to Victorian society a ghastly underworld trade that was "constantly and systematically practised in London without let or hindrance". With an unerring ability to tap into the middle-class psyche, Stead led his readers through lurid, midnight streets where a well-oiled human cattle market of child prostitution offered "daughters of the people" to "the vices of the rich". As the story unfolded, respectable Victorians gaped in horror at a world of stinking brothels, fiendish procuresses, underground chambers, drugs and padded rooms where vicious upper-class rakes could "enjoy to the full the exclusive luxury of revelling in the cries of an immature child". To such men, Stead claimed, "the shriek of torture [was] the essence of their delight, and they would not silence by a single note the cry of agony over which they gloat". In the first instalment, the innocent and oblivious Lily is procured, subjected to chloroform, and left in a locked room of a London brothel: "And then there rose a wild and piteous cry...like the bleat of a frightened lamb... 'There’s a man in the room! Take me home; oh, take me home!'". The man was Stead, and the child (who was never in any danger) was Eliza Armstrong, sold into brotheldom by her drunk and dissolute mother.[70]
Through the "Maiden Tribute" Stead exposed in graphic detail the dark side of "Modern Babylon", implicating in the process a network of corrupt officials who either profited from or indulged in the procurement, sale and eventual abuse of young, under-privileged girls. The series revealed how the trade was "winked at by many administrators of the law", how it was "practiced by some legislators" and even how one "well-known member of Parliament [was] quite ready to supply...100 maids at £25 each". Indeed, Stead claimed to have "heard much the same people in the house of ill-fame as those of whom you hear in caucuses [and] in law courts". Finally, the series exposed the corruption of those members of the medical profession who, for a price, certified the girls "virgo intacta", and thus increased their saleability in a trade where it was widely believed that sexual intercourse with a virgin could cure venereal disease.[71]
The sensation of the "Maiden Tribute" was, in the editor’s words, "instantaneous and world-wide", setting London and the whole country alight "in a blaze of indignation".[72] Within weeks, Stead’s revelations had provoked a massive outpouring of public feeling in a wide variety of reform groups and prominent individuals. Dozens of protest meetings were held throughout London and provincial towns, and local vigilance societies pushed for the enactment of the Criminal Law Amendment Bill. The government was soon on the defensive, and legislators who had previously opposed the Bill, now understood that further resistance was tantamount to admitting that one not only turned a blind eye to the existence of child prostitutes, but regularly employed their services as well. On 7 August, 1885, therefore, the Bill was read for a third and final time in Parliament and passed into law a week later.[73] It was, wrote a somewhat immodest Stead, "one of the greatest achievements which any journalist single-handed had ever accomplished in the coercion of an unwilling legislature and a reluctant ministry".[74] "
There were, inevitably, allegations of a conspiracy against the crusading Northumbrian; and Stead himself believed that his journalistic enemies, spitefully envious of his success at the Pall Mall Gazette, were behind Mrs Armstrong’s decision to file kidnap charges against him. Nevertheless, Stead’s exposé succeeded in its immediate objective - the passage of the Criminal Law Amendment Bill - and put paid to any remaining hopes of reinstating the CD Acts.
Stead’s conviction drew the curtain on the "Maiden Tribute"; though, its cultural consequences lasted well into the next century. Despite its imperfections, the scandal was a masterstroke of Victorian journalism. Stead shamelessly terrorised the middle-class imagination by presenting the impoverished street urchins who were the real victims of criminal vice, as the innocent, 'goldilocked' daughters of London’s respectable elite. He dressed middle-class daughters in working-class clothes and shocked a hitherto unsympathetic public into utter panic over child prostitution. To say that the "Maiden Tribute" was a distortion of fact, based on suspect evidence and an ill-conceived experiment, is really rather missing the point. Like all journalists, Stead, as the editor of a paper which was to subsequently serve as the prototype for today’s tabloid journalism, was concerned not with truth but exposure, the exposure of a crime which, if modern-day concerns over paedophilia are anything to go on, existed in abundance.[84] What mattered to Stead and, one suspects, what mattered to Josephine Butler, who aided and abetted the great exposé, was not whether or not the "Maiden Tribute" was true, but whether or not it was believed; and believed strongly enough to force the hand of a reluctant government.
It was believed; and Stead, after serving his sentence, emerged from prison a martyr to the cause and no less exuberant for the experience. "It is not often", he later wrote, "that a man can look back upon his conviction and sentence as a criminal convict with pride and exultation. Such, however is my case... It was a great experience and one which I would not have missed for anything".[85] When Stead was standing trial, a dying girl in hospital asked that the only shilling she possessed be given to the editor’s defence fund. Stead was handed the shilling on his release from prison. It was, he wrote, "The shilling which I most prize of all the pieces of money in my possession".[86] And when the controversial editor went to his fittingly dramatic death onboard RMS Titanic on April 15 1912, so too did the shilling.
Like his idol, Oliver Cromwell, Stead has been remembered as something of a "brave, bad man".[87] Yet, few of Titanic's victims were more deeply missed or had greater influence over late nineteenth century society. Indeed, Lord Esher thought that no man "came closer to ruling the British Empire", and "no events happened to the country since the year 1880" which had not "been influenced by the personality of Mr. Stead".[88] "
The Lords take the raw, lumpen, rather offensive legislative material produced in such quantities by the Commons, and they refine it into something useful. The septic tank does the same thing, and in the same way. For those who are paid to scoff, to pour scorn, to jeer, the House of Lords isn't always the best place to visit. It is widely accepted - certainly by the House of Lords - that they produce a higher standard of debate, more useful work, and lower output of party politics than the Other Place. They say that they provide pause for reflection; to test the legislation, to redraft the ridiculous, and to talk down, and possibly out, the manifestly unjust."
"Swarthy Italian striker meets first century Palestinian fashion victim... This statue boasts the kind of culture clash guaranteed to show good taste the red card."
As domestic polls informed him that he was increasingly mistrusted by his fellow Americans, Mr Bush was clearly mortified to be called "human trash" by Latin America's equivalent of Michael Jordan - the Argentinian football legend Diego Maradona.
If you have already lost funds in pursuit of the above described scheme, please contact the U.S. Secret Service in Washington, D.C. at 202-406-5850 or by e-mail.
The perpetrators of Advance Fee Fraud (AFF), known internationally as "4-1-9" fraud after the section of the Nigerian penal code which addresses fraud schemes, are often very creative and innovative.
Unfortunately, there is a perception that no one is prone to enter into such an obviously suspicious relationship. However, a large number of victims are enticed into believing they have been singled out from the masses to share in multi-million dollar windfall profits for doing absolutely nothing. It is also a misconception that the victim's bank account is requested so the culprit can plunder it -- this is not the primary reason for the account request -- merely a signal they have hooked another victim.
The most common forms of these fraudulent business proposals fall into seven main categories:
The most prevalent and successful cases of Advance Fee Fraud is the fund transfer scam. In this scheme, a company or individual will typically receive an unsolicited letter by mail from a Nigerian claiming to be a senior civil servant. In the letter, the Nigerian will inform the recipient that he is seeking a reputable foreign company or individual into whose account he can deposit funds ranging from $10-$60 million that the Nigerian government overpaid on some procurement contract.
The criminals obtain the names of potential victims from a variety of sources including trade journals, professional directories, newspapers, and commercial libraries. They do not target a single company, but rather send out mailings en masse. The sender declares that he is a senior civil servant in one of the Nigerian Ministries, usually the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). The letters refer to investigations of previous contracts awarded by prior regimes alleging that many contracts were over invoiced. Rather than return the money to the government, they desire to transfer the money to a foreign account. The sums to be transferred average between $10,000,000 to $60,000,000 and the recipient is usually offered a commission up to 30 percent for assisting in the transfer.
Initially, the intended victim is instructed to provide company letterheads and pro forma invoicing that will be used to show completion of the contract. One of the reasons is to use the victim's letterhead to forge letters of recommendation to other victim companies and to seek out a travel visa from the American Embassy in Lagos. The victim is told that the completed contracts will be submitted for approval to the Central Bank of Nigeria. Upon approval, the funds will be remitted to an account supplied by the intended victim.
The goal of the criminal is to delude the target into thinking that he is being drawn into a very lucrative, albeit questionable, arrangement. The intended victim must be reassured and confident of the potential success of the deal. He will become the primary supporter of the scheme and willingly contribute a large amount of money when the deal is threatened. The term "when" is used because the con-within-the-con is the scheme will be threatened in order to persuade the victim to provide a large sum of money to save the venture.
The letter, while appearing transparent and even ridiculous to most, unfortunately is growing in its effectiveness. It sets the stage and is the opening round of a two-layered scheme or scheme within a scheme. The fraudster will eventually reach someone who, while skeptical, desperately wants the deal to be genuine.
Victims are almost always requested to travel to Nigeria or a border country to complete a transaction. Individuals are often told that a visa will not be necessary to enter the country. The Nigerian con artists may then bribe airport officials to pass the victims through Immigration and Customs. Because it is a serious offense in Nigeria to enter without a valid visa, the victim's illegal entry may be used by the fraudsters as leverage to coerce the victims into releasing funds. Violence and threats of physical harm may be employed to further pressure victims. In June of 1995, an American was murdered in Lagos, Nigeria, while pursuing a 4-1-9 scam, and numerous other foreign nationals have been reported as missing.
Victims are often convinced of the authenticity of Advance Fee Fraud schemes by the forged or false documents bearing apparently official Nigerian government letterhead, seals, as well as false letters of credit, payment schedules and bank drafts. The fraudster may establish the credibility of his contacts, and thereby his influence, by arranging a meeting between the victim and "government officials" in real or fake government offices.
In the next stage some alleged problem concerning the "inside man" will suddenly arise. An official will demand an up-front bribe or an unforeseen tax or fee to the Nigerian government will have to be paid before the money can be transferred. These can include licensing fees, registration fees, and various forms of taxes and attorney fees. Normally each fee paid is described as the very last fee required. Invariably, oversights and errors in the deal are discovered by the Nigerians, necessitating additional payments and allowing the scheme to be stretched out over many months.
Several reasons have been submitted why Nigerian Advance Fee Fraud has undergone a dramatic increase in recent years. The explanations are as diverse as the types of schemes. The Nigerian Government blames the growing problem on mass unemployment, extended family systems, a get rich quick syndrome, and, especially, the greed of foreigners.
Indications are that Advance Fee Fraud grosses hundreds of millions of dollars annually and the losses are continuing to escalate. In all likelihood, there are victims who do not report their losses to authorities due to either fear or embarrassment.
In response to this growing epidemic, the United States Secret Service established "Operation 4-1-9" designed to target Nigerian Advance Fee Fraud on an international basis. The Financial Crimes Division of the Secret Service receives approximately 100 telephone calls from victims/potential victims and 300-500 pieces of related correspondence per day.
Secret Service agents have been assigned on a temporary basis to the American Embassy in Lagos to address the problem in that arena. Agents have established liaison with Nigerian officials, briefed other embassies on the widespread problem, and have assisted in the extrication of U.S. citizens in distress.
Although an e-mail promising instant wealth from an unknown sender in a far away country may sound to many like the stuff of dreams or con tricks, people in the UK fall for the "Nigerian letters" fraud every day, the SFO says.
The appeal comes after the office last week won two convictions against fraudsters who conned victims in the US and UK out of £500,000.
A whole industry has grown up generating fake letters and e-mails sent by people pretending to be relatives of deposed African leaders who say they are in urgent need of financial help to move secret fortunes away from their countries.
The details vary but detectives say those orchestrating this type of crime offer their victims a cut in the money they claim to have. Then usually, after a few letters or e-mails about the proposition, they ask for the victim's bank details, for the money to be transferred to them. But instead of the transfer, the fraudsters then clean out the victim's account.
A spokesperson for the SFO said: "It is sometimes difficult to get people to come forward if they are victims of this type of crime, because the money is usually illegal in the first place."
Last week's convictions were against two men who claimed they were victims of political persecution in Nigeria. George Agbinone and Ovie Ukueku were sent to prison for three and a half years and 12 months respectively, and were ordered to pay compensation to their victims.
They pleaded guilty to persuading more than 10 people to part with thousands of pounds which they said would help facilitate the transfer of millions of pounds from Nigeria.
The victims were promised a share of the money once it was out of the country. One woman lost so much money that her bank has threatened to foreclose on her mortgage.
The SFO and the National Criminal Intelligence Service (NCIS) are being deluged with examples of the con by members of the public. NCIS said that since January last year, one British person lost £1.4m and another more than £400,000, while three people were cheated out of £300,000 each and five lost £250,000 each.
Two e-mails that were sent to journalists at The Independent last week purported to come from Mercy Korumgba, the wife of the former military head of the Central African Republic, and from Moshood Seko Mobutu, the son of Mobutu Sese Seko, the former president of Zaire.
Ms Korumgba's plea is for a "person of great integrity" to help her access $18m (£12.7m) of funds in a private account she could not access. She offered to pay her helper $180,000 for handling the money.
Mr Seko said he wanted to access $50m from his father's estate and asked for his correspondent's passport or driving licence number.
2003 June 27 INFORMATION FOR YYY EMPLOYEES Water Quality at YYY Cafeteria Issues concerning the quality of water in the Cafeteria have been raised at the Site Safety and Health Committee. This information notice is intended to explain some of the facts to assure employees that the water used for consumption and food preparation in the Cafeteria is safe. Bottled water is provided for direct consumption and used for food preparation. It is sampled and tested regularly. To ensure the water remains clean and safe for drinking at all times, the coolers in the Cafeteria are sanitized and cleaned once a week. Service water delivered to the Cafeteria is adequately chlorinated. Chemical analyses have consistently shown that the service water meets the limits set for chemicals in drinking water. Before it enters the Cafeteria distribution piping, it is processed through a multimedia filtration system to reduce the odour, colour and turbidity of the water. The quality of the so treated water is monitored regularly (at weekly intervals). The test results confirm that the water meets the criteria for odour, colour, turbidity and biological parameters set in the Guidelines for Canadian Drinking Water Quality. The treated water that goes to the coffee maker and the ice machine is again processed through an inline 5-micron/1-micron dual filtration cartridge to further reduce any turbidity and minute organisms that may be present as recommended by the local Health Inspector. The dual filters are replaced on a monthly basis. Original Signed By XXXXXXXXXX General Manager
Score: religious believers 1
athiest scoffers 0
"Homer, do you ever think about the future?"
You mean, will apes be our masters? - Homer J Simpson
Now I have to face stupid reality! - Homer J Simpson
Bart: I am through with working. Working is for chumps.
Homer: Son, I'm proud of you. I was twice your age before I figured that out.
Homer: No matter how good you are at something, there's always about a million people better than you.
Marge : I'm not sure about the people Bart's working for. I think they're criminals.
Homer : A job's a job. I mean, take me. If my plant pollutes the water
and poisons the town, by your logic, that would make me a criminal.
Burns : Hear me out Simpson! I don't want you to come back as a
technical supervisor, or supervising technician, or whatever the hell
you used to be. I want you to be in charge of safety here at the plant.
Homer : Safety? But sir! If truth be known, I actually caused more
accidents around here than any other employee, [leaning forward]
including a few doozies no one every found out about.
I'll be back. You can't keep the democrats out of the White House forever, and when they get there, I'll be out on the street again - along with all my criminal buddies! - Robert "Sideshow Bob" Terwilliger
I'm no supervising technician, I'm a technical supervisor.
Smithers [as nuclear plant is about to meltdown]: Sir, there may be never be another time to say... I love you, sir.
Burn: Oh, hot dog. Thank you for making my last few moment on earth socially awkward.
Mr. Burns: Family, religion, loyalty... these are the demons you must slay if you want to be successful.
Very well, Abortions for none! [crowd boos]
Abortions for some, miniature American flags for the others! [crowd cheers]
Apu: Actually, there were numerous causes. Aside from the obvious schism between the abolitionists and the anti-abolitionists, there were economic factors, both domestic and inter--
Proctor: Wait, wait... just say slavery.
Apu: Slavery it is, sir.
"It's just like colour blindness," Professor Butterworth said.
He estimated that congenital dyscalculia might affect as many as 5% of children.
Because they cannot check the result by counting, dyscalculics often do not understand even simple calculations such as 2+3=5.
"They are diagnosed as stupid by teachers and parents, they think they are stupid themselves. Teachers don't spot it because they don't know about it," Professor Butterworth said.
Since dyscalculics were also bad at subitizing, the test of dot counting could be used to identify these children more reliably at school and so ensure they had adequate support.
In his "DISCOVERY OF WITCHCRAFT"(1584), Scot refuted the opinions in Jacobus Sprenger's "MALLEUS MALEFICARUM" (1494) and Jean Bodin's "DEMONOMANIE DES SORCIERS" (1580) but supported Cornetius Agrippa's "DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA" (1533) and John Wier's "DE PRAESTIGIIS DEMONUM" (1563) and also quoted extensively from Giovanni Battista della Porta's "MAGIAE NATURALIS" (1561). The "MALLEUS" served as a guide to witch-hunters and judges in the matters of identifying, prosecuting and executing witches. While the "DEMONUM" opposed the burning of witches and maintained they were helpless victims.
[TEXT DELETED]
"Thomas Ady was Scot's earliest disciple and in the first section of his
"A PERFECT DISCOVERY OF WITCHES" (1661); entitled 'The
Reason Of The Book' on page A3, he says:
"Mr. Scot published a Book, called his Discovery of Witchcraft, in
the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, for the instruction
of all Judges, and Justices of those times; which Book did for a
time take great impression in the Magistracy, and also in the
Clergy, but since that time England hath shamefully fallen from
the Truth which they began to receive; wherefore here is again a
necessary and iliustrious discourse for the Magistracy, and other
People of this Age, where I intreat all to take notice, that many do
falsely report of Mr. Scot, that he held an Opinion, that Witches
are not, for it was neither his Tenent, neither is it mine; but that
Witches are not such as are commonly executed for Witches.""
"At the same time an English squire of some learning, Reginald Scott, wrote a "Discoverie of Witchcraft" (1584) in which he denied the whole of the alleged phenomena. King James and various Anglican scholars replied to the book, and it is not paradoxical to say, while doing all honor to the critics, that the orthodox writers were right. Witchcraft, we have now seen, was, when it was quite sincere, a religion in deadly hostility to Christianity. When it was not deeply religious, it was a revolt against the Christian ethic."
"Scott made his will on 15 Sept. and died on 9 Oct. 1599, probably being buried at Brabourne. The will was proved on 22 Nov. Apart from small bequests to his only grandchild, to his cousin Sir John Scott, and one or two other minor legacies, his household goods, lands and leases went to his second wife, Alice, whom he had married late in life. The uncertainty of the will on one point led to a lawsuit between his widow, the executrix, and his daughter (and only child) by his first marriage. Scott was the author of the Discovery of Witchcraft, an attempt to enlist ‘Christian compassion’ towards those accused of witchcraft. James I ordered it to be burned, but the book, published in Holland in 1609, had a great vogue on the Continent. Pepys' Diary for 12 Aug. 1667 has the entry ‘... to my booksellers, there and did buy Scott's discourse of Witches’. "
IMPORTANT: Please keep in mind that by "inconsistencies" I do not necessarily mean "contradictions." Even though accepted and common definitions of the two terms often make them synonymous, I make a subtle distinction which is reflected in at least some of the accepted definitions. What I have in mind is that an inconsistency involves a lack of harmonious uniformity, regularity, steady continuity, or agreement among the verses cited. Thus, whereas a contradiction is necessarily an inconsistency, an inconsistency is not necessarily a contradiction. But certainly some of the listed biblical inconsistencies could be taken as biblical contradictions.
Material Phase transition/Melting Point Temperature/°C
-------------------------------------------------------------
NH4NO3 orth. ==> tetr.; humid 84.2 ==> kub.; humid, dry 125.2
TlNO3 orth. ==> trig. 79 ==> kub. 143
KNO3 orth. ==> trig. 128
CsNO3 trig. ==> kub. 160
RbNO3 trig. ==> kub. 164 kub. ==> tetr. 219
tetr. ==> kub. 291
AgNO3 orth. ==> trig. 165
Sn 231.9
KClO4 orth. ==> kub. 295.7
Pb 327.5
KNO3 333.6
Zn 419.6
Ag2SO4 orth. ==> hex. 427
CuCl 430.0
Quartz trig. ==> hex. (a ==> ß) 573.0
Sb 630.5
Al 660.2
KCl 776
NaCl 804 ± 3
Bi2O3 820
Ag 962.0
NaF 988.0
Au 1064.4
K2SO4 1069
Cu 1083.0
CaF2 1360
Ca2SiO4a ==> a ' 1425 ± 10
Ni 1453
Co 1495
Fe 1535
Ti 1675
Zr 1852
Cr 1890
Rh 1966
BN : expansion coefficient in c- direction for T = 20 ... 900°C : c = 6.6516 + 2.74 * 10-4 * T
Literature :
1) Klug, H.P., Alexander, L.E.: "X-Ray Diffraction Procedures", Second Edition,
Wiley Intersc., 1973
2) McLaren, A.C.: Rev. Pure Appl.Chem., 12(1962), 55-71
3) Pistorius, C.W.F.: Journ. of Chem. Phys., 46(1967)6, 2167-2172
4) Tomaszewski, P.E.: Structural Phase Transitions in Crystals, I. Database,
in: Phase Transitions 38(1992)3,127-221
Dear all, Be careful with the list on page 148 of the book cited below. There is an error in the list that can cause you big problems ! The compound K2Cr2O7 has a melting point of 398°C and will evaporate if heated to 665°C !! The compound they actually refer to is K2CrO4 ! I can tell you, decontaminating a heating stage coated with chromate is not much fun ! Cheers, Sven >Alternatively, the book "X-ray Diffraction at Elevated Temperatures" >Chung, deHaven, Arnold, Ghosh, VCH Publishers, ISBN 0-89573-745-0 has a >less extensive list on page 148.
It was a shocking sight yesterday as men of the Kwara State Police Command paraded a goat as an armed robbery suspect.
The goat "suspect" is being detained over an alleged attempt to snatch a Mazda car. The mysterious goat, according to the Police Public Relations Officer, Mr. Tunde Mohammed, while briefing bewildered journalists at the Force headquarters, is an armed robber who attempted to snatch the said car, Wednesday night, and later transformed into the goat in a bid to escape arrest.
He explained that men of a vigilance group in Anifowose Ipata/Oloje areas of the state capital had chased two armed robbery suspects who wanted to demobilise the Mazda car with the intention of stealing it, and "while one of them escaped, the other was about to be apprehended by the team when he turned his back on the wall and turned to this goat. They quickly grabbed the goat and here it is.’’ Mohammed said.
The police spokesman said the goat "armed robbery suspect" will not be left off the hook until investigations into the case are concluded.
Why didn't ministers turn to the real expert?
MAGNUS LINKLATER
From the start, the Government has consistently got foot-and-mouth wrong
When the full, shoddy story is told about this Government’s handling of the foot-and-mouth (FMD) epidemic, the curious incident of Professor Fred Brown will stand out. His name will not be mentioned. And that, as Sherlock Holmes might have said, is what is curious.
Fred Brown is unquestionably the world’s leading expert on this disease. An Englishman who works at the top American establishment in the field on Plum Island, he made his advice available from the outset (see his early letter published at Sheepgrove) but he was completely ignored by the arrogant, ignorant, incompetent, bloodthirsty officials of MAFF. These were aided and abetted by the subsidy-junkies of the National Farmers Union.
Even before the Ministry had announced its slaughter policy, he offered a system that could test for FMD infection on site and cheaply produce reliable and accurate results within two hours, particularly for sheep, in which the symptoms are hard to detect.
Linklater reports:
The scientists at MAFF, however, were not interested. They were “too busy”, they said. “That saddened me a lot,” said the professor mildly. “Why destroy innocent animals?” His view, cogently and clearly set out, was that the number of healthy animals slaughtered was a national disgrace.
Can anyone now doubt the claim in Sorry, wrong number! that MAFF have been out of control for years?
Luciferin and luciferase are made within the beetle’s body. It has tiny air passageways called tracheoles that bring oxygen to the beetle’s posterior end. The oxygen controls how much light is produced.
The reason a firefly flashes is to attract a mate. The male will fly and blink his coded light pattern, and the female will blink back from the plant on which she sits. If she copies his light pattern, then the male knows she has chosen him as a mate.
Although the light is used primarily for attracting a mate, some females use it to attract their next meal. Each firefly species has its own code of flashing lights. For some, a mated female of one species imitates the flashing code of a male of another species. When a male lands near this mimic to mate, the female pounces on and eats him. This behavior is called aggressive mimicry.
Fireflies’ light also is a warning to birds and other predators that fireflies will not make a good meal. The chemicals that make the light taste bitter. Fireflies also flash their lights to warn other fireflies of danger.
Different species of fireflies have different colors of light. The light of the firefly genus Photinus is green, and Pyractomena have an amber light. Some fireflies do not even have light, since they fly during the day. To attract mates, they instead use pheromones like moths do. And in other species, the females are wingless and rely on their lights to attract flying males to their location.
The chemicals fireflies use to glow are now being made in the laboratory and used in common glow sticks. The chemicals also have medical uses. Because luciferin reacts in such a noticeable way to ATP, scientists use it to detect bacteria in blood samples or in foods like milk or orange juice. Scientists can determine how many bacteria are in the sample by the amount of light that it gives off."
The Firefly's Glow: At night, the very end (the last abdominal segment) of the firefly glows a bright yellow-green color. The firefly can control this glowing effect. The brightness of a single firefly is 1/40 of a candle. Fireflies use their glow to attract other fireflies. Males flash about every five seconds; females flash about every two seconds. This firefly is harvested by the biochemical industry for the organic compunds luciferin (which is the chemical the firefly uses for its bioluminescence). "
Classification: Order Coleoptera, Family Lampyridae, Genus Photinus, Species pyralis.
Condoleezza returned to Denver for her doctorate - on relations between the Soviet and Czech military - before being snapped up for a lectureship at Stanford, the prestigious private university in California where she has spent her entire academic career. Stanford was then the powerhouse of Soviet and related studies, and Dr Rice distinguished herself with awards for her teaching and research. She was later to return as provost, the top administrator, and bring the then cash-strapped institution back to solvency.
Dr Rice's Washington career began almost by chance in 1988, when she caught the attention of the then national security adviser, Brent Scowcroft, at a seminar. He professed amazement that such a "slip of a girl" had asked so perspicacious a question. The following year, when George Bush became president, he invited her to join the National Security Council. As the main adviser on policy towards the Eastern Bloc, she helped to steer the administration's non-interventionist policy through one of the greatest geo-political shifts of the 20th century.
After only two years, however, she returned to Stanford, citing a desire for more "balance" in her life, after the all-consuming agenda in Washington. She later dismissed reports that she had returned to "seek a husband and start a family". If that was the reason, it did not happen.
She was never enamoured of Washington, but her friendship with the Bush family endured. And when George W Bush quizzed her about foreign policy during visits to Maine and Texas, they developed a rapport. He praised her for setting out complex policy issues in ways he could understand. The trust he invested in her gave her considerable authority when he recruited her to his campaign team in 2000 and then, after he was elected, as his National Security Adviser.
As a supremely well-qualified black woman in the front line of a Republican campaign that was preaching "compassionate conservatism" and social inclusiveness, she was a huge asset. And in her convention speech - one of her first political speeches - she gave a rare glimpse of how far she and her family had come. "Grandaddy Rice", she said, was a poor farmer's son in the cotton fields, who had enquired how he could get an education. He took a scholarship conditional upon becoming a Presbyterian minister.
But she also outlined the philosophy of self-improvement and self-reliance that had driven her to achieve and, after a brief flirtation with the Democrats, led her to become a Republican. "I found a party," she said, "that sees me as an individual, not as part of a group... In America, with education and hard work, it really does not matter where you come from - it matters where you are going."
All this is what she calls her "American story". But there is another aspect of Dr Rice's biography that is not mentioned. Aged 10, when the US passed its landmark desegregation laws, at college during the dawn of the women's movement, she was of an age to ride the crest of every social wave. Her decision to specialise in Russia and the Soviet Union was inspired. She was a woman and black and a Soviet specialist at a time when all were in demand. Before becoming National Security Adviser, she had acquired a string of directorships, including the oil company Chevron, and was well on the way to becoming a wealthy woman.
A closer look at her CV, however, raises questions. As an undergraduate, she fell short of the very top grade at a non-Ivy League university. Her first book (of her thesis) received neutral to withering reviews, in terms that suggested she was unable to sift facts from propaganda. Her subsequent, better-reviewed books have all been co-authored. As provost of Stanford, she was criticised for her abrupt management style and for not supporting "affirmative action" for minorities, even though she had benefited from the policy herself.
When she was tipped for the NSC, a few tentative voices asked whether her narrow specialisation in a country and a system that no longer existed was the best preparation for her new role. And while she is always praised as a "quick study" with an admirable grasp of detail, you will not hear words such as vision, perspicacity or flair.
All these are the reasons why Dr Rice is suddenly vulnerable - and with her, the President who so trusts her. Richard Clarke's essential criticism - that she was not up to the job - hit home because it exposed weaknesses that have lain just beneath the surface of a dazzling career. She presents the case for her defence on Thursday.
From: Robin To: Lachlan Cranswick [l.m.d.cranswick@dl.ac.uk] Date: Tue, 22 Oct 2002 15:07:29 GMT Subject: Re: Active and passive learning experiments with kittens? Lachlan > What are the name of the set of experiments you once described showing > active and passive learning - where a kitten explores its environment > actively. And there is a kitten in a wagon being pulled along seeing > things passively. That's the classic study of Richard Held & Alan Hein (1963) who put two kittens in an apparatus they called a kitten carousel. The passive kitten (in a sort of sling rather than a wagon) is moved back and forth round a circular path by the active kitten, which is attached by a harness to the other end of the pivoting beam that connects the two. They found that only the active kitten learns to interpret visual information usefully, since it can associate it with its own active trials, though the passive kitten has experienced all the same motions and received the same visual stimuli. It's indexed under "kitten carousel" in most books on general psychology or developmental psychology: e.g. Gross "Psychology" pp.268-269 (2nd edn); Cole & Cole "The Development of Children" p. 199 (4th edn). Cole & Cole give a very nice 1-page account - if you have problems getting hold of material on this I can mail you a photocopy. The original paper is Held, R. & Hein, A. (1963). "Movement-produced stimulation and the development of visually-guided behaviours". J. Comparative & Physiol. Psych., 56, 872-876. Cheers
Blakemoor and Cooper rasied kittens in environments consisting entirely of horizontal or vertical lines. The cats were unable to track objects along the path they had been prescribed, and rarely to track diagonally, again implying learning was required."
This study provides more evidence that at least some visual abilities have to be learned through experience: in this case, experience of locomoting around one’s own immediate environment."
The latest dating is not only confirmation that humans were present in the Americas much earlier than 12,000 years, but also that they were not related to early native Americans.
The two oldest skulls were "dolichocephalic" - that is, long and narrow-headed.
Other, more recent skulls were a different shape - short and broad, like those from native American remains. "
"Mexico appears to have been a crossroads for people spreading across the Americas."
Inevitably, politicians and their media hounds soon hi-jacked the elegiac mode. The Thatcherite gutter press of the 1980s rarely sank so low as when it tried to convict Michael Foot of disrespect because he turned up at a Cenotaph ceremony in a (rather expensive) coat it called a "donkey jacket". For a long time, however, the presence of survivors - above all, from the Great War itself - acted as a dignified reproach to jingoistic stunts. Not even the most brazen tabloid could recruit the Somme and Gallipoli in the service of its cheap crusades.
Now the slaughter of 1914-18 stands on the very brink of living memory. The handful of veterans still alive have reached their centenaries. From now on, memory will be cultural, not personal. And that, I think, makes access to Great War literature - the poems, the novels, the memoirs - more and not less essential. Generations of schoolkids, of course, have already yawned over Graves and Owen (hence the popularity of Blackadder spoofs). A few literary monuments may look tarnished and over-familiar. Many remain more or less unvisited.
In poetry, readers who think they know the tone and timbre of Great War verse should explore the work of Isaac Rosenberg. Killed on a night patrol on 1 April 1918, aged 27, the precociously gifted painter and poet from the Jewish East End has long been a fixture of anthologies with pieces such as "Break of Day in the Trenches" and "Louse Hunting". Both duly turn up in Andrew Motion's useful new selection of First World War Poems from Faber & Faber (£12.99). Yet his achievement as a whole has been harder to gauge: hence the value of the Selected Poems and Letters edited by Jean Liddiard for Enitharmon Press (£12). Coming from the margins of his culture, Rosenberg shows little of the ruined romanticism that gives poignancy to Owen or Sassoon. In his brief career, he developed fast into that rarest of British beasts: a working-class Modernist, seeking a cool, laconic "outsider" style to convey the catastrophe that struck in "August 1914": "Three lives hath one life -/ Iron, honey, gold./ The gold, the honey gone - / Left is the hard and cold." This volume reveals not only a poet of blazing, fragmentary visions but also, in the letters, a quicksilver critical intelligence.
In fiction, Penguin Classics has re-issued one of the true landmarks of Great War prose: Under Fire (trans. Robin Buss; £8.99) by the French soldier-writer Henri Barbusse, who in the 1920s became a leader of European pacifist politics. Under Fire follows the ordeal of a single company in 1915 with a candour and compassion that set the mark for future novelists. Incidentally, it gives the lie to the widespread belief that disenchanted fiction from veterans took a decade or more to mature. The documentary novel began to appear in serial form during 1916, even before the carnage of Verdun. This immediacy makes for a few lapses: the book has its moments of slapdash rhetoric, but also a mesmerising quality of shocked and sudden witness. After 87 years, its flaming rage might still redden the face of every sabre-rattler in a suit.
Eqbal Amhad: A superpower cannot promote terror in one place and reasonably expect to discourage terrorism in another place.
Rania Masri: The only way that we can secure ourselves against further terrorist activity is by finding out why they do what they do and to stop it at the roots.
Sarah Wiener-Boone: Despite President Bush's lack of experience in foreign affairs, his administration is not lacking in personnel with a long history of formulating U.S. policy on the Middle East. Bush's foreign policy team is headed up by Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, a hard-liner from the Reagan era who argues that the nation's power can be used effectively to create more power globally. And, Vice President Dick Cheney who maintained the motto, "arms for our friends, arms control for our enemies" in dealing with the Middle East when he was President Bush Sr.'s Secretary of Defense.
Phyllis Bennis: The issues of hypocrisy and double standards are not lost in people in the region. Despite enormous poverty, despite enormous disparities of wealth and income, there are educated populations throughout that region who devour news, absolutely voraciously and follow very carefully the twists and turns of Middle East policy in the region and they see the hypocrisy of it, of building up a military force of Islamist forces, as the U.S. did in Afghanistan and then turning on them, abandoning them and then turning them into criminals.
The same thing happened in Iraq throughout the 1980's. The U.S. backed Iraq against Iran in the first Gulf War -- the Iran, Iraq war. The U.S. provided military intelligence, weapons, it allowed the sale of biological seed stock -- the germs that are the basis of germ warfare, to Iraq and then, of course, in a matter of moments, after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, for reasons that had less to do, even with oil, than they did with super power contention that was coming to an end between the U.S. and the former Soviet Union, Saddam Hussein personally, and the Iraqi regime as a whole, and unfortunately the Iraqi population were demonized -- so much so that the continued slaughter of Iraqi innocents because of sanctions gets virtually no attention.
Sarah Wiener-Boone: During his 1998 talk, Amhad offered recommendations to US policy makers. He urged them to avoid double standards, and to not engage in covert operations and so-called low-intensity warfare. Also, he offered this advice.
Eqbal Amhad: Do not concentrate on military solutions. Do not seek military solutions. Terrorism is a political problem. Seek political solutions.
Kit Gage: Everybody bands around the term national security and I think part of the problem with using it, it's kind of like terrorism, it has very deep symbolic meaning to a lot of people but it doesn't have much in the way of specifics.
Damian Irizarry: In the name of national security, the Bush Administration crafted an anti-terrorism bill. Some of the measures in this legislation include expanding wire tapping authority, detaining non-U.S. citizens suspected of being a terrorist without a court order, eliminating state Bar Association ethics rules that limit the ability of the U.S. Justice Department officials to approve undercover investigations, collecting DNA samples from all convicted felons and vastly broadening national and global surveillance operations. Do new threats deserve new laws? Kit Gage.
Kit Gage: National security covers a whole bunch a different kinds of things, and if for example you're talking about what the necessity of going after the people who committed the terrible attacks on September 11, then everyone agrees with that because what was committed were horrible crimes. Those crimes were already against the law, against domestic law, against international law, and there is extraordinary authority that the government already has to pursue all over the country and in a lot of ways all over the world people who had anything to do with those acts.
Damian Irizarry: Shortly after the attack, Bush appointed Tom Ridge, then Governor of Pennsylvania, to head the office of Homeland Security. This office will coordinate 46 government agencies against terrorist suspects in the United States. Ridge will work jointly with Army General Wayne Downing? At the Pentagon. One reason for military prominence says Douglas Valentine, a researcher and author on national security issues, is that Bush wants to establish a court system that is not as constrained as our current judicial system.
Douglas Valentine: What they want to do is establish military tribunals, but the rationale that they're trying to foist on the American public without any congressional consideration is that military tribunals are necessary because if you catch a terrorist in the United States. And let's say that he says there's a bomb on a plane and the bomb is going to go off in thirty minutes -- you have to be able to extract from him the information of where that bomb is so you can dismantle it. So even torture would now be allowed also they're saying that these military tribunals would have the authority to actually execute a terrorist withing thirty days of his conviction. Because in this war against terrorism we can no longer afford to have judicial appeals and all the constitutional remedies that are afforded to common criminals.
Damian Irizarry: The problem, says Valentine, is that there is no clear definition of who a terrorist is. The closest definition we have, says Valentine, comes from a C.I.A. program during the Vietnam War. Under the C.I.A.'s Phoenix Program, which is the model for the Homeland Security Office, a terrorist suspect was anyone accused by a single anonymous source.
Douglas Valentine: The Phoenix Program was a C.I.A. operation during the Vietnam War which pretty much is the model for the Homeland Security Council. The C.I.A. set up the Phoenix directorate in Vietnam in order to identify and capture and then interrogate and either assasinate or dispose of Viet Cong terrorists. So they set up this whole elaborate system and what it did was it coordinated thirty intelligence and operational agencies -- just like this Homeland Security Council is going to do. The way they went about identifying who a suspect was that could then be brought before a military tribunal, just like Bush is proposing, the way those suspects were identified was by an anonymous informant. Sometimes the people who were informing were informing on people that they had a grudge against, a personal grudge like somebody ran off with somebody's girlfriend so he went to the authorities and said so and so is a Viet Cong sympathizer. Other times the Viet Cong itself had infiltrated the program and they would put the names of loyal citizens onto these lists of suspected and potential subversives.
Damian Irizarry: As the balance between security and civil liberties shift, both Valentine and Gage say that it is important to have an informed public that is active in shaping the debate.
Douglas Valentine: There is a responsibility on the part of every American to educated himself about what the heck is happening here. It's not going to be fed to you over the internet by the media You're going to have to go out and look for the information and take some pains to learn what's going on.
Eqbal Amhad: Jihad, which has been translated to you a thousand times as Holy War, is not quite just that. Jihad is a word that means to struggle. It could be a struggle by violence or a struggle by non-violent means. There are two forms, the small Jihad and the big Jihad. The small Jihad involves violence, the big Jihad involves struggles with self. Those are the concepts of Jihad. The reason I'm mentioning this is that Islamic history, Jihad as an international violent phenomenon had disappeared in the last 400 years, for all practical purposes. It was revived suddenly with American help in the 1980's.
When the Soviet Union intervened in Afghanistan and the military dictator of Pakistan which borders Afghanistan saw an opportunity in it and launched a jihad there against godless communism. The United States saw a golden opportunity to mobilize one billion Muslims against what Reagan called the Evil Empire. Bin Laden was one of the early prize recruits because he was not only an Arab, he was also a Saudi, he was not only a Saudi, he was also a multimillionaire willing to put his own money into the matter. Bin Laden went around recruiting people for the Jihad against Communism. This fellow was an ally. Then, he remained an ally. He turned at a particular moment. In 1990 the U.S. goes into Saudi Arabia with forces. Saudi Arabia is the holy place of Muslims- Mecca and Medina. There had never been foreign forces there.
Now in 1990 during the Gulf War they went in, in the name of helping Saudi Arabia to defeat Saddam Hussein. Osama bin Laden remained quiet. Then Saddam was defeated. Saddam is defeated but American troops stayed on and finally bin Laden started his Jihad with the other occupiers. His mission is to get American troops out of Saudi Arabia. His earlier mission was to get Russian troops out of Afghanistan. Look these are tribal people. Their code of ethics is tribal. Tribal code of ethics consist of two words, loyalty and revenge. You are my friend, you keep your word then I am loyal to you. You break your word and I go on my revenge part. For him, America has broken its word. They are going to be a lot more. These are the chickens of the Afghanistan war coming home to roost.
"This definitive account of the Phoenix program...remains sobering reading for all those trying to understand the Vietnam War and the moral ambiguities of America's Cold War victory. Though carefully documented, the book is written in an accessible style that makes it ideal for readers at all levels, from undergraduates to professional historians." -- Alfred W. McCoy, Professor of History, University of Wisconsin-Madison. "
Without question Lord John Maynard Keynes was the most influential economist this century. His work now dubbed the "Keynesian Revolution" swept through the academic, economic and political establishments, and culminated in his "The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money" in 1936. It has been said that Keynes was to economics what Darwin was to science.
His work and philosophy completely dominated the Bretton Woods conference in 1944 that saw the establishment of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank. Bretton Woods heralded the beginning of the unrivalled supremacy of the United States in the global economy with its dollar being instituted as the reserve currency of the world, in place of gold.
According to Keynes biographer Robert Skidelsky, he was completely committed to rational justification of a rearrangement of values". Economist Joseph Schumpeter observed the connection between Keynes "childless and essentially short run philosophy of life when he said "for a person committed to homosexuality, who is without descendants, there is little for them to focus the future on. Keynes is well remembered. for his statement " in the long run we are all dead. Biographer Skidelsky said he had a life long bias against long-term thinking.
Keynes, in an essay sarcastically entitled "Possibilities for our Grandchildren" said an individuals concern for the future is "a disgusting morbidity" and semi-criminal and semi-pathological. Henry Hazlitt summarized Keynes "General Theory" as a "trans-valuation of all values. The greatest virtue is consumption, extravagance and improvidence. The greatest vice in the General Theory is saving, thrift, and financial prudence.
Without question John Maynard Keynes shallow philosophy and un-time tested economics was greeted with acceptance in more than just the academic establishment. Embraced by social designers and politicians, Keynsian theory of expandable money supply and spending and consumption has deeply permeated every aspect of our society in the 52 years since his death.
At a time when most people still called Gold "The Precious Metal", it was John Maynard Keynes that coined the phrase Gold "The Barbarous Relic",
In with the new -- and out with you.
Dr. Andrew Okulitch used to work for the Government of Canada. But at the beginning of the month he was told he had to start referring to his employer as "the New Canadian Government". Dr. Okulitch thought that was silly. That thought -- and its subsequent expression via e-mail -- cost him his job. We reached Dr. Okulitch at his home on Saltspring Island. "
Summary is: The geological survey got an email saying that they now work for the "new govt of Canada" and that this should be used in all correspondence. He did a reply to all saying how stupid this sounded and how he intended to just use "geological survey", as five govts from now we would be working for the "new new new new new govt of Canada". Got an email back from the Assistant Deputy Minister that he was to clear his desk due to his disgraceful attitude. Apparently "service to Canada is a privilege not a right".
Death Clock
This Coca-Cola formula appears to be the original formula to Coca-Cola. An author named Mark Pendergrast wrote a book about Coca-Cola entitled For God, Country and Coca-Cola (you can click here to order the book). In writing this book he was able to interview just about anybody he wanted within Coca-Cola, and was also granted access to the vast archives of Coca-Cola. In reviewing archive material, he was presented with a book labeled:
Account and formula book belonging to Dr. J.S. Pemberton while a druggist in Columbus
He was told this was an early formula book (which would jive with the Columbus GA label). However, while reviewing the book Pendergrast came upon a recipe for "Celery Cola" and quickly realized that this was not an early formulary guide of Pemberton's. This was in fact a formulary book produced shortly before Pemberton's death, and there was a good chance that it contained the original Coca-Cola formula.
Pendergrast knew that "Celery Cola" was the recipe Pemberton was working on at the time of his death, and he was also aware of the story of Pemberton's apprentice and an old formulary book. The story went that a young man named John P. Turner went to apprentice with the elderly John Pemberton, and not long after starting his apprenticeship Mr. Pemberton died. Young Mr. Turner went back to his home of Columbus, GA., and took one of Pemberton's formulary books with him. In 1943, a son of Mr. Turner's happened to show the formulary book, which did contain a recipe for Coca-Cola, to a member of Coca-Cola's board. The board member managed to acquire the book from Turner's son, and no one had seen the book since (or at least until Pendergrast found it in their archives).
As Pendergrast looked through the old pages of what remained of Pemberton's formulary guide he came upon a page that was unlabeled except for an 'X' at the top of the page. Sure enough, he had found an original Coca-Cola formula. This is the formula that is shown above.
Pendergrast was also able to get confirmation that the above recipe was the original. At one time Coca-Cola was looking at selling a version of Coca-Cola in the Soviet Union. The company sent one of their people, Mladin Zarubica, to the U.S.S.R. and provided him with a slightly modified Coca-Cola formula. Zarubica was instructed to again modify the recipe to produce a clear Coca-Cola, however Coca-Cola later changed their mind and decided to wait awhile before selling Coke in the Soviet Union. In any event, Pendergrast interviewed Zarubica, and he showed Pendergrast the formula that Coca-Cola provided him. It was the same as the formula Pendergrast found in the Coca-Cola archives, except that the last two items (coriander & neroli oil) were missing. It even had the same misspelling of "F.E. Coco."
Over the years the Coca-Cola formula has been changed.
Asa Candler changed the formula, shortly after he acquired it, to stop imitators (at least 10 people knew the original formula when Candler bought the rights to Coca-Cola). Candler also added glycerin as a preservative, removed the cocaine, reduced the caffeine, and replaced the citric acid with phosphoric acid. In later years there may or may not have been further minor changes, but certainly corn syrup is now used as the sweetener instead of sugar. The flavoring component was also changed by Asa. He referred to it as 7X, yet Pemberton's formula only had 6 ingredients. Most likely, Asa added Lime Oil to the flavoring base and removed much of the lime juice (chemical analysis bears this out).
Asa wanted to keep his version of Coca-Cola completely secret, and he created a system whereby the ingredients were stripped of all labeling, and were referred to by numbers 1 through 9. Asa Candler and Frank Robinson were the only two individuals who knew the Coca-Cola formula or were even permitted into the lab. Lastly, all invoices were intercepted by Asa. When the company grew to the point where he could not handle the invoices himself, he had his suppliers use his numbering system of 1 to 9 on their invoices. This numbering system has since been figured out, and been reported in several books, and breaks down as follows:
Merchandise # 1 is sugar
Merchandise # 2 is caramel
Merchandise # 3 is caffeine
Merchandise # 4 is phosphoric acid
Merchandise # 5 is a coca leaf & cola nut extract
Merchandise # 6 is probably lime juice, but was incorporated into merchandise # 7 as an oil
Merchandise # 7X is the flavoring mixture
Merchandise # 8 is vanilla
Merchandise # 9 is probably glycerin, but is no longer used
According to an article in the Wall Street Journal on Oct. 4, 1996 Frank Robinson, the great-grandson of the co-founder of Coca-Cola, was willing to sell a Coca-Cola formula that was in his grandfathers handwriting. However, Mr. Robinson was going through a divorce at the time, and his wife was claiming that the formula was given to her as a pre-marriage gift. A judge has recently decided the formula belongs to Mr. Robinson, but I have not heard if Mr. Robinson still intends to sell the formula. In any event Coca-Cola claims the formula is a fake. Do to clues released about the ingredients of this formula (if genuine, which is likely) the recipe was produced after Asa revised the Coca-Cola formula, but before the cocaine was removed.
Although the current, authentic Coca-Cola Formula is known to only a small number of people at The Coca-Cola Company Coca-Cola is the trademarked name (registered 1893) for a popular soft drink sold in stores, restaurants and vending machines around the world. It is also popularly known as Coke, which the company also claims as a trademark. Coca-Cola also registered a trademark on the distinctive bottle shape in 1960.
Overview
Coca-Cola's name derived from the coca leaves and kola fruits used as flavoring. The exact Coca-Cola Formula is a legendary trade secret. Reportedly a copy of the formula is held in a safe in Atlanta with only two corporate officers having access. ..... Click the link for more information. , many have tried to reverse-engineer
Reverse engineering (RE) is the process of taking something (a device, an electrical component, a software program, etc.) apart and analyzing its workings in detail, and after that to reconstruct a new device/program/etc. that does the same thing, without actually copying anything from the original. The verb form is to reverse-engineer, spelled with a hyphen.
Reverse-engineering is commonly done to avoid copyrights on desired functionality, and may be used for avoiding patent law, though this is a bit risky: patents apply to the functionality, not a specific implementation of it. ..... Click the link for more information. speculative recipes for Coca-Cola syrup. Alleged recipes vary greatly and the formula has changed over the decades; published accounts suggest it contains or once contained sugar
A sugar is a form of carbohydrate; the most commonly used sugar is a white crystalline solid, sucrose; used to alter the flavor of beverages and food. The "simple" sugars, such as glucose (which exists within sucrose), store potential energy which is used by biological cells.
In culinary terms, sugar is a type of food associated with one of the primary taste sensations, that of sweetness. Culinary sugar is available in many forms, from "brown" or "raw" (which is not truly raw, but refined from sugarcane) to highly refined "white" sugar. Turbinado sugar is raw sugar that has been steam-cleaned. Sugar comes in lumps, grains and powder. ..... Click the link for more information. , caramel Caramel is partially burned sugar which has a brown color and a pleasant toasted flavor. Caramel is used to flavor candy and soft drinks such as Coca Cola. The word caramel also refers to a soft, chewy caramel-flavored candy made by boiling milk and sugar together.
Caramel is also commonly used as a food coloring (with the E number E150).
Caramel can be made from sugar by heating it slowly to a temperature of 170 degrees Celsius. As the sugar melts and approaches this temperature, the molecules break down into other volatile compounds that give it the characteristic caramel color and flavors. ..... Click the link for more information. , caffeine
Caffeine is a chemical compound found naturally in such foods as coffee beans, tea, cacao beans (chocolate), kola nuts, maté, and guarana. It is well known for its characteristic, intensely bitter taste, and as a stimulant of the central nervous system, heart, and respiration. It is also a diuretic. It is added to some soft drinks such as colas and Mountain Dew.
Chemical properties
..... Click the link for more information. , phosphoric acid Phosphoric acid is a mineral acid with the chemical formula H3PO4. Its main uses are in fertilizers and detergents, and in cleaning and rust-proofing agents. It is also used to acidify foods and beverages such as cola. It is prepared by adding sulphuric acid to calcium phosphate rock. Another specialized use is the provision of local anesthesia.
In its anhydrous form the acid is a white solid. In aqueous solution, the acid releases three hydronium (H+) ions. ..... Click the link for more information. , coca leaf Coca Leaves of the coca plant. Scientific classification Kingdom: Plantae Division: Magnoliophyta Class: Magnoliopsida Order: Malpighiales Family: Erythroxylaceae Genus: Erythroxylon Species: coca Binomial name Erythroxylon coca
Coca (Erythroxylon coca) is a plant which is ..... Click the link for more information. and cola nut The kola nut is obtained from several West African trees, such as Cola nitida or C. vera, and C. acuminata, of the Sterculiaceae family. It has a high caffeine content and is chewed in many West African cultures, individually and more often in a group setting. Kola was originally used to make cola soft drinks, though today the flavor of these mass-produced drinks is generally artificial. ..... Click the link for more information. extract, lime
Lime (Citrus aurantifolia) is a citrus tree with a fruit that contains a very high level of vitamin C. British sailors were issued a daily allowance of lemon or lime juice to prevent scurvy, giving them the nickname Limey.
Limes are small roundish bright green fruit with a pungent flavour. However, if they stay on the tree for a long time they turn yellow and resemble a small roundish lemon. Lime juice is used in cooking and in soft drinks, cocktails and limeade (like lemonade). Lime extracts and essential oils are frequently used in perfumes, cleansing products, and for aromatherapy. ..... Click the link for more information. juice or oil, flavoring mixture, vanilla For other uses, see vanilla (disambiguation).
Vanilla is either a genus of orchid or the flavoring, in its pure form known as vanillin, derived from that orchid. The name came from the Spanish word "vainilla", diminutive form of "vaina", which means "scabbard".
Vanilla flavoring Vanilla is a flavouring essence prepared from the seed-pods of Vanilla orchids. The species harvested for vanillin (there are in fact several) is mainly Vanilla planifolia. It is a native of Mexico, though now widely grown throughout the tropics. Additional sources include Vanilla pompona and Vanilla tahitiensis. ..... Click the link for more information. and originally glycerin
Glycerine, Glycerin or Glycerol (C3H8O3) is an alcohol (hence the name glycerol) with three hydroxyl groups (OH):
H H H CH2-OH | | | | H---C---C---C---H or CH-OH | | | | OH OH OH CH2-OH Other synonyms of glycerine are 1,2,3-propanetriol; D-glycerol; L-glycerol; 1,2,3-Trihydroxypropane; glyceritol; glycyl alcohol; trihydroxypropane; Glycerin mist; Polyhydric alcohols; Propanetriol ..... Click the link for more information. (but not any more).
The following are some of the alleged recipes for the syrup:
Alleged Syrup Recipe Number One
attributed to a sheet of paper found in an old formulary book owned by Coca-Cola inventor, John S. Pemberton, just before his death:
1 oz. Citrate Caffeine
3 oz. Citric Acid
1 oz. Extract Vanilla
1 Qt. Lime Juice
2 1/2 oz. Flavoring
30 lbs. Sugar
4 oz. fluid extract of Coca (decocainized flavor essence of the coca leaf)
2 1/2 gal. Water
Caramel sufficient
80 Oil Orange
40 Oil Cinnamon
120 Oil Lemon
20 Oil Coriander
40 Oil Nutmeg
40 Oil Neroli
1 Qt. Alcohol
"Mix Caffeine Acid and Lime Juice in 1 quart boiling water add vanilla and flavoring when cool. Let stand for 24 hours. Flavoring is likely a mixture orange oil, lemon, nutmeg oil, cinnamon oil, coriander oil, neroli oil and 1 quart of alcohol."
This recipe does not specify when sugar, coca, caramel or the rest of the water are added.
Alleged Syrup Recipe Number Two attributed to pharmacist John Reed
30 pounds of sugar
2 gallons of water
2 pints of lime juice
4 ounces of citrate of caffeine
2 ounces of citric acid
1 ounce of extract of vanilla
6 drams (3/4 ounce) of fluid extract of cola
6 drams of fluid extract of coca
Alleged Syrup Recipe Number Three
from Food Flavorings: Composition, Manufacture and Use (2nd Ed.) 1968 by Joseph Merory (AVI Publishing Company, Inc., Westport, CT)
Makes one gallon of syrup. "Mix 2,400 grams of sugar with just enough water to dissolve (high-fructose corn syrup may be substituted for half the sugar). Add 37 grams of caramel, 3.1 grams of caffeine, and 11 grams of phosphoric acid. Extract the cocaine from 1.1 grams of coca leaf (Truxillo growth of coca preferred) with toluol; discard the cocaine extract. Soak the coca leaves and kola nuts (both finely powdered; 0.37 gram of kola nuts) in 22 grams of 20 percent alcohol. California white wine fortified to 20 percent strength was used as the soaking solution circa 1909, but Coca-Cola Coca-Cola is the trademarked name (registered 1893) for a popular soft drink sold in stores, restaurants and vending machines around the world. It is also popularly known as Coke, which the company also claims as a trademark. Coca-Cola also registered a trademark on the distinctive bottle shape in 1960.
Overview
Coca-Cola's name derived from the coca leaves and kola fruits used as flavoring. The exact Coca-Cola Formula is a legendary trade secret. Reportedly a copy of the formula is held in a safe in Atlanta with only two corporate officers having access.
..... Click the link for more information. may have switched to a simple water/alcohol mixture. After soaking, discard the coca and kola and add the liquid to the syrup. Add 30 grams of lime juice (a former ingredient, evidently, that Coca-Cola now denies) or a substitute such as a water solution of citric acid and sodium citrate at lime-juice strength. Mix together 0.88 gram of lemon oil, 0.47 gram of orange oil, 0.20 gram of cassie (Chinese cinnamon) oil. 0.07 gram of nutmeg oil, and, if desired, traces of coriander, lavender, and neroli oils, and add to 4.9 grams of 95 percent alcohol. Shake. Add 2.7 grams of water to the alcohol/oil mixture and let stand for twenty-four hours at about 60 degrees Fahrenheit [15.5 C]. A cloudy layer will separate. Take off the clear part of the liquid only and add the syrup. Add 19 grams of glycerine (from vegetable source, not hog fat, so the drink can be sold to Orthodox Jews and Moslems) and 1.5 grams of vanilla extract. Add water (treated with chlorine) to make 1 gallon of syrup. Yield (used to flavor carbonated water): 128 6.5-ounce bottles."
New Coke 1985
In what turned out to be a marketing blunder, Coca-Cola changed the formula of their drink to try and attract sales away from competitors. The drink was relaunched as New Coke In 1985, the Coca-Cola company changed the formula and taste of its flagship product, a universally successful drink whose name was almost synonymous with soft drinks. The new drink was called New Coke. The New Coke formula consisted of the Diet Coke formula with real sugar replacing saccharine.
New Coke was introduced on April 23, 1985, with the slogan 'The Best Just Got Better," and production of the original formulation ended that same week.
..... Click the link for more information. , and met general rejection from the public and derisory reactions from competitors like Pepsi-Cola Pepsi (Pepsi-Cola) is a carbonated soft drink, and principal rival of Coca-Cola.
..... Click the link for more information. . Within a period of weeks, Coca-Cola Original was brought back onto the market.
The New Coke formula was a variant of the sweeter Diet Coke Diet Coke, also known as Coca-Cola Light, is a sugar-free replacement for Coca-Cola. The product was introduced in the United States in July 1982, and was the first new brand since 1886 to use the Coca-Cola wave trademark. The product quickly overtook Tab, Coca-Cola's saccharine-sweetened product, in sales. Unlike Tab, Diet Coke is sweetened with aspartame.
According to the company's UK website as of 2004:
..... Click the link for more information. formula rather than the original Coca-Cola formula itself. Thus New Coke tasted much sweeter, perhaps more like Pepsi
Pepsi (Pepsi-Cola) is a carbonated soft drink, and principal rival of Coca-Cola.
It was invented independently of Coca-Cola, but spent many years as a peripheral drink. It first achieved success by selling its drink in recycled beer bottles, which allowed it to sell larger bottles for lower cost than Coke. Pepsi thus became viewed as the soft drink of the lower classes. In the United States, Pepsi was viewed as the drink of blacks and in Canada it was viewed as the drink for francophones.
Formula History and Background
William Poundstone in his 1983 book Big Secrets ISBN 0-688-04830-7 devotes chapter three (18 pages) to the Coca-Cola formula.
External Links :
http://www.snopes.com/cokelore/formula.asp
http://www.snopes.com/cokelore/newcoke.asp
It happens every day, everywhere. Children arrive home from school hungry and obstreperous, revved up on sugar and dehydrated after a day at a school where water must be slurped from a tap in the toilets, or purchased and costs more than a can of cola; where cafeteria meals have ingredients of dubious quality and are often inedible; and where lunch-boxes are routinely based around a sweet drink and the food industry's latest inventive take on "hand-held snacks for kids". Then it's a post-school slump in front of the television where the England football squad and Gary Lineker can be relied on to work their old persuasive black magic (to sell Pringles and Walkers crisps).
Last week the Commons health committee warned that children were in the grip of an "obesity epidemic" that could mean early deaths and amputations. Researchers at Southampton University confirmed that food additives are causing behavioural problems. And it emerged that Nestlé and McDonald's were aiming promotional campaigns at youngsters in schools and hospitals.
Early this year, the children's food company Organix conducted extensive research into what our offspring eat, revealing a snacking culture of previously unthinkable dimensions. "We found that children as young as four are spending up to £30 a month on snacks and eating up to 80 additives per day," says the founder of the organic baby food firm, Lizzie Vann. The report highlighted the "dirty dozen" most worrying items that routinely turn up in children's food, including mechanically recovered meat, hydrogenated fat, artificial sweeteners, flavour enhancers, preservatives and colours. It is an unsavoury list that makes frustrating reading. The risks to health of these ingredients have been well documented, and yet they still form the basis of a typical child's diet.
The assault begins in the supermarket: shelves brimming, in all their shiny, eye-grabbing splendour, with towering castles of fizzy drinks, flavoured crisps, cartoon-covered sacks of rubbery gums, special "children's" (that means extra sweet and with more additives, yum yum) jellies. And they're cheap.
Aggressive promotion is underwritten by large, often global, food manufacturers with formidable marketing budgets. They are allotted premium sales positions because they can fund attractive "buy one get one free" or "multibuy" offers that help to prop up the perception that supermarkets offer good value. Thanks to an unwholesome alliance between big food retailers, manufacturers and advertisers, aided and abetted by a series of supine governments that have not had the stomach to stand up to the food industry, our children's health has been jeopardised almost beyond belief.
Over the past two decades, parents have been spun the line that they no longer have the time or inclination to feed children from scratch from fresh ingredients and that children naturally need, and so must be given, different food from adults. Hence families loading their trolleys with three distinct categories of food; adults' food, pet food and children's food.
Stubborn parents who stand firm in the face of advertising-fuelled pleas for chewable cheese strings or the latest lunchbox gimmick must steer a lonely path through the aisles. Although it is now exactly 20 years since the publication of Maurice Hanssen's landmark book E is for Additives, Stone Age food chemistry still pops up with regularity in everything from fruit pastilles to household name fizzy drinks. In most supermarkets, these lucrative items now occupy as much space as meat, fish, fruit and vegetables put together. There is a limit to how much you can charge the buying public for a potato, but when you "add value" to it by pulverising it and puffing it up with additives to create an "extruded snack", then the sky is the limit.
Large food retailers increasingly sideline ingredients for scratch cooking in their store layouts. Or they offer an apparent helping hand to the beleaguered parent in the form of special children's lines. Waitrose's Food Explorers, for example, claims to be "good for children". Adverts say "what may sound like kid's junk food is, in fact, healthy food". But parents who thought they understood the basics of healthy eating might be at a loss to understand what was especially nutritious about items in this range such as raspberry ripple flavoured water, toffee caramel balls breakfast cereal or squirtable toffee sauce. A 2003 Food Standards Agency survey found that own-label children's meals at Asda - spaghetti with meatballs, shepherd's pie and macaroni cheese - contained 48 per cent, 46 per cent and 42 per cent respectively of a child's recommended daily salt intake. Meanwhile down the road at Tesco, Friends of the Earth discovered Kids Snack Pack Carrots on sale at 13 times the price of the chain's "Value"' carrots.
Back in the kitchen where they are struggling against what the Health Development Agency last week labelled an "obesogenic" environment, parents are tired of fighting personal responsibility battles and feel totally let down. Many had believed that although the contents of their children's diet seemed counter-intuitive to any notion of healthy eating, there was comfort from the feeling of safety in numbers. Kids' junk is so ubiquitous, the logic ran, that it must be okay because government wouldn't just stand by while evil companies damaged our children's health for profit, would it? Now that the obesity time-bomb has hit the headlines, chronic unease among parents has grown acute. But it's still business as usual with the Government's laissez-faire attitude to children's food. Despite a review of research carried out for the Food Standards Agency which told us what we all knew - that advertising does influence children's food choices - the Government still won't bite the bullet and ban it as other progressive countries have, but falls back instead on gentle exhortations to industry to put its house in order by way of voluntary schemes.
Last week there was another groundhog day when research from Southampton University substantiated the fairly unamazing observation that certain additives cause attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Yet the Government is still in denial on the risks and shows no signs of legislating against even the most pernicious additives in children's foods. And how much longer do we need to discuss the removal of the much-loathed vending machines from schools before the Government is shamed into action?
In the meantime - and it could be a long time - concerned parents have a choice. They can persist in trying to plot a healthy path through the labyrinthine deceits and dangers of the children's food industry or renounce it by reintegrating children into mainstream eating by cooking straightforward meals for everyone in a household, made from scratch from good ingredients. Grill chicken instead of serving nuggets. Buy good quality steak mince and make your own burgers. Roast nuts in the oven instead of handing out crisps. If the kids don't like it tell them that's all there is. If you don't have junk in the house they can't eat junk. Such an attitude used to sound like an extreme, even reactionary solution. Now it's beginning to look like the only practical one. As the seriousness of our health predicament sinks in, many more parents may begin to see it as a liberating alternative.
Joanna Blythman is author of 'Shopped - The Shocking Power of British Supermarkets' (Fourth Estate)
From sleepless nights to delusions: one child's reaction to chemicals in her food
The effects
Debbie Hill is as pleasant an 18-year-old as a parent could hope for. But as a child dogged with food allergies and intolerances triggered by additives in typical children's foods she was, her mother Janice says, a monster.
Janice - who runs Toxic Overload, an advocacy service for parents of children with learning and behavioural problems - and her husband Alexander first noticed that Debbie was reacting frighteningly to certain chemicals at the age of 18 months.
"She was constantly on the go and wouldn't settle down at night. She'd eventually fall asleep at 2am then wake up at 4pm. We began to realise that she was reacting to colourings, flavourings and preservatives in baby drinks and children's medicines. Calpol was a no-no as were antibiotics. Within 20 minutes, she would be climbing the walls."
As Debbie grew older, the reactions became even more dramatic; one Smartie, one Wotsit, a sip of blackcurrant drink or cola could set her off. She had no sense of personal danger and when two and a half, she threw herself over the stairwell, convinced that she could fly. Incredibly, she wasn't seriously injured, but the hospital decided to keep her in overnight for observation. "We were thinking, great, at least one night when we might get some sleep," says Janice. "Then we got a phone call from the nurses at 1am saying they couldn't cope and we'd have to come in. She had been given an orange squash containing the preservative sodium benzoate."
The family GP in Edinburgh dismissed Janice as a neurotic mother. The strain was so intense, she and her husband almost divorced. "At first Debbie's behaviour were attributed to the Terrible Twos, then it became the Terrible Threes, Fours and Fives." The doctor remarked that it had become fashionableto have a child with allergies and eventually suggested putting Debbie on Ritalin - the controversial class-B drug, nicknamed "the chemical cosh".
Nowadays, Debbie manages her diet carefully and feels happy and well, but it took a long process of elimination to get there. "We couldn't send her to school until the age of six because it wouldn't have been fair to expect the teachers to cope with her. Sometimes she couldn't hear properly or understand what the teacher was saying. It wasn't until Debbie was nine that we figured out how to avoid reactions. By scrutinising labels and keeping a food diary, we worked out that yellow colourings like tartarazine, for example, triggered a zinc deficiency. But to find solutions we had to stumble around in the dark on our own and were forced into the private sector for help. It was a long, complicated process involving lots of tests. I never thought we would get to where we are now."
WHAT TO SWAP
Instead of...
Chicken nuggets
Cheese dippers
Sausage rolls
Fish fingers
Fizzy drinks
Chocolate buttons
Factory biscuits
Coloured chewy sweets
Try...
Chicken breast dipped in flour egg and breadcrumbs and fried
Rice crackers or toasted pitta bread soldiers with carrot/cucumber sticks and guacamole or hummus
Good quality meaty sausages on sticks
Fish fillets cut into goujons dipped and fried like the chicken
Fruit juice mixed with fizzy water
A few squares from a good quality chocolate bar eg Green and Black
Homemade cakes (eg carrot cake, banana bread)
100 per cent real fruit leathers - preferably organic or fruit salad
By the time I moved to Calcutta twenty years later, a communist government had come to power in Bengal. One of its first acts was to name the street on which the US Consulate stood after Ho Chi Minh. Otherwise too the intellectual climate was suffused with hostility to America. Our heroes were Marx and Mao, and, moving on, writers who had taken our side in the Cold War, such as Jean Paul Sartre and Gabriel García Márquez.
I became a member of the local British Council, but would not enter the library of the United States Information Service. Then my wife got a scholarship to Yale, and I reluctantly followed. I reached New Haven on a Friday, and was introduced to the Dean of the School where I was to teach. On Sunday I was taking a walk through the campus when I saw the Dean park his car, take a large carton out of the boot, and carry it across the road to the School and up three flights to his office.
That sight of the boss as his own coolie was a body blow to my anti-Americanism. My father and grandfather had both been heads of Indian research laboratories; any material they took to work or back—even a slim file with a single piece of paper in it—would be placed in the car by one flunkey and carried inside by another. (Doubtless the Warden of an Oxford College can likewise call upon a willing porter.) Over the years, I have often been struck by the dignity of labour in America, by the ease with which high-ranking Americans carry their own loads, fix their own fences, and mow their own lawns. This, it seems to me, is part of a wider absence of caste or class distinctions. Indian intellectuals have tended to downplay these American achievements: the respect for the individual, the remarkable social mobility, the searching scrutiny to which public officials and state agencies are subjected. They see only the imperial power, the exploiter and the bully, the invader of faraway lands and the manipulator of international organizations to serve the interests of the American economy. The Gulf War, as one friend of mine put it, was undertaken ‘in defence of the American way of driving’.
On the world stage America is not a pretty sight. Even between its various wars of adventure, its arrogance is on continuous display. The United States has disregarded strictures passed on it by the International Court of Justice, and defaulted on its financial obligations to the United Nations. It has violated the global climate change treaty, and the global biodiversity treaty. It has not signed the agreement to abolish the production of landmines. The only international treaties it signs and honours are those it can both draft and impose on other countries, such as the agreement on Intellectual Property Rights.
The truth about America is that it is at once deeply democratic and instinctively imperialist. This curious coexistence of contrary values is certainly exceptional in the history of the world. Other democratic countries, such as Sweden or Norway at the present time, are not imperialist. Scandinavian countries honour their international obligations, and (unlike the Americans) generously support social welfare programmes in the poorer parts of the world. Other imperialist countries, such as France and Great Britain in the past, were not properly democratic. In the heyday of European expansion men without property and all women did not have the vote. Even after suffrage was extended British governments were run by an oligarchy. The imagination boggles at the thought of a Ken Starr examining the sexual and other peccadilloes of a Benjamin Disraeli.
Historically, anti-Americanism in India was shaped by an aesthetic distaste for America’s greatest gift - the making of money. When Jawaharlal Nehru first visited the United States in 1949, as Prime Minister of a free India, he was given a banquet in New York where the host told him: ‘Mr Neroo, there are fifty billion dollars sitting around this table’ Naturally, the Brahmin schooled by British socialists was less than impressed.
Within India, the austere socialism of Nehru’s day has now been replaced by the swaggering buoyancy of consumer capitalism. In cultural terms, America, rather than Britain, has become the locus of Indian emulation. Politically, too, the countries are closer than ever before. Yet the new enchantment with America—which is perhaps most manifest amongst politically minded Hindus seems to have as shallow a foundation as the older disgust. Subliminally, but sometimes also on the surface, it is premised on the belief that America and its ally Israel have taken a tough line with the Muslims. (They take no nonsense from the Palestinians, as we should take no nonsense from the Pakistanis.) The prosperous Indian community in America models itself on the Jewish diaspora, whose influence it hopes one day to equal, and even exceed.
The current admiration for the United States has all to do with power. Strategic thinkers in New Delhi have little time for America’s experiments with transparency of governance; they ask only that it recognize India as the ‘natural’ leader of this part of the world—as, in fact, the United States of South Asia. That it already is. Like its new-found political mentor, India is more reliably democratic than the other countries of South Asia; at the same time, it seeks to bully and dominate them. At least in the short term, the prestige attached to the term ‘democracy’ in the post Cold War (and post September 11) world will make India even more insolent in its dealings with its neighbours. Echoing a famous President of Mexico, King Gyanendra might well say: ‘Poor Nepal! So far from God, so near to the Republic of India.’
Manhattan and San Francisco may be full of joggers and rich young things rushing to see their personal trainers before dawn. But any European who penetrates the very different Bible-bullets-and-Big Mac America that exists outside these sophisticated cities will spot the symptoms at once. Many of the people there no longer walk; they waddle. Most of the time they prefer to sit. In Mississippi, 33% of adults take no exercise at all.
The other half of the equation can be seen in any restaurant. The word "sandwich" conveys something more like a large loaf: Americans believe they are being swindled if they are not served portions that would disgust most Europeans. A middle-aged Englishman, mildly concerned about his paunch, can look around the room and feel like Gulliver in Brobdingnag: a midget amid a race of giants."
This does not apply only to milk. Gilmore runs classes to encourage people not to diet - which rarely works in the long term - but to change their lifestyles. Her students, many of them now disarmingly svelte, were reminiscing for me about how they became fat. "One of those bars is a dollar and six cents, but a six-pack is only two-fifty," one of them, Judy, was saying. "I like a lot for my money." Unfortunately, I had missed the start of the sentence. "Frozen Snickers," she repeated. "Go try."
This is not some baseless "conspiracy theory"--unlike, say, the Bushists' fantasies about a pre-war coupling between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden. (Of course, the pair probably are in bed now, thanks to the pious bawds in the White House, whose lust for Iraqi booty has engendered a whole new breed of terrorists in the conquered land.) No, the Saudis' payment of protection money to Osama--the scion of one of the kingdom's most powerful, well-connected families--has been known for years. Likewise, Pakistan's intimate involvement with the Taliban and other Qaeda-connected groups--such as Mohammed Atta's September 11 brigade and the gang that killed American journalist Daniel Pearl--has also been widely attested.
Now this highly inconvenient--hence largely forgotten--history has surfaced again, in the confessions of top Osama henchman Abu Zubaydah, unearthed by author Gerald Posner and reported this week in Time magazine.
Zubaydah, captured by the Americans last year, confirmed that Saudi royals began paying off bin Laden in 1991. Young Osama, victoriously returned from the CIA-backed jihad against the Soviets in Afghanistan, was feeling his fundamentalist oats, and wanted to take up arms against the demonic secularist Saddam, after the latter's invasion of Kuwait. But the Saudi royals preferred to bring in the hired muscle of their long-time business partner, George H.W. Bush. When Osama threw a fit over the presence of American "infidels" on holy ground, the royals told him he could go kill Americans if he wanted to--as long as he kept his jihadi hobby outside the confines of the kingdom. They bought his compliance with copious amounts of petrodollars--most of them supplied, ironically enough, by the oil-addicted denizens of the United States.
Zubaydah, under torture (yes, we know, Americans never torture people--and they don't launch unprovoked wars of aggression, either), gave up names, dates, even telephone numbers of al Qaeda's enablers in the Saudi royal family and Pakistani military. True, the wily terrorist operative might have been lying. But shortly after Zubaydah spilled these red-hot beans, all three Saudi princes he had named turned up dead--within a single week, in June 2002. One died in a car crash, one reportedly had a heart attack, and the third wealthy prince somehow "died of thirst" in the Saudi desert. The following week, the top Pakistani official fingered by Zubaydah was also killed, along with his family, when his airplane suddenly fell out of a clear blue sky. Of course, this could just be coincidence - after all, planes fall, cars crash, hearts fail and multimillionaires die of thirst in the desert every day, right? Still, it looks as if Zub's canary-like warbling might have struck a nerve somewhere out there.
Naturally, the Bushists kept these insights into the origins of the September 11 atrocity hidden from those perpetual patsies, the American people. They didn't want to embarrass their Saudi and Pakistani allies, who were now pouring money into the pockets of Bush's war-profiteering cronies in the arms trade. What's more, an open investigation into the true context of the attack would have distracted from the more important business at hand: slaughtering Iraqis for fun and profit.
And "slaughter" is the operative word. A recent in-depth, in-country body count--carried out by the Iraqi Freedom Party, a pro-business, anti-Saddam Iraqi dissident group championed by American conservatives--put the number of civilians killed by the Bush invasion at 37,000: the equivalent of 460,000 American deaths, as a percentage of total population. No doubt Bush's own fundamentalist followers will greet this news scripturally, "with tabrets, with joy, and with instruments of musick," chanting, "Osama hath slain his thousands, and Bush his tens of thousands!"
But while Bush diverts massive resources to the Iraqi conquest, Osama sits safely ensconced in the Afghan mountains, Newsweek reports. From this redoubt, he's directing the resurgence of the Taliban, holding terrorist summits, and planning "unbelievable" new attacks on the weakened American state, which is being bankrupted, fiscally and morally, by Bush's bloodsoaked folly in Iraq.
With an obliging "enemy" like Bush, whose policies create the perfect conditions for terrorism--anarchy, humiliation and mass death--Osama no longer needs his Saudi patrons. He's now attacking his own homeland as well, frantically gnawing the hand that fed him. If he manages to topple the tottering kingdom--or provoke Bush into destroying it for him with a "pre-emptive" strike to keep it out of al Qaeda's hands--the "war on terror" could quickly turn into Gotterdammerung: global economic collapse, conflict and chaos spreading like wildfire, millions plunged into fear and ruin--the Baghdadization of the world.
Dazed by the lure of loot and glory, hamstrung by their own willful ignorance of the complexities of history and human nature, the third-rate thugs of the Bush Regime have entered into an unwitting collaboration with the equally dazed, equally ignorant bin Laden mafia. Each gang draws meaning and justification from the other, each cloaks its own criminality and murder in the guise of a crusade against the other's evil. And both draw their power and profit from the same unrenewable natural resource:
The blood of innocent people.
This column stands foursquare with the Honorable Donald H. Rumsfeld, U.S. Secretary of Defense, when he warns that there will be more terrorist attacks against the American people and civilization at large. We know, as does the Honorable Donald H. Rumsfeld, U.S. Secretary of Defense, that this statement is an incontrovertible fact, a matter of scientific certainty. And how can we and the Honorable Donald H. Rumsfeld, U.S. Secretary of Defense, be so sure that there will be more terrorist attacks against the American people and civilization at large?
Because these attacks will be instigated at the order of the Honorable Donald H. Rumsfeld, U.S. Secretary of Defense.
This astonishing admission was buried deep in a story which was itself submerged by mounds of gray newsprint and glossy underwear ads in last Sunday's Los Angeles Times. There--in an article by military analyst William Arkin, detailing the vast expansion of the secret armies being massed by the former Nixon bureaucrat now lording it over the Pentagon--came the revelation of Rumsfeld's plan to create "a super-Intelligence Support Activity" that will "bring together CIA and military covert action, information warfare, intelligence, and cover and deception."
According to a classified document prepared for Rumsfeld by his Defense Science Board, the new organization--the "Proactive, Preemptive Operations Group (P2OG)"--will carry out secret missions designed to "stimulate reactions" among terrorist groups, provoking them into committing violent acts which would then expose them to "counterattack" by U.S. forces.
In other words--and let's say this plainly, clearly and soberly, so that no one can mistake the intention of Rumsfeld's plan--the United States government is planning to use "cover and deception" and secret military operations to provoke murderous terrorist attacks on innocent people. Let's say it again: Donald Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney, George W. Bush and the other members of the unelected regime in Washington plan to deliberately foment the murder of innocent people--your family, your friends, your lovers, you--in order to further their geopolitical ambitions.
For P2OG is not designed solely to flush out terrorists and bring them to justice--a laudable goal in itself, although the Rumsfeld way of combating terrorism by causing it is pure moral lunacy. (Or should we use the Regime's own preferred terminology and just call it "evil"?) No, it seems the Pee-Twos have bigger fish to fry. Once they have sparked terrorists into action--by killing their family members? luring them with loot? fueling them with drugs? plying them with jihad propaganda? messing with their mamas? or with agents provocateurs, perhaps, who infiltrate groups then plan and direct the attacks themselves?--they can then take measures against the "states/sub-state actors accountable" for "harboring" the Rumsfeld-roused gangs. What kind of measures exactly? Well, the classified Pentagon program puts it this way: "Their sovereignty will be at risk."
The Pee-Twos will thus come in handy whenever the Regime hankers to add a little oil-laden real estate or a new military base to the Empire's burgeoning portfolio. Just find a nest of violent malcontents, stir 'em with a stick, and presto: instant "justification" for whatever level of intervention/conquest/rapine you might desire. And what if the territory you fancy doesn't actually harbor any convenient marauders to use for fun and profit? Well, surely a God-like "super-Intelligence Support Activity" is capable of creation ex nihilo, yes?
The Rumsfeld-Bush plan to employ murder and terrorism for political, financial and ideological gain does have historical roots (besides al Qaeda, the Stern Gang, the SA, the SS, the KGB, the IRA, the UDF, Eta, Hamas, Shining Path and countless other upholders of Bushian morality, decency and freedom). We refer of course to Operations Northwoods, oft mentioned in these pages: the plan that America's top military brass presented to President John Kennedy in 1963, calling for a phony terrorist campaign--complete with bombings, hijackings, plane crashes and dead Americans--to provide "justification" for an invasion of Cuba, the Mafia/Corporate fiefdom which had recently been lost to Castro.
Kennedy rejected the plan, and was killed a few months later. Now Rumsfeld has resurrected Northwoods, but on a far grander scale, with resources at his disposal undreamed of by those brass of yore, with no counterbalancing global rival to restrain him--and with an ignorant, corrupt president who has shown himself all too eager to embrace any means whatsoever that will augment the wealth and power of his own narrow, undemocratic, elitist clique.
There is prestuplyeniye here, transgression, a stepping-over--deliberately, with open eyes, with forethought, planning, and conscious will--of lines that should never be crossed. Acting in deadly symbiosis with rage-maddened killers, God-crazed ranters and those supreme "sub-state actors," the mafias, Bush and his cohorts are plunging the world into an abyss, an endless night of black ops, retribution, blowback, deceit, of murder and terror--wholesale, retail, state-sponsored, privatized; of fear and degradation, servility, chaos, and the perversion of all that's best in us, of all that we've won from the bestiality of our primal nature, all that we've raised above the mindless ravening urges and impulses still boiling in the mud of our monkey brains.
It's not a fight for freedom; it's a retreat into darkness.
And the day will be a long time coming.
'Come, muse, let us sing of rats'
Grainger (1721-67) did not have the courage of his convictions and deleted these words on discovering that his listeners dissolved into spontaneous laughter the instant they were read out.
No such reluctance afflicted Adam Lindsay Gordon (1833-67) who was inspired by the subject of war:
'Flash! flash! bang! bang! and we blazed away,
And the grey roof reddened and rang;
Flash! flash! and I felt his bullet flay
The tip of my ear. Flash! bang!'
By contrast, Cheshire cheese provoked John Armstrong (1709-79):
'...that which Cestria sends, tenacious paste
of solid milk...'
While John Bidlake was guided by a compassion for vegetables:
'The sluggard carrot sleeps his day in bed
The cripples pea alone cannot stand.'
George Crabbe (1754-1832) wrote:
'And I was ask'd and authorised to go
To seek the firm of Clutterbuck and Co.'
William Balmford explored the possibilites of religious verse:
'So 'tis with Christians, Nature being weak
While in this world, are liable to leak.'
And William Wordsworth showed that he could do it if he really tried when describing a pond:
'I've measured it from side to side;
Tis three feet long, and two feet wide.'
The poetry of Margaret Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, received the ultimate accolade in 1667 when Samuel Pepys described it as 'the most ridiculous thing that ever was wrote'. Her method was to dictate in the middle of the night to servants specially posted on cap beds in the ante-room. Of particular interest is her poem 'What is liquid?'.
What is liquid?
All that doth flow we cannot liquid name
Or else would fire and water be the same;
But that is liquid which is moist and wet
Fire that property can never get
Then 'tis not cold that doth the fire put out.
But 'tis the wet that makes it die, no doubt.
William Topaz McGonagall was so giftedly bad that he backed unwittingly into genius. Combining a minimal feel for the English language with a total lack of self-awareness and nil powers of observation, he became a poet, and penned this great masterpeice from his back room in Paton's Lane, Dundee:
An Address to the Rev. George Gilfillan
All hail to the Rev George Gilfillan of Dundee,
He is the greatest preacher I did ever hear or see.
He is a man of genius bright,
And in him his congregation does delight,
Because they find him to be honest and plain.
Affable in temper, and seldom known to complain.
He preaches in a plain straightfoard way
The people flock to hear him night and day,
And hundreds from the doors are often turn'd away,
Because he is the greatest preacher of the present day.
He has written the life or Sir Walter Scott,
And while he lives he will never be forgot,
Nor when he is dead,
Because by his admirers it will often be read;
And fill there minds with wonder and delight,
And wile away the tedious hours on a cold winter's night
He has also written about the Bards of the Bible,
Which occupied nearly three years in which he was not idle,
Because when he sits down to write he does it with might and main
And to get an interview with him it would be almost vain,
And in that he is always right,
For the bible tells us whatever your hands findeth to do,
Do it with all your might.
Rev George Gilfillan of Dundee, I must conclude my muse,
And to write in praise of thee my pen does not refuse,
Nor does it give me pain to tell the world fearlessly, that when
You are dead they shall not look upon your like again.
From 'The book of Heroic Failures -
The official Handbook of the Not Terribly Good Club of Great Britain'
Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd, 1979, ISBN 0 7088 1908 7
Level 6 - Level 6 is privately called 'Nightmare Hall'. It holds the genetic labs. Experiments done on fish, seals, birds, and mice that are vastly altered from their original, forms. There are multi- armed and multi-legged humans and several cages (and vats) of humanoid bat-like creatures up to 7- feet tall. Aliens have taught the humans a lot about genetics, things both useful and dangerous. Level 7 - Humans in cages here, usually drugged or dazed, sometimes crying out for help.
Level 7 is the worst. "Row after row of 1,000's of humans & human-mixture remains in cold storage. Here too are embryos of humanoids in various stages of development. Also, many human children's' remains in storage vats. Who are (were) these people?"
"What in God's name is that all about? Man, that's sick! - Doug McGivens of Glen Burnie, MD. while looking at the mural
"Ah, terrific...I don't need this right now. What a horrible thing to have up for people to have to look at!" - Karen D. from Broomfield, CO after her 8-year old daughter got upset at seeing the mural
"The damn sneaks" - Me, when I saw they painted over and changed some of the murals
That's just the part you see up close, though. What you don't see are 8 sub-basements, low- and high- frequency sounds that make people sick, air vents jutting out of the surrounding barren acres of fenced lots that have barbed wire along their tops - pointing in. Whole buildings that were constructed below ground level and then buried as is, the excuse being they were "built wrong". An entire runway constructed, then buried under a layer of dirt and "forgotten". The layers of workers and companies who were fired so no one would have a Big Picture. And workers even reported seeing Aliens working there. Are you rolling your eyes and going, "Oh sure..Nazis too huh?" CRIPES. Well, I have to admit when I got to that part I did, too. But there's a lot of credible stories about a lot of documented things, so we can start there. With the dead babies and buried buildings. As far as Reptilian NWO and Nazis...I'll mention it...ok? As far as the place being something Not Right Under There, I'm convinced. Except you'll have to take my word for some of it because when I re-researched things to update this section..well! It seems they painted over two of the four walls that make up this sick mural and altered part of one that's still there. But of course, I have pics, and so do a lot of others.
Charles Hapgood has made an excellent job to point out some strange features on Ancient maps. Comparing a set of maps made from Ptolemea (166 AD) to the Middle Ages and the first global maps made by Piri Re'is (A Ottoman admiral), Hadji Ahmed, Oronteaus Finaeus and Mercator, all editing their maps between 1513 and 1560, he (and the reader) notice that Antarctic continent figures almost accuratly on all of them.
Giving the example of a Chinese map from the 12th century accuratly depicting the rivers system of the Chinese Empire, he comes to the conclusion that all those people have used copies of ancient maps probably drawn before the Ice Age by an ancient civilisation.
Despite the research work, there are some inaccuracies. Talking about Mercator's map, he refers to the Greenwich Meridian. Mercator was living in Antwerp, a city that commanded 40% of Western trade between 1501 and 1557. It was Brussels's harbour, capital of a global empire headed by Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, which covered 1/4 of Europe, America and outposts in Northern Africa. There are no reasons whatsoever for Mercator to use the meridian of a secondary rate kingdom of the time, England. Plantin Publishing House from Antwerp annual turnover was equal to one third of England's budget. And England was considered an economical dependency of Flanders: Paxton writes in 1480 that no one could find a managerial job on an English estate if he could not speak Flemish. Furthermore dispute between Greenwich and Paris Meridian was not be settled until recently (18-19th century). Antarctica emerges on the maps in the 16th century during the period of Great Discoveries but never figures before on maps drawn by Egyptians, Mesopotamians, Chinese, Indians, civilisations which have written records dating back to the 4th, 3rd and 2nd millennium BC ? Seen the importance of maps for seafaring people like Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Greeks or Romans accurate maps must have been almost magic for them and they would certainly talk about the wonders of those documents, even attribute heavenly origins to them. No ancient world story talks about such items.
Renaissance was born by the careful study of Bibles to recover the original text by removing all addition made by copists during the Middle Ages. They made 'genealogy trees' of bible copies in order to recover the original texts. They knew the method. So they would have documented the path used to rebuild the maps based on copies of more ancient maps. But nowhere is such process documented and nowhere are such ancient maps found: Venice, Constantinople, Lisboa, Sevilla nor Antwerp have records of similar activities.
What is puzzling also is to see Antartica on all those maps, but never Australia. Should Atlantis have been Antarctica, why should people from Atlantis invade Europe, America, Asia and Africa and never set foot in Australia which was much closer than Europe or Asia.
The theory that the crust moved thousand miles is not convincing either. Hapgood wrote his book a few years before the tectonic plate theory was published (early seventies). Since Colombus discovered America, both continents (Europe and America) moved the distance of a soccer field. One soccer field (110 yards) every half-millennium makes a quick move from Antarctica to the South Pole impossible indeed.
The Sun swicthed magnetic poles on February 15th, 2001. Did you notice something ? Probably no. It happens every 11,5 years and we have never felt bad about it. So it cannot explain dramatic changes on Earth either.
Another fact Hapgood does not talk about is that Columbus was looking for a shortcut to India. When he landed, he baptized the place India. In Sevilla, the organisation in charge of transoceanic shipments was called Casa de Indias. For centuries, Europeans talked about the Indies, separated in West Indies (Carribbean) and East Indies (Asia). When a map shows Cipangu, it was supposed to be Japan as related by Marco Polo and not Cuba. It is only gradually Europeans realized they had discovered another continent they named America after Amerigo Vespucci, an italian explorer.
Question remains: Between 1484 and 1509, did somebody go around the South Pole ? And if not, how could maps have physically survived centuries or millennia to reemerge at that time only in Flanders, Italy and Constantinople. And why does it show Antarctica only and never Australia ?
In the Roman camp, after many fruitless attempts had been made to break out and they found themselves at last in a state of utter destitution, necessity compelled them to send envoys to the Samnites to ask in the first instance for fair terms of peace, and failing that to challenge them to battle. Pontius replied that all war was at an end, and since even now that they were vanquished and captured they were incapable of acknowledging their true position, he should deprive them of their arms and send them under the yoke, allowing them to retain one garment each. The other conditions would he fair to both victors and vanquished. If they evacuated Samnium and withdrew their colonists from his country, the Roman and the Samnite would henceforth live under their own laws as sovereign states united by a just and honourable treaty. On these conditions he was ready to conclude a treaty with the consuls, if they rejected any of them he forbade any further overtures to he made to him.
When the result was announced, such a universal cry of distress arose, such gloom and melancholy prevailed, that they evidently could not have taken it more heavily if it had been announced to them all that they must die on the spot. Then followed a long silence. The consuls were unable to breathe a word either in favour of a capitulation so humiliating or against one so necessary. At last Lucius Lentulus , of all the staff-officers the most distinguished, both by his personal qualities and the offices he had held, spoke: "I have often," he said, "heard my father, consuls, say that he was the only one in the Capitol who refused to ransom the City from the Gauls with gold, for the force in the Capitol was not invested and shut in with fosse and rampart, as the Gauls were to indolent to undertake that sort of work; it was therefore quite possible for them to make a sortie involving, perhaps, heavy loss, but not certain destruction. If we had the same chance of fighting, whether on favourable or unfavourable ground, which they had of charging down upon the foe from the capitol, in the same way as the besieged have often made sorties against their besiegers, I should not fall behind my father's spirit and courage in the advice which I should give. To die for one's country is, I admit, a glorious thing, and as concerns myself I am ready to devote myself for the people and legions of Rome or to plunge into the midst of the enemy. But it is here that I beheld my country, it is on this spot that all the legions which Rome possesses are gathered, and unless they wish to rush to death for their own sakes, to save their honour, what else have they that they can save by their death. "The dwellings of the City," somebody may reply, "and its walls, and that crowd of human beings who form its population." Nay, on the contrary, all these things are not saved, they are handed over to the enemy if this army is annihilated. For who will protect them? A defenceless multitude of non-combatants, I suppose; as successfully as it defended them from the approach of the Gauls. Or will they implore the help of an army from Veii with Camillus at its head? Here and here alone are all our hopes, all our strength. If we save these we save our country, if we give these up to death we desert and betray our country. "Yes," you say, "but surrender is base and ignominious." It is; but true affection for our country demands that we should preserve it, if need be, by our disgrace as much as by our death. However great then the indignity, we must submit to it and yield to the compulsion of necessity, a compulsion which the gods themselves cannot evade! Go, consuls, give up your arms as a ransom for that State which your ancestors ransomed with gold!""
There could hardly have been a more fitting venue for an evening with Alastair Campbell than in the shadow of the London Eye on the Thames.
The wheel is an emblem of new Labour: a construction of great promise that rises above Westminster and Buckingham Palace, gleaming and victorious but with a hint of Cool Britannia.
From up there, it is still possible to look down with bated breath on to one of the most beautiful, glamorous and stimulating metropolises in the world. However, seven years after the first great election victory, most of the passengers of new Labour are already beyond the zenith. The wheel has carried on turning and in August last year Alastair Campbell alighted. He has been earning some serious money ever since.
Campbell was the one who pulled all the strings. Ministers had to have press interviews approved by him. Wherever he was he put his feet on the table. He was the most powerful media adviser ever to have worked at No 10. And, astonishingly, the most lousy.
Some time ago, the Government's audience decided that it was not telling the truth. They react to Tony Blair's defiant public appearances - and continually shifting explanations on the Iraq war - with increasing annoyance. With new debts and the possibility of tax increases even the harsh daily business of government is becoming more unpleasant. The party for new Labour ended some time ago. But for Campbell it is clearly just beginning.
In the Royal Festival Hall 2,500 paid to see him. He is large and wiry, has short hair and a hoarse voice. He provided a strange white noise, two hours long. What did he say? Something about football, nothing that was remotely connected to a political vision. It is as if the fact that new Labour ousted the Conservatives seven years ago is enough.
For the right questions Campbell hands out t-shirts that he wore during the London marathon. He laughs at the question: "What advice would you give to an aspiring porn writer?" a reference to his erstwhile job. The whole evening is one big smile until a woman jumps up and shouts: "You lying bastard, you sit there and..." She doesn't get any further; she is speechless.
She throws her hands in the air in despair and leaves. The stage show can be derailed by neither provocation nor argument. It is a performance purged of conviction and gutted of politics. It is the empty revolution of a wheel, the vulgar technology of power.
The English Patient
Anthony Daniels cites the example of Paris, where the mob was confined to satellite towns and a few tanks were enough to block off access roads. "Only in case of crisis: but the crisis will soon be upon us," he says emphatically. The world is threatened, not by terror but by trash.
In Birmingham there is no escape from these "brutal and brutalising" faces. The same goes for the drinkers and pitbull owners, the work-shy and junk food-chomping charity shop mums on the front cover of The Spectator in which Daniels gives his reasons for moving to France. The essay, which he writes under the nom de guerre of the misanthropic Theodore Dalrymple, is called "Flight from barbarity".
Daniels' mother is a German-Jewish immigrant and his father is a communist. He is the same generation as Campbell, but he belongs to the other side, to the vanquished. He listens to classical music. He has no television. He despises football.
New Labour is for Daniels nothing more than dumbing down, a mush of the middle ground, the indifference of the "big social tent", monitored by a cynical intelligensia and a constantly expanding bureaucracy: He knows exactly what he is writing about. His spends his days with the sediment of British society as a psychiatrist in a city hospital and in a Birmingham prison.
If Campbell is the prole who has worked his way into the salons, then Daniels is the bourgeois with both feet in hell. He knows the dark side of new Labour slogans and it looks like this: the hospitals are understaffed and the prisons overcrowded. Despite the billions invested in the crumbling health system there is a lack of doctors. Drunken brawls, especially at weekends, have reached epidemic proportions. The island today has more delinquents, more queuing patients, more gymslip mums than ever.
Although the country is experiencing the strongest economic boom since the 1950s there is a growing cultural disquiet. Almost a million Britons are off sick due to depression or stress. Productivity is lower than in France or Germany. England's soul is sick, Daniels says. On this particular evening he is giving a lecture to a group of psychiatrists. To the chagrin of the nice hostess employed by a pharmaceutical company, he explains why he considers her pills to be a swindle. People should just get a grip, he says. He gives an example - the woman who has five children from two men and lives with a third who beats her. She wants pills for depression. Daniels advises her to consider her promiscuity and to split from her violent boyfriend.
Daniels bemoans immorality and rampant emotional incontinence. Every day feelings are exposed in the redtop press and on television. To him the symbolic event was the hysterical bow before Diana "this absolutely worthless and trivial person". After her death Tony Blair talked with a quivering voice of the "People's Princess" while the Queen was criticised for her reserve. The Queen, according to Daniels, deserves better subjects.
At midnight the doctor takes his Yorkshire terrier Ramses for a walk. Ramses walks nervously towards the church and the shadow of a memorial honouring the war dead; he stands and sniffs. A condom! Daniels pulls on the lead. Signs of neglect are everywhere, even in the salubrious district of Edgbaston. "You see what I mean?" The enemy approaches. It's time to escape.
Announcement
The scene is the platform at Hammersmith station, west London. Stranded people, waiting patiently, in dark coats, motionless as if in a Magritte painting, heads turned towards loudspeakers, listen to the announcement."We apologise for the late service on the District Line. .... The next train is not for Ealing, but for Richmond ... Ignore the screens ... Look at the train ... it might be for Richmond; to be honest, I don't know myself ... better look it up for yourselves ..." And then there is a crackling noise, which sounds very desperate and very final.
This is the poetry of everyday London. There is an acceptance of fate in people's faces, unrequited love, anger. We invented the damned trains, why don't they work any more? Does anything work any more? Only in England can a play about trains provoke tears and reviews written with clenched fists. The first line in David Hare's Permanent Way, at the Cottesloe theatre, is a sigh: "Oh, Britain..." According to the reviews, trains are "a paradigm for the morally rotten, materially run-down state of our nation". But what great theatres!
The Great Strike
Grass has grown over the Cortonwood pit in Yorkshire. The warehouses and DIY superstores on top of the mine seem to have been parachuted from a helicopter. Even seemingly old pubs built from stone, such as the St George and the Dragon, are not more than three years old. At least the region is recovering.
"We were standing here", says Jim Graham. A barrel and a worn-out sofa were on the picket line, "OUR 1984". It came 20 years ago and was the last great class struggle in the world. It brought about the end of the industrial age of the 19th century, once and for all, and cleared the way for the service economy of the 21st century.
Britain had the world's first well-organised working-class movement and then it got rid of it. While the Soviet bloc still lay in communist hibernation and the old Federal Republic under Helmut Kohl, with his catastrophic talent for persistence, gave away subsidies like free beer, Maggie Thatcher closed the pits and declared the future had begun. For over a year the miners were on strike, at 153 pits. Then they were beaten, and nothing was as it used to be.
The Thachter revolution has removed the nation's core and turned workers into dispensable workers who can be easily given the sack. "We were someone, once," says Graham, on the way back from the convenience store where he was spending his pension. "We were a community."
The majority have moved away. Many have died. And he is now killing time in this store, between dog food, crossword puzzles, Nescafé, lottery tickets and sweets. Especially the latter: the shop makes its money from kids who want stuff to suck. "I'm not proud selling sweets instead of swinging the hammer," says Jim, whose muscled, Celtic physique hardly fits behind the counter. But what can you be proud of these days?
Recently, one of the "scabs" came in to the shop: a strike-breaker. Jim's eyes flash for a second. "I recognised him immediately, even after 20 years." Jim shouted to the guy: "Piss off, or I'll break every bone in your body." A man has his pride. He was probably also embarrassed to been seen here, with a well-thumbed Mills and Boon on the counter.
In their tight-knit, conservative world, christenings, family parties and funerals, all those took place under the banner of the union of the pit. If teenagers rioted in Barnsley, you spoke to a fellow comrade, and he sorted it out. These days the kids are without direction, and nobody cares. There were no jobs for 10 years, and we got used to living on the dole. "A whole generation, gone."
Perhaps one has to think of those people who were on the Spectator cover, with pit bull terriers and beer cans? In that case, Maggie Thatcher's Tory revolution would have finished off traditional England and helped to bring about a loss of inhibition, which would be a devilish historical punchline.
An Expensive Town
The flat is in a great location, in the city centre, opposite Harrods, with its ornate consume grottos, which you can't see, because the flat faces the back yard. It doesn't take long to look around. The flat is 5.8 metre squared, and it costs €186,000.
There is a cupboard in the hall , with a battery of cleaning products inside. "These come with it," says Edward, the estate agent. There is a shower! The fridge, lilac and neon, holds a bottle of bubbly. A small one. The construction which the television set sits on is a "waste of space", Edward reckons, pronouncing the word as if it were the worst insult he knows. He would replace it. "With a flat screen." You could unroll a mattress from wall to wall and sleep on it. That's all. "But you've got your own flat in town."
More than 70 per cent of British people live in property they own. Mortgages and credit payments are cheaper than paying rent, and therefore you buy and trade smaller flats for bigger ones, taking out a higher mortgage, climbing one step after the other up the "property ladder". The high point is to have a little house in France - almost 40 per cent of foreign-owned property in France is in British hands.
Because there is very little new-build on the island, prices go up all the time. Last year alone they rose by 15 per cent. And because their properties are worth a considerable amount on paper, the British take out more money on credit, as they consider themselves rich. Today they owe on average 130 per cent of their annual salary. But many, in the back of their minds, are uneasy, because everybody believes that the property bubble will burst at some point.
For Edward it has long been too expensive for him to take even the first step on the property ladder. He lives out of town, with his wife's family. He sends his 9-year-old daughter to a public school for around €10.000, his sole luxury. "That should be tax-deductible." But it isn't.
On the contrary, taxes are going up. Council tax alone, which covers public services like refuse collection, schools, and social services, has risen by more than 50 per cent under new Labour. I am finished with new Labour, says Edward bitterly. "New Labour is a waste of space."
The Battle for Europe
Happy the country that has produced a culture of contradiction - Speakers' Corner as well as 20 different daily newspapers, and the polemic psychiatrist, who lays into his clients in a politically incorrect way. In this culture, you don't spend time being offended, you look for a better line to take and hit back.
London's shrine to debating is the Royal Geographical Society, which meets to debate motions such as "Let's get rid of Scotland" or "GM food is good for us." Tonight the debate is called "A European constitution - A Set-back For Democracy". There was a test vote before the debate started. The overwhelming majority of the audience supported the motion.
The combatants meet beforehand in a panelled side-room for snacks and wine, below an old Chinese map. The diplomat and the Labour MP, the left-wing constitutional expert and the right-wing columnist. There is a locker room atmosphere. They loosen up, nod towards each other and promise with a smile not to take any prisoners.
And then blood is spilt. Then it is argued convincingly, that Europe is - alternatively - a bureaucratic nightmare and England an island of the blessed. And the other way round, that the English are a small, narrow-minded people full of undigested beliefs left over from the Empire, and that only Europe could function as a modern heavy-weight partner for the transatlantic superpower.
The audience cheers on the speakers, by applauding, and by posing questions. In the final vote, Europe has narrowed the gap. But it has lost nevertheless. As Blair now knows, you can't win elections with Europe on the island. The eurosceptics, however, had a new battle cry: "Morecambe Bay".
Death in Cockle Bay
The Labour MP Geraldine Smith stands on the beach in Morecambe Bay and says: "I can't see this any more." She pulls her coat closer around her shoulders and glances for the last time at the flower arrangements and joss sticks and the sacrificial bowl with rice and fish. Geraldine has tears in her beautiful, sea-green eyes. The day before, Buddhist priests spoke to the souls of the 20 cockle-pickers who were drowned in the grey waters.
They had been driven out there at night by slave traders to the tricky cockle banks, ignoring warnings. Then the tide had come back in quickly through the channels and had cut them off. One of the unfortunate cockle-pickers had a mobile phone. He called his family in the Chinese province of Fujian one last time, from a moonless cold night in the Irish Sea. "The water is getting higher," he said. "We will drown."
The cockle banks were estimated to be worth £10 million, when they were opened last year. There was a lot of money to be made out there, and immediately the caravans started arriving, from Blackpool, from Liverpool, even from Manchester. And then gangs of illegal Chinese arrived, and fights started to drive them away. Because their cockle sacks kept on getting oil poured on them, the gangmasters decided to send them out at night, for £1 per sack.
Geraldine Smith got the first hints about the Chinese illegals a couple of months ago. She asked for official help. Nothing happened. And now the country talks about nothing else, but the discussion has a bizarre twist, because Morecambe Bay is not so much the place of a human catastrophe, but the neuralgic point of the island, a port of invasion for illegals, which arouses fears of immigration and asylum-seekers and finally of the open borders of an enlarged European Union. The tabloids called a national emergency.
Morecambe Bay has seen better days. The bingo halls and fish and chip shops along the promenade are mostly closed. The little houses behind them were rented out to tourists 15 years ago. Then tourism broke down. Now the people who live there are on welfare. And Chinese. And junkies. Morecambe Bay is the home of the most lost souls of the British economic miracle.
Geraldine is a "Blair babe", one of the young MPs who won the seat for new Labour in 1997. The Conservative contestant came from the wealthy Guinness family. She once wanted to change the world, she says. Now it is only Morecambe Bay. Even during weekend she is in her office, or in the supermarket, holding surgeries.
She lives alone, in the West End, next to a Chinese restaurant. She is friends with the proprietors. That's where she is having dinner. Later, she goes home and listens to David Bowie's Heroes. "We could be heroes, just for one day."
She wears a little golden cross over her black jumper. Her family, she says, came over from Belfast during the 1970s, because it had become too dangerous there for Catholics. She knows all too well why people leave and start again somewhere else. And there is this picture in her mind she will never forget, when a burning bed flew out of her neighbour's house.
That, she says, is probably one of Blair's lasting successes - the Good Friday agreement of 1998, which got the warring parties in Northern Island round the table. But she is no longer sure about the rest of Blair's record.
No one in the party is quite sure presently. She has voted in favour of the Iraq war, in an act of loyalty for Blair and trusting completely in his judgement. "Had I then known what I know today ..." She leaves the sentence uncompleted, the words blowing in the wind.
It is getting harder to sell new Labour policies in the provinces. She will continue picking arguments with the bureaucrats in London and fighting for legislation aimed at tackling gangmasters. And then she will try to ease people's fears about immigrants, and EU enlargement. She will fight the Nazis from the BNP, who over at Burnley are already on the city council. Geraldine Smith, the little backbencher of the Labour Party, is a hero. There she stands at the beach, shivering, after giving another interview to the BBC. Nowhere else is England so much of an island, at this moment, so romantic and beautiful, strong and endangered.
Two years ago, Geraldine says, a Spanish ship appeared in the mist out there and cleared the whole cockle bank. "The Armada," she says and laughs. Then the sun breaks through the clouds, and beyond the bay, behind the sandbanks, the houses of Grange-over-Sands shine in the light. Like a golden fortress, arisen from the sea. Britannia.
That estrangement of this sort is to be numbered among our current woes, and is as much the cause as the effect of many of them, no one with eyes to see or ears to hear can doubt. But who, in a government which likes to associate itself with footballers and pop stars and whatever other icons of mass ignorance it can crowd into 10 Downing Street, would dare propose any programme of repossession? Here's the advantage of your "ladder of improvement" - it can imply amelioration without having to address questions of worth and value, of what is humane, of what is civilised, of what is worth passing on. And of what isn't.
Of education in this sense - and I know no other - New Labour wishes to hear nothing, see nothing, speak nothing. Training is its real concern. Training, training, training. But soon all we'll be training are wordless zombies.
Who then art thou?
MEPHISTOPHELES:
Part of that power which still Produceth good, whilst ever scheming ill.
Chances are, all of the above! What you've tuned in to is called a "Spy Numbers Station". They've been on the air for several decades, and only recently have the mysteries started to unfold. But there's still much we don't know about these mysterious stations. With the information on these pages, you'll discover the little that we do know about these stations, what we're still trying to learn, and how you too can tune in to the spies."
China 1945-46 Korea and China 1950-53 (Korean War) Guatemala 1954 Indonesia 1958 Cuba 1959-1961 Guatemala 1960 Congo 1964 Peru 1965 Laos 1964-73 Vietnam 1961-73 Cambodia 1969-70 Guatemala 1967-69 Grenada 1983 Lebanon 1983, 1984 (both Lebanese and Syrian targets) Libya 1986 El Salvador 1980s Nicaragua 1980s Iran 1987 Panama 1989 Iraq 1991-2000 Kuwait 1991 Somalia 1993 Bosnia 1994, 1995 Sudan 1998 Afghanistan 1998 Yugoslavia 1999
Breakthrough Breast Cancer has decided not to profit from an offer by Nestlé, which has been accused of repeatedly breaching an international code banning the marketing of baby milk in developing countries. Every 30 seconds a baby diesbecause of contaminated water in a bottle-feed of formula milk.
The promotional tie-in is believed to have been worth £1 million for Breakthrough, which has an annual turnover of £10 million. The plan is understood to have involved a promotion of the charity on cereal packets. Scientific evidence that a mother's milk can protect against breast cancer and accusations that Nestlé promotes sugar-laden breakfast cereals to children may also have been behind the decision.
Campaigners said they were delighted that such a high-profile charity has snubbed the global firm and called for more organisations to boycott donations and promotional tie-ins from companies with dubious business practices.
Patti Rundall, director of the anti-Nestlé lobby group Baby Milk Action, said: "This marks a turning point as this is a charity thinking beyond its own immediate gains and making an ethical decision on what could have been a very lucrative offer.
"Nestlé has repeatedly breached international guidelines on the promotion of baby milk and persists in promoting sugar-laden sweets, cereals and junk food to children in Britain.
"No charity should have anything to do with it."
The issue also brings into question one of the biggest growth areas in charitable giving: cause-related marketing, where big businesses pay to link their products to good causes.
Chocolate giant Cadbury, Walkers crisps and supermarket giant Tesco have all been accused of profiting from campaigns in which customers are encouraged to spend money in exchange for vouchers for schools or charity donations.
Cereal Partners, a company part-owned by Nestlé, approached Breakthrough Breast Cancer last year with the idea of a cause-related marketing campaign linked to a new breakfast product called Fitnesse.
Cereal Partners also owns top-selling brands such as Golden Grahams, Honey Nut Cheerios and Lion Cereal. Research by the Consumers Association earlier this year found that a serving of Lion Cereal contained as much sugar as a chocolate bar. A bowl of Golden Grahams has four times as much salt as a 25g bag of roasted peanuts.
Meetings took place and although details had not been formalised, the plan is understood to have meant that for every packet of the cereal bought, a donation would have been made to Breakthrough.
The charity has a high profile, with celebrity supporters including designer Ralph Lauren and supermodels Kate Moss and Elle Macpherson. Its patron is the Prince of Wales. But after considering the offer, the charity's executives decided to refuse any tie-in with Nestlé.
Delyth Morgan, chief executive of Breakthrough said: "After careful consideration we decided not to proceed with the partnership." The charity declined to comment any further, but it is understood that the proposal was put to staff who called for the organisation to reject the deal.
Nestlé employs more than 6,000 workers in Britain and last month announced sales in the quarter to the end of March of £8.7 billion, up from £8.4 billion for the same period in 2003. Last year the Swiss-owned company made profits of £2.65 billion on its products.
Nestlé has long attracted adverse publicity and been subjected to a 20-year boycott campaign over allegations that it has persistently breached World Health Organisation rules over promoting formula milk in developing countries. The code, drawn up in 1981 and agreed by 118 countries, says breastfeeding should be promoted above all other products and that leaflets and labels relating to breast milk substitutes should do nothing to undermine this. But Nestlé and other companies have been accused of flouting the rules by issuing free samples of its products at health clinics in developing countries.
Research last year by the charity Helen Keller International found that Nestlé was promoting 11 products to the west African countries of Togo and Burkina Faso, which were in breach of the labelling standards. Milk substitutes have been promoted as modern in developing countries, despite the fact that the lack of clean water means infection and death is rife because of contaminated milk. Breastfeeding has been shown to reduce a mother's risk of breast cancer by up to 4.3 per cent.
Sue Adkins, director of the group Business in the Community which promotes links between industry and good causes, said: "When companies and charities work well together, it can be very good for both organisations.
"But there needs to be integrity, sincerity and transparency on both sides - otherwise it can rebound on the company and the charity."
In a statement, Nestlé said: "Nestlé takes its corporate social responsibilities very seriously.... The company firmly believes that breastfeeding is the best way to feed a baby, and we are strongly committed to the protection and promotion of breastfeeding."
Nestlé was one of the companies which pioneered sponsoring good causes to divert attention from malpractice elsewhere (see the Cornerhouse publication: Engineering of Consent - Uncovering Corporate PR). What is sometimes referred to as 'corporate social responsibility' is known in business circles as 'cause related marketing'.
In recent years we have witnessed increased 'cause related marketing' activity from Nestlé. In May 1999 the UK Advertising Standards Authority upheld all of Baby Milk Action's complaints against a Nestlé anti-boycott advertisement in which the company claimed to market infant formula "ethically and responsibly." Nestlé's claims did not stand up to scrutiny. They still don't. It's aggressive baby food marketing practices are contributing to the unnecessary death and suffering of infants around the world.
Instead of changing its marketing practices, Nestlé decided to follow the advice of the Public Relations firm Saatchi and Saatchi, which suggested the company should advertise the money it gives to good causes to generate good-will towards the company (see press release 5 November 1999).
Sure enough, Nestlé is being generous with its cheque book. And it is attempting to undermine the boycott by boasting of its "partnerships" with the organisations it is funding.
Sometimes charities accept money from Nestlé unwittingly. Sometimes they think they will do good work with the money and any impact on the baby milk campaign is not their concern. Sometimes Nestlé's denials and deception do their trick and, without contacting Baby Milk Action, charities believe Nestlé has changed.
The Executive Summary comments:
“ In all countries the industry has lobbied for narrow implementation of the Code and Resolutions, preferably as a voluntary code, rather than in binding legislation, and has attempted to influence government policy setting with tactics such as sponsoring the research on which policy is based and the health worker bodies represented on government committees. Where industry has failed, it is in large part due to the work done by NGOs [Non Governmental Organisations] in monitoring and exposing company marketing activities and raising awareness of the need for strong measures, taking the Code and Resolutions as minimum requirements. In India and Brazil, legislation has been progressively strengthened to give the broad protection seen today. Within the EU, the calls of the health lobby and the European Parliament brought about some changes to the policies of the unelected Commission, but not full implementation of the Code and Resolutions. In the member states of Belgium and England (as part of the UK), industry arguments for deregulation won out over health concerns. In Mexico, Bolivia and Kenya, governments have followed the industry line.”
UNICEF research has shown breastfeeding rates are are declining in Kenya, but increasing in Brazil (though this is now under threat with Nestlé's involvement in the 'Zero Hunger' Programme where it is distributing powdered whole milk). The events at the WHO Executive Board this week will influence policies which will ultimately mean life or death to the most vulnerable people on the planet: the new born and young children.
The section giving recommendations to other campaigns comments:
"According to investment bank UBS Warburg, 46% of Nestlé’s income comes from ‘less healthy foods’ and is at risk if regulations are brought in. With such massive sums at stake on one hand and the health and well-being of millions on the other, treading the path ahead will require the same courage from campaigners as that shown on the infant feeding issue."
Writer Jack London called it the "Monster Doss House" in People of the Abyss, his 1902 journey through the poverty of London. He said it was packed with "life that is degrading and unwholesome".
George Orwell, in Down and Out in Paris and London, published in 1933, described it as the best of all common-lodging houses, with "excellent bathrooms". Orwell's only objections to the shilling-a-night rent were the "no cards, no cooking" rules and harsh discipline. No one was admitted before 7pm.
Tower House was one of six Rowton houses built in London by the philanthropist Montague William Lowry-Corry, the first Lord Rowton, who was Disraeli's private secretary. His aim was to provide cheap and clean accommodation for the tens of thousands of working men who flocked to London and were forced to live in filthy, disease-ridden common lodging houses. He claimed the houses would be "fit for an archbishop".
The only remaining Rowton house still used as a men's hostel is Arlington House in Camden, north London, also known to its largely Irish population as "The Mickey" or "Dracula's Castle".
These musicians came up during the (first, not the current) swing era of the '30s and '40s. In the '50s they filled the airwaves backing Frank and Perry and Clooney and Stafford. What has since become known as "Easy Listening" (as oppossed to "No So Easy Listening", et al Rock, Be Bop Jazz and perhaps certain varieties of overwrought Classical) was then simply "Pop". Before Rock, it was the music people of all ages listened to. The fact that untrained, under talented twangers of untuned overamplified instruments were moving in on their hit parade territory was a major insult.
Thank the good Lord above there were still some people in the world who knew the difference between "good" music and "bad". It was for this group that Jonathan and Darlene Edwards recorded their many covers of instrumental and vocal standards starting in 1957. Their record albums, originally released by Columbia Records, were not filed under "Pop" in record store bins however, but rather under "Comedy". For Jonathan and Darlene Edwards were a rather elaborate inside joke, and their recordings drew the line between those who got the joke, and those who didn't.
Jonathan and Darlene were a husband and wife team, both fictionally and in reality. In the real world they were both well known members of the Pop establishment.The orchestra leader who worked his way up in the swingin' years as a pianist/arranger/conductor, and the big band vocalist who won his heart.
Paul Weston was in many ways by 1957, the epitome of the Pop music "establishment". He and a select few other band leader/arrangers set the standards by which the standards were recorded in the new world of unbreakable, long playing, Hi Fi media. Weston was not only contracted to Columbia Records, he was West Coast head of A&R for the company. His instrumental records were very popular, and he became known as the inventor of "Mood Music", background music for dinner/cocktail parties or unintrusive accompaniment to fireplace backlit romance.
When Paul wasn't churning out his instrumental versions of the standards, he and his jolly band of union dues paying mistrals were often found in the studio backing popular female vocalist Jo Stafford. Jo was known to be a vocalist of uncanny technical ability. She was criticized by some for a certain lack of warmth, but her perfect pitch, and acute understanding of phrasing honed over many years of touring with big bands was enough to secure a lucrative contract with her husband's label, and an almost constant presence on the pop charts of the '50s.
The concept of Jonathan and Darlene Edwards was no doubt born out of a humorous attempt to deal with studio downtime boredom. While engineers positioned microphones and tinkered with knobs, Paul and Jo would set about demolishing the material they were about to record. Some of these goofs were recorded as "demos", and the fact that Paul and Jo were able to convince their label that these recordings had sales potential in the comedy bins speaks highly of their clout in the industry.
Their first LP was entitled "Jo Stafford and Paul Weston Present: The Original Piano Artistry of Jonathan Edwards, Vocals By Darlene Edwards", and thus the inside joke was born. Via the album's liner notes, Jonathan was presented as an often misunderstood musical genius, and his wife Darlene was endorsed by no less than the highly esteemed Jo Stafford as a vocalist deserving of attention.
The joke however was on the unsuspecting listener, whose (perhaps) unsophisticated ear not only couldn't tell that jonathan and darlene were really the highly reconizable Paul and Jo, but also couldn't tell that Jonathan flubbed about half the lines he attempted on his piano during the instrumental numbers, and that Darlene sang with an annoying nasal whine, and was always, and with amazing technical precision, just slightly sharp of the note she was supposed to be singing.
Within musical circles, this was considered a joke of an extremely high order. After all, it was easy to sing flat. Many popular singers of the day hurt the ears of sophisticated listeners with off-key, flat crooning, while more than satisfying less sophisticated listeners who cited the performer's "warmth", or smoothness of phrasing, etc., as reason for their worthiness. Of course these same fans would argue to the death that their idols also sang perfectly on key. The fact that Jo Stafford (as Darlene) could sing sharp was amazing.
Paul (as Jonathan) would take on instrumental favorites such as "Nola" which spotlighted his piano playing talents. When the piano was supposed to play a flourish or fill, he would stumble, not only fumbling notes, but driving the overall rhythm off as well. Although quite subtle, the ineptitude of the piano playing was more obviously a joke than were Darlene's vocals. So, while most would say, "Say, that piano player got a bit lost there...", not as many would notice the sour notes coming from Jo's mouth.
The thing to do would be to slip in a Jonathan and Darlene record at a party, then wait to see people's reactions.
The material used on J&D records was mostly well worn standards and pre-standards, and American folk standards. Jo had a particular interest in folk music and released several albums of such (under Paul's direction of course. Mood-folk?). The whiny, off-keyness of Darlene's voice was reminicent of many a folk singer. Some of the recordings featured background singers borrowed from fellow Columbia A&R man Mitch Miller's "Sing Along With Mitch" band, adding an enthusiastic flare to barn burners such as "Tip Toe Through The Tulips".
While in-the-know adults chortled to the ear bending strains of "It's Magic", the kids couldn't have cared less and instead turned in ever increasing numbers to a kind of music adults found equally ear bending but not nearly as funny. J&D effectively ignored Rock & Roll chossing to stick with what they knew. Although even by late '50s standards, the material J&D chose to demolish was considered quite corny.
A couple of generations have come up since J&D's day, and to the youngest of today's popular music fans, their humor would either go over their head, or the pure corniness of the material would render it unlistenable.
In the Rock & Roll era, technical perfection has become less and less a matter of concern, rendering the joke at the core of J&D's act null and void. Whereas in the '50s, the lines were drawn between those who could hear the difference and those who couldn't, today a person may be able to hear darlene's intentional off keyness, but so what?
Rock is and should be imperfect in it's execution. In the '90s, "noise" has become the norm, and a blatantly out of tune guitar is considered high art. Thanks to the Punk movement of the '70s, completely unqualified singers sometimes make a very handy living doing inadvertently what Jo Stafford probably had to work at for months.
Listening to Jonathan and Darlene Edwards today just isn't very funny. It rings of elitism and snobbery and the music itself is so far removed from anything anyone under 60 has ever listened to, it's impossible to relate to. Yet, it's still fun to spin a J&D disk and simply watch the reactions on your friends faces as you explain, "Yeah dude, it's the latest in Artnoise Muzakcore!"
As a proposition this is idiotic. Whoever heard of skinheads going out bumpkin-bashing? How many farms have been burnt down by vandals, offended by the alien sight of hay and the peculiar smell of dumplings? What is being expressed in the angry and naive letters are not a series of complaints, one feels, but a grievance. The Prince feels that something is wrong. And as my analyst friend pretended to ask: "What on earth could the Prince possibly have a grievance over?"
What shocked Ms Wyatt, however, was that in the copshop, "the walls had more posters about the dangers of speeding and drink-driving than about mugging". But yet again, this comparison is self-evidently absurd. Petronella may have in mind a new poster campaign aimed at would be muggers, exhorting them not to carry knives when they go out robbing. I doubt it, just as I doubt whether she considered that drink-driving and speeding kill lots of people, while mugging (though nasty) doesn't.
The South Kensington event that Ms Wyatt was emerging from, on her way to her encounter with two drunks and destiny, was – I believe – the party thrown by the Telegraph editor Charles Moore on the eve of the Countryside demo. This enormous and brilliantly organised event was a fusion classic. It linked a real but unpopular complaint (about banning fox-hunting) to an overarching semi-incoherent grievance arising from the envelopment of the rural middle classes in the same process of change already endured by most of their urban and suburban compatriots.
The closing village shop is the perfect expression of this, since – logically – the marchers appeared to be telling Mr Blair to tell them to shop locally. So, as modernity, loss of control, loss of privilege and family break-up hit the countryside, the posters found a scapegoat. "I lost my farm because of Blair," said one, improbably. "Blair is vermin," said many others."
"Young and vigorous, filled with a just hatred of the old world built on their fathers' bones," Berlin wrote, "the new barbarians will raze to the ground the edifices of their oppressors, and with them all that is most sublime and beautiful in Western civilisation; such a cataclysm might be not only inevitable but justified, since this civilisation, noble and valuable in the eyes of its beneficiaries, has offered nothing but suffering, a life without meaning, to the vast majority of mankind."
Within the Bush administration, those who read all the wrong lessons from the twin towers experience have been allowed to strut their stuff. Now we have the unilateral doctrine of pre-emption. There's a terrorist. Right, go in, wipe him out, give the good guys a hand for a bit, get out. End of story. After all, it worked in Afghanistan. The loudest voices this summer have belonged to men like the number three in the State Department, Dick Cheney's protégé, John R. Bolton who once said (as quoted by Frances Fitzgerald in this month's New York Review of Books): "There is no such thing as the United Nations. There is an international community that can be led by the only real power left in the world, and that is the United Sates, when it suits our interests and when we can get others to go along."
This is not only a genuinely disastrous formulation, but it is the absolute opposite of what the Prime Minister has been saying. It is the recipe that cooked the Bin Laden meal for us in the first place"
An emigré Jew from Riga, he died in 1997, a national treasure, unable quite to believe his status. The lectures on which Freedom and its Betrayal is based were given on the radio in 1952, 30 years after he arrived in England. The Soviet empire whose birth he had escaped enshrined one version of the Enlightenment project, that of Rousseau (with Helvétius, Fichte, Hegel, Saint-Simon and Maistre, one of Berlin's six anti-libertarians). Perhaps even the war and Holocaust did, too.
These essays are a perfect introduction to Berlin and his life-long preoccupation: the "problem" of the Enlightenment. Many 18th-century thinkers believed that the mass of people had been so repressed by élites that they needed to be strongly led for their own good. The rest is history – unfortunately.
Berlin proposes, with Kant, that the trick is to remember that people are ends in themselves. Value only flows from persons. This is a messy solution: people aren't demonstrably good at living up to their important burden. Worse, if they are, then liberties really are in conflict. (I cannot build my new house and leave my neighbours with the view they had before.) Berlin seems shy of probing what to do about these conundrums. Instead, he is a wonderful guide to the terrain.
In Liberty (Oxford, £12.99), a newly reprinted and augmented version of his 1969 Four Essays on Liberty, he agonises on another piece of Enlightenment fall-out. If man is a part of nature, then his thoughts and actions are "determined". In which case, what can liberty consist in? Berlin lamely says that lots of people who insist that man is determined (eg the Marxists) go on to exhort people to this or that (revolution, say) as though they were free to choose. He could more simply have said: we just behave as though people were free, and therefore responsible. It is an article of faith, not of logic.
Then there is the darkest Berlin. As if the humanitarian liberals had not been bad enough, he notes that moderns are afflicted by their Freudian understanding of themselves. In the pre-modern age, free people were manipulated into being vicious. Now they have come to believe that conformity is a new freedom. In this, Berlin might be paving the way for Adam Curtis and his recent BBC series, The Century of the Self.
Berlin is not much more cheerful about society than his six enemies of freedom. But he isn't dogmatic, and – unlike most philosophers – he would like us to prove him wrong."
Police had deliberately withheld the fact that there had been two shots from media reports, including a BBC TV Crimewatch re-enactment of the murder. Only the gunmen and their paymaster could have known that there had been a second shot which had gone through the ceiling. "
"People feel upset by those worrying drivers. Do not be. According to the latest research by Prof. Peter Dunn from Warwick University, there is plenty of happiness to be explored. Excerpts: The report also looked at levels of wealth, and unsurprisingly, found that the more money one has the happier one is. When the amount of happiness generated by a lasting marriage was compared to the amount of happiness produced by a change in one's financial circumstances, the authors' statistical calculations showed that a lasting marriage brings as much added happiness as 60,000 pounds sterling (100,000 Dollars) extra in one's annual income. Some other conclusions of the report include: (1) Happiness is greatest among; women, the highly educated, and, of course, married people. (2) Money does buy happiness - but less than is generally thought. (3) The graph of happiness over one's life-time is U shaped - falling on average to its lowest point at around age 40 and increasing after that point. Further reading and full report can be found at http://www.csv.warwick.ac.uk/news/pr/business/164"
The language of management
A recent Australian study by Don Watson, Death Sentence: The Decay of
Public Language http://www.abbeys.com.au/items/25/02/28/, reinforces
this concern for the corruption of language. Watson illustrates how
mindlessly repetitive corporate jargon, incorporated in "mission
statements" and "organisational systems and processes", displaces
genuine articulation of beliefs and values. He laments that:
The language of management - for which read the language of virtually
all corporations and companies, large and small, public service
departments, government agencies, libraries, galleries and universities,
the military, intelligence organisations and, increasingly, politics -
is language that cannot describe or convey any human emotion, including
the most basic ones such as happiness, sympathy, greed, envy, love or
lust. You cannot tell a joke in this language, or write a poem, or sing
a song. It is language without human provenance or possibility.
What is even worse is the political embracement of this language, and
the complete failure of the media to challenge its shallowness and
duplicity.
Do you eyes glaze over when reading a letter from your bank or super fund?
When your employer tells you to make a commitment going forwards, or speaking of enhancing the bottom line, does your mind shut down?
Almost sixty years ago, George Orwell described the decay of language and why this threatened democratic society. But compared to what we now hear and speak, the public language of Orwell's day brimmed with life and meaning.
Today's corporations, government departments, news media, sports people, and, perhaps most dangerously, politicians - speak to each other and to us in clichéd, impenetrable, lifeless sludge.
It's a dead language: devoid of lyric or comic possibility, incapable of emotion, complexity or nuance.
Don Watson can bear it no longer. In DEATH SENTENCE, part diatribe, part cool reflection on the state of Australia 's public language, he takes a blowtorch to the words - and their users - who kill joy, imagination and clarity.
Scathing, funny and brilliant…DEATH SENTENCE is a small book of profound weight - and timeliness.
"To provide outcome-related research and consultancy services that address real-world issues" - shrieks of laughter. The university's "approach to quality management is underpinned by a strong commitment to continuous improvement and a whole-of-organisation framework" - uproar in the room.
The university in question was RMIT but it could have been any of them. Go to your website and read the language, Watson urged guests at a recent Deans of Education dinner. That made people laugh even more. They worked at universities; they knew what he was talking about. Some of them probably even wrote this stuff. It was a surreal moment.
But to Watson the joke has a sting. It is funny and it is awful. A terrible thing is happening to the language, he believes, and at the end of the day, in a globalised world, it is not a positive communications outcome. In other words, there is a pox upon our public speech.
In 1992 Watson, a historian and writer, went to Canberra to write speeches for Paul Keating. He saw the prime minister up close and it inspired his award-winning biography, Recollections of a Bleeding Heart. But he saw something else, too, and it has provoked a new book - Death Sentence, The Decay of Public Language.
The book charts how "managerial language" has infiltrated the English of politics, business, bureaucracy, education and the arts. The book is about the rise of core strategies and key performance indicators, and the death of clarity and irony and funny old things called verbs. It is about a new language that Watson calls sludge and clag and gruel. Those three blunt words speak to the book's larger intention. Death Sentence is also a manifesto, the first shots, Watson hopes, in a campaign everyone can join to bring the language back to life.
And so down the margins runs a series of quotes - Watson's take on how bad, and how good, the language can be. Tim Fischer is lined up beside the Book of Job, Vladimir Nabokov beside the Victorian Government: "The Facilities Enhancement Project aims to maintain and further develop the facilities and services of the Puffing Billy Railway as a significant world-class . . ."
And on, and on. Perhaps this is unfair. No one expects report writers to sound like James Joyce, though it might be nice if they sounded less like a character in Kafka. But Death Sentence is a polemic, not a strategy report inclusive of all stakeholders.
Nor is it, Watson stresses, born of a wish to keep the language static. The genius of English is the way it updates itself every day, with 20,000 new words a year, Watson read somewhere.
And the new is often rich. He loves the word "cool", with its irony and nuance. He is delighted when a young couple stops in the park to stroke his dog and one says, "Jeez, his fur is soft as". Better that, he says, than some tired old simile.
"Language is what gives me greatest pleasure," he says. "I can't laugh without it." Yet in the depleted new language "you can't tell a joke".
"It's incapable of carrying an emotion. It is the language equivalent of the assembly line. It turns human processes into mechanical ones."
Is this new? Dictators and lawyers and priests have long used arcane speech to maintain authority. But something else is happening, Watson says - and that is the way everyone is busting to speak like a middle manager.
Social democrats try to sound like corporate executives, with objectives and strategies and commitments ("Some of the Bracks Government stuff is appalling," says Watson). Meanwhile, business people try to sound like social democrats, committed to social capital and the triple bottom line. And because corporations have no familiarity with the old language of justice and struggle it sounds hollow and dead in their mouths, whether it is or not.
"Friends, Romans, customers" - Watson writes, putting the modern benchmark on the world-best implementer of language. Which organisation, he asks, now claims in its mission statement to have "a deep commitment to the customer"? Safeway? McDonald's? No, the CIA.
Even football is infected, he laments. Players must be accountable, stick to the game plan, provide flexibility on the forward line, going forwards. "What we are losing is language expressing character or imagination, which interests one human being in another, and from which the game's spirit springs."
But here is the rub. As widespread as this newspeak is, it is almost impossible to find someone who will admit to writing it. The email print-out Watson pushes across the table contains another monster quote, this time from a report by a government-funded arts body. "Our poor project officer has to put all this crap in a document," wrote the mole inside the organisation who smuggled it out to Watson. "A Bex and a good lie down is needed all around."
"There is concern about it everywhere," Watson says. For the past month or so he has spoken in public on the subject. "People always laugh like buggery when you speak it. They begin to get hysterical." And they also say: "We write it (reports) as best we can and we're told, 'Put it into dot points'." If this writing expresses the dominant ideology of the day, it is remarkable how few people want to own it.
Which brings us back to Watson's time in Canberra. Every week, he says, jargon-laden public service reports would hit his desk. From this Watson had to conjure words for his boss that would inform and even inspire the people. Sometimes he slipped, too. "I'm sure if I went through the speeches I wrote I would find a horrifying number of phrases of the kind I loathe, especially on economics. But I was conscious, when I got a document from the department, of always trying to unpick the prose and make it live."
One day he outlined a plan to a senior public servant, Sandy Hollway. Why not get a few writers - not Patrick White, just respectable journeymen - and run courses teaching public servants how to write? "You'd fill auditoriums," Hollway replied, confirming Watson's hunch that there was a huge appetite for change. But why has this language emerged? It is a hard question and the slender book - which Watson sees as an opening of the argument rather than the last word, does not entirely answer it.
One influence is "the pursuit of business models in places that were never businesses".
"Universities that once valued and defended culture have swallowed the creed whole. Libraries, galleries and museums, banks and welfare agencies now parrot it. The public sector spouts it as loudly as the private does."
Nevertheless, Watson also partially sympathises. He thinks that because modern business and politics force people to make difficult decisions quickly they prefer not to be too precise - they may have to retract them later. When journalists want instant answers to complex matters, important-sounding waffle might feel like the safest way to go.
Critically, says Watson, the new language is infected by marketing, and so "there's a kind of overclaiming in it". At times, it "sounds like nothing so much as communist doctrine". It is a fine line, he suggests, between continuous improvement going forward and "the 77th tractor brigade salutes the glorious victories of the five-year plan".
That does not necessarily mean Watson sees a new totalitarianism on the way. One subtlety of Death Sentence is the way Watson wrestles with the weight of his subject. An ugly word is not a crime against humanity, he writes. Perhaps it is even all for the best. Perhaps public language is decaying because in the West the grand narratives of struggle and war are dying, and is that not to the good? Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, after all, followed a hideous civil war.
But Watson does not entertain the thought for long. Why, he wonders, has not one memorable sentence emerged from our leaders after September 11 and Bali? How could John Howard talk about "the end of innocence" after September 11 and not have journalists hammer him? "Australia innocent?" he writes. "It can only be fantasy, ignorance or mischief. Or a cliche which, having lost its meaning through overuse, can be anything you want to make of it . . . It does not help us understand a tragedy but rather diminishes it."
That might be what worries Watson most - the loss of sensation and sympathy that the new speech creates. A corporation "downsizes" its staff, an army achieves "attrition" of the enemy. People are losing their jobs or their lives.
What is to be done? Watson suggests, first, that people and organisations put a moratorium on certain words and phrases. He says this will force people to rediscover words that have fallen into disuse. Organisations can set targets for expunging words or rediscovering them. The best weapon, says Watson, is laughter. People should turn their backs, tap their pens, put their handkerchief on their heads when they hear it. He thinks it is not too late but "it is important to satirise it as quickly as possible".
"Such wisdom as we have we express in language, and in language we also seek it," he writes. He quotes George Orwell, who was on to this problem 60 years ago. "Language becomes ugly and inaccurate because our thoughts are foolish but the slovenliness of our language makes it easier for us to have foolish thoughts."
The faith of Death Sentence is a sentence of two words: Language matters. Bear in mind, Watson writes, "that if we deface the War Memorial or rampage through St Paul's with a sledgehammer we will be locked up as criminals or lunatics . . . Yet every day we vandalise the language, which is the foundation, the frame, the joinery of the culture, if not its greatest glory, and there is no penalty and no way to impose one. We can only be indignant. And we should resist."
Among these happy mortals is the writer of dictionaries; whom mankind have considered, not as the pupil but the slave of science, the pioneer of literature, doomed only to remove rubbish and clear obstructions from the paths, through which Learning and Genius press forward to conquest and glory, without bestowing a smile on the humble drudge that facilitates their progress. Every other author may aspire to praise; the lexicographer can only hope to escape reproach, and even this negative recompense has been yet granted to very few.
For the next 170 years, things went on much as before, although we dropped long S's and terminal K's, and the Americans spiralled off into their own idiosyncrasies.
What Johnson had tried to do for orthography and etymology, Henry Watson Fowler attempted for grammar. In 1926 Fowler brought forth on the world one of the quirkiest books on grammar and style ever published in the English language. Modern English Usage combines erudition and grumpiness in a way unrivalled since Johnson. He set out to expose error and ridicule folly. His manifest irritation is only partly explained by the narrow diet of news available on Guernsey. He understood the difficulty of his task. Under the heading 'Sturdy Indefensibles', he wrote:
Many idioms are seen, if they are tested by grammar or logic, to express badly, and sometimes to express the reverse of, what they are nevertheless well understood to mean. Good people point out the sin, and bad people, who are more numerous, take little notice and go on committing it; then the good people if they are foolish, get excited and talk of ignorance and solecisms, and are laughed at as purists; or, if they are wise, say no more about it and wait …
These grumpy old men of the English language concentrated on rules - grammar, orthography and usage - without too much concern about the purposes for which language was deployed. Love poems or business letters; history or journalism: for them, it was all grist for the mill or, as we might say nowadays, input.
Twenty years after the first edition of Modern English Usage, George Orwell took the subject a step further. Whilst he had points to make about idiom, grammar and usage, Orwell also lamented the loss of music in language and the drift towards abstraction and sterility. Orwell's message was delivered both as an essay, 'Politics and the English Language' (1946), and as a novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949). Despite his tart astringency, we quickly forgot his message. It is an astonishing thing that, so soon after Orwell showed the stage tricks used by the main offenders, the trick continues to work on most of us. We sit, most of us, like captivated schoolchildren in sideshow alley, spellbound as the hucksters of language deceive and dissemble. And while we know from Orwell how the tricks are done, we are nonetheless beguiled. Orwell wrote about the misuse of language by politicians:
A mass of Latin words falls upon the facts like soft snow, blurring the outline and covering up all the details. The great enemy of clear language is insincerity. When there is a gap between one's real and one's declared aims, one turns as it were instinctively to long words and exhausted idioms, like a cuttlefish spurting out ink.
Don Watson's new book, Death Sentence: The Decayof Public Language, describes the progress of that disease into all areas of public language: education, commerce, the bureaucracy and politics. Here is an example from the political sphere:
Well, you don't need powers to ask people questions. You need powers if you need to detain people for that purpose. In this case he was detained by Immigration authorities because of a breach of a - of a visa condition. And he had been - if you go back and look at it, I mean, he was identified by French authorities initially to us on the 22nd of September … [T]he reason for Immigration powers being used is that they were clearly available. He breached visa conditions. It's not clear, in relation to the powers that have been quite severely circumscribed by the Senate, in terms of the way in which they're able to operate, that we would have had available evidence for us to use those powers here in Australia at this time.
This quote from Philip Ruddock is drawn from an interview with Laurie Oakes on 2 November 2003. Oakes is one of Australia's most senior and respected journalists. Ruddock substantially filled the interview with the verbal sludge for which he is justly famous. Nowhere during the interview did Oakes complain that Ruddock made no sense, conveyed no meaning, expressed no ideas.
Clearly, the public language is in trouble. Death Sentence is a dazzling mix of analysis and mockery, gently basted with Watson's mordant wit. Let a few examples stand for the whole. Here he is on Bob Hawke:
When speaking off the cuff he embarked on his sentences like a madman with a club in a dark room: he bumped and crashed around for so long his listeners became less interested in what he was saying than the prospect of his escape. When at last he emerged triumphantly into the light we cheered, not for the gift of enlightenment, but as we cheer a man who walks away from an avalanche or a mining accident.
And of our current prime minister:
The Prime Minister's language is platitudinous, unctuous and deceitful. It is in bad taste. If it is not actual propaganda, it has much in common with it … If you construct a collective character and a mythic history and paint over them with invented virtues you also abuse the people: you demean them and deny them their own history … Myths are tempting to those who are in a position to manipulate their fellow human-beings, because a myth is sacred, and what is sacred cannot be questioned. That's where their power comes from. They simplify and provide meaning without the need of reason … It is about here that they meet clichés which are the myths of language.
This book is more than a book about grammar or usage or style. It advances a deeply important point. Public language has been hijacked to serve a fraudulent purpose: not to communicate ideas but to conceal meaning; not to speak truth but to insinuate falsehood. Whereas educated people once used language as a rapier, it is now used as mustard gas. When senior politicians speak, it is now essential to listen acutely to appreciate that they are simply staying on message whilst avoiding truth, accuracy or anything remotely approaching an answer to the question they have been asked. Even when they appear to be answering the question, you have to look very closely to see which part of the question they are answering. Remember the skilful evasions of Mr Howard when he was asked a certain question in parliament:
ANNA BURKE, MEMBER FOR CHISHOLM: Prime Minister, was the Government contacted by the major Australian producer of ethanol or by any representative of him or his company or the industry association before its decision to impose fuel excise on ethanol? JOHN HOWARD, PRIME MINISTER: Speaking for myself, I didn't personally have any discussions, from recollection, with any of them.
A document obtained by the Opposition records a meeting between John Howard and Dick Honan about ethanol, just six weeks before the decision. But Mr Howard says he spoke the truth; that his answer related to a different part of the question and that he has been taken out of context.
This same inclination to use language in order to deceive has infected the public service. At a public meeting in April 2002 I had the opportunity to debate aspects of refugee policy with one Philippa Godwin, Deputy Secretary of the Department of Immigration. Godwin is clearly a woman of great intelligence. I asked her a question about a fence that surrounds the Baxter Detention Centre (that is, the Baxter Immigration Reception and Processing Centre). The fence is described on a plan of Baxter as a 'courtesy fence'. I suggested that it was in fact an electric fence. 'No,' she insisted. 'It is not an electric fence. It is an energised fence.' A 9000-volt energised fence.
Some surprising things happened in the world after September 11. First, we discovered that terrorism exists. Second, Australia discovered that it could emerge from obscurity to become a terrorist target, by helping the US invade Afghanistan and later Iraq. Having lifted Australia's profile from irrelevance to deputy sheriff, Mr Howard was moved to write a letter to all Australian households assuring us that we are safe whilst warning us to be careful. In a devastating, sustained deconstruction of that letter, Don Watson nails once and for all the decay of public language:
Dear Fellow Australian, I'm writing to you because I believe you and your family should know more about some key issues affecting the security of our country and how we can all play a part in protecting our way of life … As a people we have traditionally engaged the world optimistically … our open, friendly nature makes us welcome guests and warm hosts.
Here is part of what Watson says of this greasy prose:
This rose-coloured boasting smells of some nightmare ministry of information … the phrase as a people might not be a lie, but it smells like one … The people of Australia is not so rank because it does not carry the suggestion that some mythic or historic force unites us in our destiny. But if we must have as a people, then traditionally has to go, and not only because optimistically is sitting on top of it. It has to go because it is so at odds with Australian history it could be reasonably called a lie … Traditionally we built barriers against the world we are alleged to have engaged so optimistically; traditionally we clung to the mother country for protection against that same world; traditionally … we took less of an optimistic view of the world than an ironic, fatalistic view of the world … The smugness of the sentence about our being lovely guests and warm hosts is so larded by fantasy and self-delusion, it transcends Neighbours and becomes Edna Everage … It will occur to some readers, surely, that it has been our nature recently to play very cold hosts to uninvited guests, the sort of people we don't want here, who throw their children into the sea, who are not fun-loving, welcoming, warm, sunny, etc. … Thus - as a people Australians are very nice; people who don't agree with this proposition are not nice people; people who are not nice are not Australians in the sense of Australians as a people. People who are not prepared to be Australian as a people should shut up or piss off back where they came from.
All Australians should read this book. All Australians should be grateful that it has been written.
Particular terms that annoy Watson are identified with abundant specificity in accusatory italics throughout the work: enhance (pp. 38-9;184-5), commitment (pp. 38-9; 50-51; 184), flexibility (pp. 41-42; 54) and outcome (pp. 56-7; 187) are, for example, all among the indicted vocabulary. According to Watson the impugned expressions, though apparently of common currency, are 'like minor deities or icons the true meaning of which has long been forgotten or never understood' (p. 97). Death Sentence contains numerous short extracts culled from sources such as government reports, conference blurbs and media transcripts, all arrayed in unflattering proximity to excerpts from the great and the classical. The juxtaposition of Turgenev with news reports from the Second Gulf War (p. 13), or of the 2nd Annual National Conference on Government Portals with Martin Luther King's address at the Lincoln Memorial (pp. 53-55) is brutal and hardly seems fair because apples are not being compared with apples. However, the contrast of the moribund and mediocre with the magnificent is not only absurdly funny, it bluntly illustrates that while language can be elevating and evocative, contemporary discourse is all too often 'depleted and impenetrable sludge' (p. 24).
Although it is written with levity, Death Sentence discloses deeply serious concerns: as Watson ironically suggests, 'a word is not a Weapon of Mass Destruction', but while the 'decay or near death of language is not life threatening', 'it can give us the reasons for unreasoning behaviour, including war and genocide' (p. 7 ; and see also p. 118). Watson clearly appreciates that if civic communication is reduced to the repetitive deployment of risk-free bunk, then debate is muted and anodyne. In contrast, '[c]lear, precise, active language is good for democracy and for society. (p. 178)' Death Sentence is thus 'an argument concerning liberty' (p. 3) and it is unsurprising that Watson's prose finds sharp focus on certain infamous contemporary affairs of state, including the politically affective dissembling associated with the 'children overboard' affair2 and the professed reasons behind the invasion of Iraq. Yet if Death Sentence is a timely jibe at a conniving, reactionary and arrogant Commonwealth Government, culpable figures within the Labor Party also do not escape severe censure (e.g. p. 37; 91-2; 136). Despite his 'true believer' credentials, Watson is far more concerned with the chasm between the elites and the governed than with mere partisan loyalties.
Besides the cynicism of contemporary politics, Watson suggests other structural sources of the festering state of public language, including the seepage of managerial lexicon in to 'places that were never businesses' (p. 13); the inroads of post-structuralism into the teaching of the canon (p. 160); the abandonment of traditional editions of the King James Bible and the Book of Common Prayer (pp. 174-176); certain general aspects of Australian national history (pp. 69-73) and the pervasiveness of information technology with its concomitant ideology (p. 24). Gloomily, though not without ambiguity, Watson muses that dead language 'may well be to the information age what the machine and the assembly line were to the industrial', by removing 'the need for thinking' (p. 8).
In the face of the multiple infections afflicting the language of public life Watson suspects that 'resistance is probably futile' (p. 8), but nevertheless counsels defiance rather than fatalistic acquiescence: 'they say deconfliction, we say Claptrap! Hogwash! And we say it every time.' We must 'mock them', Watson urges, and 'never stop mocking them' (p. 182). Death Sentence then, is both an inspiration and a marvellous resource of rhetoric for those who are prepared to heed Watson's call for principled heckling. Perhaps the best way to put the point in terms of the present context, is to note that Watson's communications strategy is truly a unique and innovative process tool for enhancing the practical functionality and capacity of any consultant or manager committed to the key task of adding value to the outputs of their nodal team or hub in delivering best-practice to their information customers and other stakeholders. (Clearly Microsoft does not agree with Don Watson: the 'grammar check' on my pc saw no problem with the nonsense sentence you have just read.) Don Watson is right: it is time to make a stand.
As Rob Watts, a Melbourne academic has written, the university defines itself in language more imbued with the spirit of public relations than truth-telling. When we read a university's assessment of its graduates we know what he means. According to their Program Quality Management System they will: Act as professionals, meaning they will participate actively and innovatively in their professional and social communities of practice in the context of the developing knowledge economy. Meanwhile they will also: Reflect as citizens--reflect upon their actions as engaged citizens in the context of local diversity and multiculturalism, increasing globalisation and the university's commitment to awareness of global sustainability and indigenous issues. Furthermore, they will: Learn from experience--make context, sensitive judgments that enable them to continuously develop and transform their practice and themselves. If ever there was a prefabricated henhouse of prose this is it, and it's one that echoes the totalitarian fantasies Orwell wanted to eradicate. The words are of human origin; but they might also have been written by a not very context-sensitive robot programmed with all the cliches of modern prose and what passes for modern understanding. These are not just graduates: they are the New Citizens of the twenty-first century, or astronauts fitted out for interplanetary travel; or, let's be honest, figments of a failed imagination. It doesn't matter which, because they don't exist. The writer has failed to describe a credible being. It is all humbug. Or, put another way, it is PR. It's marketing: it might not have a lot to do with the genuine prospects of students, but in a competitive world you need ambitions. You've got to want things. And who doesn't want to be capable of continuous transformation and aware of indigenous issues?
--Don Watson (2003) "Death Sentence: the decay of public language". Knopf (Random House Australia), Sydney. ISBN 1 704051 20 5 (hb). Pages 167-168.
BARRY JONES, FORMER SCIENCE MINISTER: No organisation, not even the Christian church, has been reformed as often as CSIRO.
GREG HOY: Facing the critics - after 77 proud years serving Australians and industry, the CSIRO and its 6,500 staff are in the grip of a commercialisation whirlwind - the vision of new CEO Dr Geoff Garrett. DR
GEOFF GARRETT, CEO, CSIRO: It's around creating jobs, creating new companies, building on the expertise of existing companies to leverage their technology so that we're growing 'Team Australia' and we'll bask in that glory.
GREG HOY: Why was he appointed? PETER McGAURAN, SCIENCE MINISTER: Because he's a change merchant, CSIRO needed to change. He has to build up greater industry linkages and collaboration, win the trust of research partners. And thirdly, he's got to commercialise the research and return to the taxpayer a tangible result for their very extensive investment in the organisation.
GREG HOY: Around $600 million in appropriation funding. Formally of South Africa's much smaller CSIR, Geoff Garrett has strong supporters in science.
SIR GUSTAV NOSSAL, FORMER DIRECTOR, CSIRO: I think Geoff Garrett is going very well. Organisations like CSIRO have to change and evolve. It has to honour the third letter in its name - the 'I' - the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation.
GREG HOY: Head of plant industry and 40 years at CSIRO, the highly successful genetic engineer Dr Jim Peacock.
DR JIM PEACOCK, SCIENTIST, CSIRO: We're a much better organisation than we were when I first joined CSIRO. When I think of the important things, I think we're up in front in all of them.
GREG HOY: But CSIRO urged us not to speak to loud opponent, former head of entomology Dr Max Whitten, whose views are supported by the Australian science and technology society - long-time CSIRO watchers. Dr Whitten argues independent research, 80% of CSIRO's workload, has created huge commercial windfalls, like challenging industry recommendations on the moisture content of the nation's wheat.
DR MAX WHITTEN, FORMER SCIENTIST, CSIRO: An economic study just done has shown that the benefits were about $100 million. I can give you many, many examples of where work has been done, where there's no intellectual property, there's no income stream for CSIRO, but CSIRO has generated great public benefits.
GREG HOY: Barry Jones agrees, the federal science minister for the Hawke and Keating governments another loud opponent of commercialisation.
BARRY JONES: It's had the effect of forcing CSIRO into becoming essentially a trading corporation. The effects for us will be very bad and the brain drain - which is already a serious phenomena - will speed up.
GREG HOY: Changing the culture of science. Pledging he would increase external funding by 50% through industry partnerships and commercialising patents - Dr Garret has set about replacing key CSIRO executives with venture capitalist expertise and the likes of US science entrepreneur Mehrdad Baghai.
MEHRDAD BAGHAI, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, CSIRO: Our plan is not to hold equity but to have a super share of profits when the venture capitalist exits the investment. Joint ventures with high flying SME's, we may be able to tie our upside into bonus payments, royalty streams, licensing streams - it does not have to be equity.
GREG HOY: With catchy phraseology and tough media management, the CSIRO has announced restructuring under six flagship priorities for government funding - preventative health, new energy sources, healthy land care and water conservation, development of light metals, like magnesium, improving agriculture and wealth from oceans.
DR GEOFF GARRETT: In the next triennium funding we're looking at increases for the flagships specifically of $30 million, $40 million, $50 million. Because these are major programs, probably some of the most exiting major developments that our country has seen.
PETER McGAURAN: They line up with the Government's own priorities on the basis that we can't do all things in Australia.
DR MICHAEL BORGAS, CSIRO STAFF ASSOCIATION: If you have to undergo such massive change without adequate resources in a science system in this country which is under pressure on all fronts, then it's a recipe for disaster.
SIR GUSTAV NOSSAL: Reorganisations like that are painful and some of the people are squealing out in pain, but I think he's on the right track.
GREG HOY: But two months later, the light metals flagship was in trouble when commercial partner Australian Magnesium Corporation, the only company who spoke at the Prime Minister's flagship launch, collapsed under a cost blow-out. 75 million CSIRO dollars disappeared down the mine shaft highlighting rising risks with commercialisation.
DR GEOFF GARRETT: I think that's a fair comment. I think commercialisation in that sense is a risky business.
DR MAX WHITTEN: It's not just that $75 million. Somebody convinced the Commonwealth to put in $150 million. They convinced the Queensland Government to put in another $150 million and I believe this was all driven by the overhyping of technology that was coming out of CSIRO.
MEHRDAD BAGHAI: There are successes and there are failures. And I think the AMC saga is a sad one but one that Australia can draw a lot of lessons from. It doesn't mean that Australia needs to forget about light metals.
GREG HOY: But three years into his 5-year contract, the external funding levels Geoff Garret promised have simply not materialised. DR
GEOFF GARRETT: I think it's been a complex environment.
MEHRDAD BAGHAI: When you're going through a major transformation program, you try not to be guided entirely by short-term numbers.
GREG HOY: So how long will you give him?
PETER McGAURAN: As long as he needs. We have unqualified confidence and support in Geoff Garrett.
GREG HOY: The CEO and Minister say a commercial blockbuster is imminent that will up-end the argument.
PETER McGAURAN: That will silence the critics once and for all about CSIRO's capacity to commercialise their intellectual property.
DR GEOFF GARRETT: In a couple of weeks, we'll get hold of you again and I think you'll be as exited as we are.
GREG HOY: Further developments in genetic engineering are widely expected. While sceptics wait for detail, funding for commercialisation is claiming non-commercial casualties. Dr Roger Francey has won international acclaim and major Australian science awards by measuring greenhouse gas build-up in the atmosphere globally. The problem for the doctor is it's not commercial science.
PETER McGAURAN: This is a shame. No-one wants to lose a world-class researcher. But I'm advised that in regard to his area of research, there is not external funding. And consequently it would cost a great deal of funding - in the region of $2 million or thereabouts - to continue his research.
SIR GUSTAV NOSSAL: I do believe that CSIRO has to continue to do some proportion of public good research. And I would have thought that this area comes under the rubric of public good research.
BARRY JONES: This is not a priority area for CSIRO although it has very significant expertise. Why not? Well, the reason is that it's against the party line - the Government, like the US, has decided not to ratify the Kyoto Protocol.
GREG HOY: No possibility that that's the case?
PETER McGAURAN: Certainly not. Of course, we know that the world's climate is warming, we accept that. There's often debate about the consequences of that, whether they're as catastrophic as some of the doomsday merchants would have us believe.
GREG HOY: The Government insists it is not about to dismember the CSIRO but increasingly it's being made to contest research contracts with universities.
PETER McGAURAN: Anybody who wants a safe sinecure in research or science should not be looking to CSIRO
Indeed, commentators have sometimes speculated that CSIRO's contribution to the nation's economic, social and environmental well-being was a key factor in the diverging fortunes of Argentina and Australia during the 20th century.
John Howard boasted that our cricket team had just been voted the best in the world. He proceeded to tell his largely CSIRO audience how he looked forward to the day when CSIRO could join our cricketers as world leaders.
Well, Prime Minister, you don't have to look forward: just look around you. CSIRO is a world leader. That was Collis' point.
Later that same day, John Kerin, the new Chairman of CSIRO's Stored Grain Research Laboratory, released an economic analysis of SGRL's work, showing that each dollar invested in the laboratory had returned more than $20 in benefits. A vital export industry has remained competitive and our food is safer. Clearly, CSIRO still delivers.
Two years ago, Jonathan Shier and Geoff Garrett were imported to ginger up the ABC and CSIRO, respectively. Shier's failed attempts to "remake" the ABC are familiar to many.
It appears that Garrett is heading down the same path. On 22 May, CSIRO's Garrett told a large audience of senior R&D boffins in Sydney: "If it ain't broke, break it". That seems a risky strategy for a business producing golden eggs!
Garrett hails from South Africa, with good credentials as the boss of CSIR CSIRO's equivalent, but minus agriculture. To survive in the changed political and economic environment there, CSIR ramped up its external earnings under Garrett, partly by reinventing itself as a consulting firm.
At home, the Australian Tax Office has received a boost of $1.6 billion, but CSIRO's budget is contracting despite its proud record. The indisputable facts indicate a serious loss of research capacity within CSIRO. Garrett's predecessor, the late Malcolm McIntosh, slowed the erosion of resources slightly, but at a price. He stifled CSIRO's chiefs and scientists from public comment.
The situation today is much more serious. Things are happening inside our global leader of public good research that demand debate. For instance, CSIRO's successful National Awareness Program has been abandoned and its principal architects gone.
Half the divisional chiefs are looking elsewhere for jobs. Internal surveys revealed many top managers are severely stressed. New chiefs are offered 3-year appointments, hardly a recipe for attracting top quality research leaders and building the future.
CSIRO has largely lost its corporate memory after a steady stream of high-level departures from its headquarters. Informed insiders say that CSIRO's request for a deferral of its triennium funding stems more from an incapacity to argue its case than the prospect of lean pickings in the current climate.
In a bid to increase external earnings, CSIRO researchers now seek solutions that have more to do with corporate survival than the national interest. For instance, CSIRO actively lobbies for genetic engineering technology, with its promise of intellectual property and revenue streams. By contrast, CSIRO is not joining a current bid for an organic farming Cooperative Research Centre. The pickings were deemed too lean compared with GM crops.
The promise of massive increases in external earnings might have landed Garrett the job, but the strategy could shift CSIRO from being a powerhouse for public good research towards just another consulting firm.
Unfortunately, the Howard government is increasingly hostile to alternative opinions. We see this through measures taken within the bureaucracy to "program" witnesses in the Senate inquiry into "children overboard". Our Public Service has the hallmarks of a Political Service.
In this general climate of intimidation, it is not surprising that we see no public debate from within CSIRO about its changing nature and declining fortunes.
We might lament the passing of the old CSIRO, but as for the new CSIRO we could well say: "Don¹t cry for me, Australia".
Max Whitten was Professor of Genetics at the University of Melbourne, and Chief of CSIRO's Division of Entomology. from 198195 He is a Fellow of the Australian Academies of Science and Technological Sciences & Engineering and an expert on blowflies. Views expressed in conScience are those of the author.
Perhaps Mehrdad Baghai, CSIRO Executive Director of Business Development and Commercialisation, and Farrell can make a quick quid for CSIRO and Scientiaus from trawling through CSIRO’s 3500 patents. Certainly someone needs to rescue Baghai if the recently released CSIRO Annual Report accurately portraits the income to CSIRO from Intellectual Property. Revenue from IP declined from a meager $16.9m to $13.8m during 2002/3. The accompanying text said this actually represented an increase if you allowed for a one-off item during 2001/02. No mention was made of this unsustainable gain when highlighting an increase from $9.3m to 16.9m from IP in the last Annual Report. Real ivy league ‘rabbit back in the hat’ stuff!
There is a legitimate place in the world for science entrepreneurs like Baghai and Farrell; and they should be encouraged to rummage through CSIRO’s treasure chest to make a quick buck for all. But this in no way justifies the underlying thesis of Pheasant’s article that CSIRO should be commercialised. To do that might well create a scientific corporation which will pursue knowledge pathways that generate valuable IP. However, doing just that with CSIRO would mean that this nation would have to create another scientific and industrial research organization to serve Australia in the same effective manner, i.e. not primarily driven by imperatives for earning external income, which CSIRO had done for over 50 years.
Let me illustrate my argument with just one example. I list some of the accomplishments of but one creative scientist in CSIRO’s Division of Entomology, Dr Jim DesMarchellier. Some highlights of his life’s achievements show the different ways that inexpensive research can create real economic benefits, without putting immediate ‘commercialisation’ first.
In the late 1980’s DesMarchellier, a researcher in CSIRO’s Stored Grain Research Laboratory (SGRL) – a section of the Division of Entomology – convinced me as the then Chief of the Division that the Wheat Board had a policy that was costing farmers tens of millions of dollars each year. Farmers were not allowed to deliver grain to bulk handling silos unless its moisture content was less than 11.5%. There was a sound scientific basis for this figure as fungi and insects have difficulty surviving at lower moisture levels. But Jim was able to show that, as farmers wait for ripe wheat to fall to the 11.5% moisture target, certain unrecognized costs were incurred:
By insisting on the 11.5% target, some growers delivered wheat that was well below this level; and by the time it was all mixed in the bulk storage, the percentage was unnecessarily below the threshold. Many countries harvest wheat at higher moisture contents and then lower it to the desired level by various means. All in all, farmers would save tens of millions of dollars if a more flexible policy was put in place. Trouble was we were challenging a Wheat Board policy that had been in place for decades. How would the Board appear in the eyes of farmers if this revered policy was shown to be flawed?
When the possibility was raised with the Board of the SGRL, whose chairman was a representative of the Wheat Board, DesMarchellier and I were roundly criticised by the Chairman (as well as my boss in CSIRO) for messing in commercial matters – our job was to do the science. Perseverance at our end eventually led to a policy change and the moisture content of grain on receival has risen, with farmers reaping real economic benefits. An economic assessment of the benefits to grain growers of this research (May 2002) put the benefits between $21.8m and $171.1m per annum. So here is a case of research generating no intellectual property, indeed no one knew there was even a problem, but huge economic benefits have been captured by growers – and the community.
During his career, DesMarchellier’s research protected Australia’s gluten export market to the USA by showing that it did not contain residues of the prevailing grain protectant in use as the time. The USA accepted our research because of CSIRO’s reputation as independent, objective and credible experts – saving a valuable export industry for Australia. Again, no IP but real economic impact. Finally, DesMarchellier, with a colleague, also invented carbonyl sulphide, a fumigant suitable to replace methyl bromide, an ozone-depleting chemical now banned internationally. He also played a role in inventing other fumigants that may never be used in the farming sector! But the fumigants have been patented and will undoubtedly generate IP revenue.
On the national political scene, DesMarchellier’s credibility was also influential.
In 1994, when the Senate was deliberating whether to establish an enquiry into CSIRO’s shrinking agricultural research, the suggestion was strongly opposed by CSIRO’s senior management. They lobbied the National Farmers Federation and were pressuring John Anderson, then Shadow Minister for Primary Industries, to oppose establishing the enquiry. Anderson visited the Division of Entomology to discuss with me the pros and cons of the mooted Enquiry. I took him to see just one scientist – Jim DesMarchellier. At the end of the interview, Anderson said to me “We will support establishment of the enquiry”. The result was a bipartisan report “CSIRO: the case for revitalization” – unanimously supported by all members which led to major changes in the upper management structure of CSIRO – i.e. the abolition of CSIRO’s dysfunctional upper management structure.
There is room in CSIRO for both the creative scientist like DesMarchellier and the entrepreneurial Baghai. But the real CSIRO should be more about the DesMarchelliers, and less about the Baghais. Yet there is little room in CEO Geoff Garrett’s CSIRO for the creative geniuses like DesMarchellier who create real economic and social wealth for Australia.
CSIRO’s history has been built on such folk, doing as Pasteur would say, good science with an eye to its application.
Brad Collis’ book about CSIRO - Fields of Discovery - illustrates the case for CSIRO’s relevance and value on nearly every page. Much of the research described by Collis was not capable of creating IP. In several cases it clearly could have but was not covered by patents, e.g. domestic solar hot water systems, and fibrous cement to replace asbestos cement. Nevertheless, these innovations were taken up by Australian industry with large economic benefits for the country.
Farrell has always wanted to destroy the ‘iconic’ CSIRO simply because he cannot understand that there are many pathways beyond the narrow IP route to create lasting economic and social benefits. Farrell is probably even more damaging to CSIRO now because his new enthusiasm for the commercialised CSIRO will only hasten the demise of the traditional public good CSIRO with its pluralistic approach to creating real wealth for Australia.
Michael Borgas outlines the concerns of CSIRO scientists over the Flagships program.
In a tawdry culture of short-term dollar-driven outcomes, CSIRO is struggling to remain viable. Yet CSIRO is an icon and has been a mainstay of scientific endeavour in Australia for 77 years. Thousands of gifted Australians have served the nation through it with remarkable results.
The secret of CSIRO’s success and standing in Australia and internationally had been its capacity to use the talent of its staff over a breadth of research. This allowed a range of public goods:
Now, CSIRO’s value is increasingly identified with a few new “Flagships” designed to bring about improvements in the lives of Australians. Contributions to new metal processing, a healthier environment, preventing disease, and efficient farming are planned.
These projects are top-down, highly managed and intricately planned, drawing mostly on known science. Flagships are absorbing increasing proportions of taxpayer funding of science in CSIRO, and staff see them as massive managerial and bureaucratic enterprises that lack originality, the bedrock of productive research.
Declining government funding over a decade has forced the plan for Flagships and is linked to pressures for raising resources from a private sector that has yet to demonstrate meaningful investment in R&D. This has consumed decades of public investment in CSIRO’s intellectual capital as commercial opportunities are mined out, followed by lost jobs and increased short-range work with reduced prospects of significant impact.
The creativity of former years is turning into internally destructive competition between groups forced to cope with instability and decline. CSIRO is an example of run-down public infrastructure that, on current trends, will not be available for our children to draw on.
Given Australia’s small economy and the investment required for research, the approach from government is an invitation to market failure and the collapse of CSIRO. The talent and dedication of a generation of staff and leadership that once were enough to propel CSIRO to success and growth will be wasted.
Confidence among the population in science-driven “progress” ensured nation-building on the back of CSIRO research. Times have changed and trust in science by policy-making “elites” has fallen as policy is driven by commercial imperatives, trusting the “market” to select the best science. However, the experience of generations of scientists is that the key formula for success is to give the best people the resources and freedom to use their ingenuity and creativity.
The main criterion for high impact science has been bold scientific leadership. Sadly, this is no longer widespread in CSIRO, nor anywhere else in Australian science.
Flagships and commercial enterprise will serve a purpose, but without significant, new and lasting investment, this comes at a cost. It reduces our ability as a nation to engage broadly in research and the public good, and we are already losing many exceptional scientists who are not committed to temporary agendas.
Now, more short-term commercial funding is required for work outside of Flagships, leaving little or no scientific effort for the long haul. We suffer a loss of capacity and a limit to careers and learning for young Australians. Ironically, these “outcomes” will hurt the ability to form new Flagships in the years ahead.
Flagships are hyped for high impact, but they address a narrow range of issues, relegating other problems that require painstaking research by committed people. It is vital that we find better ways for supporting groups of the best people on a long-term basis in CSIRO.
The government must dramatically improve career paths for young scientists, says Snow Barlow.
Securing realistic careers for scientists after graduation is the most challenging and unaddressed issue for Australia’s labour force in science, engineering and technology (SET). Currently, markets for jobs in universities and CSIRO are stagnant, forcing postdoctoral scientists into accepting a succession of contracts for only 1-2 years.
Chronic uncertainty regarding employment is devastating for scientists at an age when their peers in other fields are settling down on comfortable salaries, getting married, having children and buying a house.
This situation was poignantly demonstrated at October’s Science Meets Parliament Day in Canberra. Two senators learned first-hand about this grim reality when they graciously allowed two young postdoctoral scientists to use their computers to download the list of grants released that day by the Australian Research Council (ARC). The senators were shocked to find themselves thrust into a grief-counselling role with the two unsuccessful applicants.
Bursting into tears in a senator’s office registers somewhere between a personal setback and tragedy, but it sure makes a point to those responsible for science funding. (Only about one in five applicants to the ARC was successful.) It underlines Australia’s reckless squandering of talented people who collectively hold the answers to our economic and environmental future.
One of the tearful scientists is unable to enter the housing market because bank managers remain unconvinced by 2-year contracts. The other is looking at a new city, a new job, and possibly a right-angle change of career - out of science
So the Soehnges live in Scituate now and Walter sometimes has breakfast at the Gentleman Farmer in Scituate Village, where he has passed the test and become a regular despite an accent that is definitely not local.
And it was there, at his usual table last week, that he told me that he was "madder than a panther with kerosene on his tail."
He says things like that. Texas does leave its mark on a man.
What got him so upset might seem trivial to some people who have learned to accept small infringements on their freedom as just part of the way things are in this age of terror-fed paranoia. It's that "everything changed after 9/11" thing.
But not Walter.
"We're a product of the '60s," he said. "We believe government should be way away from us in that regard."
He was referring to the recent decision by him and his wife to be responsible, to do the kind of thing that just about anyone would say makes good, solid financial sense.
They paid down some debt. The balance on their JCPenney Platinum MasterCard had gotten to an unhealthy level. So they sent in a large payment, a check for $6,522.
And an alarm went off. A red flag went up. The Soehnges' behavior was found questionable.
And all they did was pay down their debt. They didn't call a suspected terrorist on their cell phone. They didn't try to sneak a machine gun through customs.
They just paid a hefty chunk of their credit card balance. And they learned how frighteningly wide the net of suspicion has been cast.
After sending in the check, they checked online to see if their account had been duly credited. They learned that the check had arrived, but the amount available for credit on their account hadn't changed.
So Deana Soehnge called the credit-card company. Then Walter called.
"When you mess with my money, I want to know why," he said.
They both learned the same astounding piece of information about the little things that can set the threat sensors to beeping and blinking.
They were told, as they moved up the managerial ladder at the call center, that the amount they had sent in was much larger than their normal monthly payment. And if the increase hits a certain percentage higher than that normal payment, Homeland Security has to be notified. And the money doesn't move until the threat alert is lifted.
Walter called television stations, the American Civil Liberties Union and me. And he went on the Internet to see what he could learn. He learned about changes in something called the Bank Privacy Act.
"The more I'm on, the scarier it gets," he said. "It's scary how easily someone in Homeland Security can get permission to spy."
Eventually, his and his wife's money was freed up. The Soehnges were apparently found not to be promoting global terrorism under the guise of paying a credit-card bill. They never did learn how a large credit card payment can pose a security threat.
But the experience has been a reminder that a small piece of privacy has been surrendered. Walter Soehnge, who says he holds solid, middle-of-the-road American beliefs, worries about rights being lost.
"If it can happen to me, it can happen to others," he said.
At an international congress of plant molecular biology in 1986, I was sitting next to a buoyant Jim Peacock, then and now Chief of CSIRO Plant Industry. We had a grand time talking about the agricultural challenges of the dry, old continent of Australia, experiments that could be tried and exciting new technologies in the wings. I don’t remember one word about corporate control or patents, or doubting that we could deliver.
We’re now on opposite ends of the same campus, wrestling with a Gordian knot of complications in the not-so-brave new world of intellectual property (IP) in agriculture, and I for one am plagued with doubts.
The technologies we were enthusing about, such as the use of Agrobacterium for transferring genes to crop plants, are now encumbered by hundreds of patents, mostly controlled by a handful of large corporations, even though most of these techniques were invented by publicly funded scientists.
That’s the tip of the iceberg. Genes themselves are being protected wholesale, with one US company, Ceres, smugly claiming patents on 50,000 genes and 10,000 promoters.
During the past decade, in trying to cope with an increasing “commercial” focus in agricultural research in Australia, nine quasi-private R&D Corporations (RDCs) were created to fund agriculture-related science. With at least $250 million from grower levies and matching taxpayer dollars, the RDCs have invested many tens of millions in biotechnology-related research.
Much of this funding has been squandered and the research products are undeliverable. The internationalisation of trade and the dramatic increase in the importance of IP have left these institutions in disarray and confusion. Research providers - including universities, CSIRO and state departments - are caught as meat in the sandwich with little guidance or help.
Sticking-plaster solutions of wordsmithing and onerous contracts between funders and researchers only dishearten the truly creative scientists and policy-makers and impose massive transaction barriers. This betrays a huge ignorance of how IP really works and what it’s good for - and not so good for.
A trite and incorrect dogma abounds that ownership and control of IP is “what it’s all about”, means making money and gives the right to use that IP. On the contrary, IP costs lots to develop, to prosecute and to license. Control of IP gives no right to practise that IP. Its benefit as a “bargaining chip” is usually overvalued and rarely used to good effect.
Evidence from great research universities overseas indicates that even exceptional IP portfolios barely pay for themselves and contribute less than a few per cent to the true costs of running these institutions.
The real goal must be to access and leverage all this innovation - Australian or otherwise - for Australian public good and to avoid the catastrophic pitfalls of infringing rights held by others. This is securing “freedom to operate” and requires a comprehensive, dynamic understanding of the ever-growing thickets of patents and technologies around an innovation.
Following a fine report for the RDCs by Cheryl McCaffery 5 years ago, a way forward was charted involving new, shared institutional mechanisms to understand this IP landscape, to master the enormous patent literature, to provide tools for guiding project development, to commission targeted research and to in-license third-party innovations.
Sadly, these sensible ideas - like many unwelcome reality checks - were filed as “too hard” and substituted with amateurish academic exercises.
It’s time to reconsider how we work with IP. We must avoid confirming the worst fears of a skeptical public: that our institutions have become ineffective apologists for economic rationalism and not engines of public good.
US-trained Dr Richard Jefferson is founding CEO of the non-profit Center for the Application of Molecular Biology to International Agriculture (CAMBIA) in Canberra. conScience is a column for Australians to express forthright views on national issues. Views expressed are those of the author.
The suicide operation - almost overlooked by history - was vivid proof of the anger and bitterness fomented by the bombing war. After weeks of hesitation Koller made available 180 Me-109s with high-performance engines on April 3 ; 150 pilots were released, but far more, 184, volunteered and flew in “Werewolf” four days later—emptying their cannon into the bombers at point-blank range and then ramming them. The battle took place west of Hanover on April 7, 1945. Of the “suicide” Me-109s, 133 were lost after destroying 23 American bombers ; 77 pilots were killed ; the escorting jet fighters claimed 28 more American bombers that day.
The ability to build products by molecular manufacturing would create a radical improvement in the manufacture of technologically advanced products. Everything from computers to weapons to consumer goods, and even desktop factories, would become incredibly cheap and easy to build. If this is possible, the policy implications are enormous.
Richard Smalley, a prominent nanotechnologist, has tried for several years to debunk this possibility. Most recently, he participated in a published exchange with Eric Drexler, another prominent nanotechnologist, who has been the primary proponent and theorist of molecular manufacturing (also called molecular nanotechnology, or MNT).
This paper examines the arguments presented by each side and concludes that Smalley has failed to support his opinion that MNT cannot work as Drexler asserts. Much of Smalley's discussion is off-topic, and his assertions about the limitations of enzyme chemistry are factually incorrect—a fatal weakness in his argument. He therefore does not provide a useful criticism of MNT. Trying to bring the debate back on topic, Drexler spends most of his time restating his earlier positions. Despite these problems, the current exchange represents a significant advance in the debate, since Smalley's new focus on realistic chemistry (instead of the earlier “magic fingers”) permits detailed analysis of the technical merits of his claim.
The answer to the question of MNT’s capabilities will have a large effect on nanotechnology policy, and further research is urgently needed to find this answer. Smalley's factual inaccuracies and continued failure to criticize the actual chemical proposals of MNT strongly suggest that his denial of the possibility may be unfounded. In view of this, while we agree with Smalley that some scenarios of molecular manufacturing are worrisome, we reject his conclusion that the possibility of MNT should be denied in order to avoid scaring children.
This paper reviews the history of the MNT debate, analyzes the technical arguments on both sides, then briefly discusses the feasibility and desirability of further research and the potentially disastrous implications of continuing to ignore the possibility of molecular manufacturing.
History of the Debate
Molecular nanotechnology was first proposed by Richard Feynman in 1959. In a talk entitled “There's Plenty of Room At the Bottom”, Feynman asserted, “But it is interesting that it would be, in principle, possible (I think) for a physicist to synthesize any chemical substance that the chemist writes down. Give the orders and the physicist synthesizes it. How? Put the atoms down where the chemist says, and so you make the substance.” In the 1980's, Eric Drexler elaborated on this vision and called it 'nanotechnology', projecting its consequences in the popular book Engines of Creation and working out a limited version of programmable chemistry in his MIT Ph.D. thesis.
In 1992, Drexler expanded his MIT thesis into the technical book Nanosystems, which outlined a proposal for building manufacturing systems based on programmable synthesis of nanoscale diamond components. This proposal may be labeled limited molecular nanotechnology (LMNT) to distinguish it from the broader vision of synthesizing “any chemical substance that the chemist writes down.” LMNT theory was developed in increasing detail in subsequent years. Meanwhile, commentators, including the media and science fiction authors, seized on the projected consequences of unlimited MNT—especially the so-called gray goo scenario in which a self-replicating nanobot eats the biosphere. Policy organizations, in particular the Foresight Institute (founded by Drexler), began to call for attention to the capabilities and problems implied by MNT.
In the mid to late 1990's, the U.S. and other governments, inspired by the promise of nanotechnology and the initial scientific research into the nanoscale, began to provide significant funding for such research. Many scientists discovered that they were doing forms of nanotechnology and joined the program. This caused a split between nanoscale technologies that were easy to fund, and molecular nanotechnology, which was not yet a mainstream field of research. The scientists working on nanoscale technologies and the administrators funding them had several incentives to try to discredit molecular nanotechnology, including justifying the current funding decisions and avoiding any association with gray goo and other doomsday scenarios.
In September of 2001, Richard Smalley published an article in Scientific American titled, “Of Chemistry, Love and Nanobots,” and subtitled, “How soon will we see the nanometer-scale robots envisaged by K. Eric Drexler and other molecular nanotechnologists? The simple answer is never.” Smalley asserted that chemistry is not as simple as Drexler claims—that atoms cannot simply be pushed together to make them react as desired, but that their chemical environment must be controlled in great detail. Smalley contrived a system that might do the job, a multitude of “magic fingers” inserted into the working area and manipulating individual atoms. He then asserted that such fingers would be too fat to fit into the required volume, and would also be too sticky to release atoms in the desired location. He concluded that since his contrived method couldn't work, the task was impossible in a mechanical system.
In April of 2003, Drexler wrote an open letter to Smalley, asserting that Smalley's fingers were no more than a straw-man attack since Drexler had never proposed any such thing, accusing Smalley of having “needlessly confused public discussion of genuine long-term security concerns,” and calling for him to help set the record straight. In the absence of any response, Drexler followed up with a second open letter in July, noting that in 1999 and 2003, Smalley had stated the possibility of building things “one atom at a time,” and asking for closure on the issue.
These letters prompted the debate published in the December 1 issue of Chemical and Engineering News. In the second part of this four-part exchange (the first part being the April letter), Smalley begins by praising Drexler for agreeing that fingers won't work. Smalley agrees that something like an enzyme or ribosome (components of cells) might be able to do precise chemistry—but, according to Smalley, only under water. He then suggests an even stranger alternative—that Drexler's nanofactory might contain complete biological systems—and spends most of the space describing the limitations of underwater chemistry. Finally, he asks, “Or do you really think it is possible to do enzyme-like chemistry of arbitrary complexity with only dry surfaces and a vacuum?”
Drexler replies that, as noted in his book Nanosystems, his proposal does assert that chemistry in dry surfaces and a vacuum (“machine-phase chemistry”) can be quite flexible and efficient, since holding a molecule in one place can have a strong catalytic effect. He mentions chemical vapor deposition systems as an example of “dry” chemistry, and points out that, “Further, positional control naturally avoids most side reactions by preventing unwanted encounters between potential reactants”—in other words, it doesn't take a lot of subtlety to avoid making the wrong product. Drexler also spends significant space in his reply talking about other design issues of molecular manufacturing systems, the need for an integrated and targeted research program, and the policy implications of failing to act: “The resulting abilities will be so powerful that, in a competitive world, failure to develop molecular manufacturing would be equivalent to unilateral disarmament. U.S. progress in molecular manufacturing has been impeded by the dangerous illusion that it is infeasible.”
Smalley's final answer is a direct attack on machine-phase chemistry. It is the most detailed technical criticism that Smalley has yet published. He claims that chemical reactions must be controlled through a many-dimensional hyperspace and that this cannot be achieved with simple robotics. Smalley repeats his claim that although enzymes can do precise and reliable chemistry, they can only work in water. [This claim is untrue; see below.] Smalley ends the debate with a two-paragraph appeal to others in the chemical community to join him in protecting children from being scared by stories of monstrous self-replicating nanobots from Drexler's dreams.
Technical Analysis of the Debate
If Smalley's goal is to demonstrate that machine-phase chemistry is fundamentally flawed, he has not been effective; he has not even demonstrated a problem with Drexler's proposals. Since 1992, Drexler has proposed that dry machine-phase chemical synthesis can be used to build intricate nanometer-scale objects. Smalley's strategy, both in the 2001 Scientific American article and in the current debate, has been to equate Drexler's proposals with something unworkable and then explain why the latter can't work. Thus Smalley's comments do not directly address Drexler's proposals, but attempt by example to show fundamental problems with his underlying theory. However, both of Smalley's attempts have failed, and the second failure is noteworthy for what it reveals about the weakness of Smalley's position.
Smalley's 2001 Scientific American article focused on the impossibility of using molecular “fingers” to manipulate each atom involved in the reaction. Drexler has never proposed separate manipulation of each atom; instead, he claims that much simpler control will suffice in a well-designed robotic system where chemicals can be kept apart until they are properly positioned. Besides, as Drexler pointed out in his open letter, enzymes and ribosomes do not need fingers. Thus challenged, Smalley responded by equating Drexler's proposal not just with enzymes, but with the entire apparatus of biological life. Smalley began by agreeing that an enzyme-based system could do precise chemistry, but then attempted to show that enzymes would not provide the capabilities that Drexler needed.
When Smalley substituted enzymes for his “Smalley fingers,” he lost the debate. According to Smalley, enzymes can only work in water, and underwater chemistry cannot build technologically interesting materials such as crystals of steel or silicon. If Drexler plans to avoid water, Smalley asks, “What liquid medium will you use? How are you going to replace the loss of the hydrophobic/hydrophilic, ion solvating, hydrogen-bonding genius of water in orchestrating precise 3 dimensional structures and membranes?” But Smalley is flatly wrong about the ability of enzymes to function without water.
As far back as 1983, an article in Science described enzymes working not only in other liquids, but in vapor phase without any solvent at all. One of the authors of that article, Prof. Klibanov, wrote in 1994, "...using an enzyme in organic solvents eliminates several obstacles that limit its usefulness in water. For example, most compounds that interest organic chemists and chemical engineers are insoluble in water, and water often promotes unwanted side reactions. .... Consequently, once it was established that enzymes can work in organic solvents with little or no water, R&D in the area surged.” In other words, enzymes often work better without water. Smalley's objection collapses.
In his closing statement, Smalley finally confronts machine-phase chemistry directly rather than by example. He argues that chemistry requires great subtlety of control in order to prevent undesired reactions: “You need to guide the reactants down a particular reaction coordinate, and this coordinate treads through a many-dimensional hyperspace. I agree you will get a reaction when a robot arm pushes the molecules together, but most of the time it won’t be the reaction you want.” Smalley is asserting that any chemical reaction can proceed in a wide variety of ways, depending on each motion of each nearby atom, and that without the ability to control each atom separately the result of the reaction cannot be controlled. This may be true for underwater chemistry, especially protein folding. But in vacuum chemistry without water on stiff surfaces, it is possible to exclude all or nearly all undesired reactions by controlling the collective positions of the reactants so that the molecules can only touch at the location of the desired reaction. Atoms will not magically jump out of position to spoil the reaction. As Smalley himself stated (in Scientific American), atoms “move in a defined and circumscribed way.”
In his final statement, Smalley asserts, “I have never seen a convincing argument that [Drexler's] list of conditions and synthetic targets that will actually work reliably with mechanosynthesis can be anything but a very, very short list.” But the evidence shows that Smalley has not carefully studied Drexler's work. The dry enzyme result was cited in a 1994 paper of Drexler's. In addition, Smalley's apparent uncertainty (in his first statement) about whether Drexler was proposing wet or dry chemistry, and his repeated distortion of Drexler's proposals, suggest a substantial lack of familiarity with Drexler's work. Smalley's failure to see a convincing argument can be attributed to this lack of attention, and does not indicate any identifiable problem with Drexler's proposals.
In the absence of a cogent objection to respond to, Drexler could only restate his earlier work. His description appears to be consistent with the description in Nanosystems, which has not been scientifically criticized in the decade since its publication. The validity of his position can be inferred from repeated failures to debunk it. At this point, scientific investigation rather than debate will be needed to test Drexler's theories; there appears to be no simple argument that can disprove his conclusions.
Discussion
The question of whether machine-phase chemistry can be used to construct machines is vitally important. As both Smalley and Drexler recognize, such a capability would enable radically powerful and compact manufacturing systems with potentially extreme consequences. We might expect that both participants in this debate would have put their strongest arguments forward.
Smalley's task was to demonstrate that Drexler's proposals for machine-phase chemistry cannot lead to a workable nanoscale manufacturing system. Smalley began by inventing molecular “fingers” and describing why they don't work. Then, he invented a nanofactory based on wet chemistry, and described why it cannot produce many useful products. Not until the end did he address Drexler's actual proposals, and his argument at that point depended heavily on a clearly incorrect understanding of enzymes. In addition to being largely off-topic, and apparently contradicting his own statements of 1999 and 2003 that were referenced in Drexler's open letter, Smalley’s argument is sprinkled with factual errors about chemistry, as noted above.
Smalley's final technical criticism of machine-phase chemistry is not convincing. It appears to be based on the idea that machine-phase chemistry taking place in vacuum with positional control will have as many unwanted reaction pathways as wet chemistry, but will have less ability to avoid them. However, most of the unwanted reaction pathways in wet chemistry are a result of the presence of water itself, or result from the lack of positional control experienced by floppy floating biomolecules. It appears that the lack of degrees of freedom in machine-phase chemistry may eliminate undesired reactions even as it simplifies the possible pathways of the reactants. In theoretical terms, then, machine-phase chemistry may be at least as flexible and reliable as wet chemistry; Smalley's arguments do not seriously challenge this possibility. In addition, the reduction in degrees of freedom may make it quite a bit easier to design desired machine-phase reactions than protein-based reactions, since protein is notoriously complex.
Drexler's task in this debate was to defend his assertions about the feasibility of molecular manufacturing, in particular Nanosystems, against Smalley's attack. Unfortunately, Smalley's repeated straying from the topic did not provide Drexler the chance to respond to meaningful criticism. However, Drexler's statements are consistent with his own earlier assertions, do not contradict any known physical law, and address several practical engineering details of machine-phase chemistry and how to use it in a manufacturing system. Drexler ends his statements by calling for further research, beginning with an independent scientific review of molecular manufacturing concepts. This call clearly is justified by the evidence to date.
Smalley's last word is an appeal to other scientists to close ranks and oppose further discussion of molecular manufacturing, in order to prevent “our children” from being scared by the possible consequences. This is, to put it mildly, unwarranted and premature. Despite access to two forums and three chances to express convincing arguments against Drexler's theories, Smalley has been unable to do so. This does not prove Drexler right; however, it raises the distinct possibility that Smalley is wrong. For Smalley to urge that debate be terminated at this point is unscientific and irresponsible.
Policy implications
Current nanotechnology policy in the U.S. and several other countries is based on the belief that molecular manufacturing as described by Drexler is impossible. Smalley, with his reputation as a Nobel Prize winning chemist and nanotechnologist, has been a major exponent of that belief. But he has demonstrated that he is unable to make a cogent case against Drexler's theories. It is time for independent scientific investigation of mechanical chemistry, not merely continued authoritative but unsupported scientific statements of impossibility.
If molecular manufacturing will work as Drexler describes, preparation for its consequences must begin well in advance. Vehement opposition from credentialed nanotechnologists has prevented any significant efforts to prepare for the possible development of this technology, or even to assess whether and when it might be developed. As nanoscale sensing, manipulation, and chemistry are developed further, the situation may become rapidly more dangerous. Recent technical work by CRN has raised the possibility that the final stages of development may be extremely rapid. Given the poor quality of MNT criticism thus far, it would be foolish to bet our future on the hope that no new policy will be necessary, without a much more detailed examination of the theory behind MNT.
Failure to anticipate the development of molecular manufacturing could have serious consequences. Simple physics theories, conservatively applied, predict that the technology will be dangerously powerful. A working molecular nanotechnology will likely require the design and enforcement of policies to control the use of compact advanced manufacturing systems and their products. But panicked last-minute policy will be bad policy—simultaneously oppressive and ineffective. The military implications are even more perilous. Molecular manufacturing systems are expected to be able to produce weapons as powerful as nuclear bombs, but much more selective, easier to manufacture, and easier to use. If a powerful nation suddenly realizes that molecular manufacturing is possible, and discovers that rival nations are already making material progress, they may react violently, or may enter into an arms race that will probably be unstable and thus may result in war with weapons of unprecedented power.
On the positive side, molecular manufacturing may be able to mitigate many of the world's humanitarian and environmental crises. Advancing its development by even a year or two could alleviate untold suffering, raising standards of living worldwide while sharply reducing our environmental footprint. However, rapid and effective humanitarian use may also depend on sound policy developed well in advance.
During the past decade, increasingly detailed proposals have been developed for the architecture and technology of molecular manufacturing systems. Such proposals cannot be developed fully in the absence of laboratory work and targeted research, but we now know enough to initiate action based on existing work. Machine-phase chemistry—the proposal that Smalley has failed to criticize—can and should be investigated in detailed chemical simulations. The theories about nanoscale physics in Nanosystems should also be investigated; such studies may be expected to produce results relevant to other nanoscale technologies. We can, and should, begin to quantify the expected capabilities of LMNT-type systems: What substances and devices can they build? How rapidly can they work? How easy will it be to design products for LMNT-type manufacturing systems? How much will it cost to create such a system, and how quickly will that cost decrease over time?
If no flaw can be found in the proposals of limited molecular nanotechnology, it must be assumed that LMNT may work as described. In the past decade, no flaw has been found. The proposals are sufficiently detailed to support a much more thoughtful critical study than has yet been done, and such a study would result in further refinement of the proposals. The responsible course of action is not to hide from imaginary monsters, but to direct increasing energy toward examining both the theory and its implications.
As an imminent PhD graduate, this time next year I will become part of the brain drain, hopefully in only a temporary capacity. Whether I return to Australia as a scientist will depend on a marked improvement in financial support for research and our universities.
After completing their doctorate, aspiring academics are expected to build their research careers by leaving our shores. Indeed, skills brought back from experience gathered overseas do serve to enrich Australian research. The attraction of working abroad is the prospect of greater funds available to allow high quality research, along with a broadening of one’s horizons. This is especially the case in the USA, Canada, the UK and Europe.
Returning to Australia is what most academics desire, although this can prove difficult. An Australia academic whose group I worked with in Oxford last year was “stuck” there, unable to return, because of inadequate support for his research. While Federation Fellowships are now starting to redress this issue to some extent, there is a large gap between this scheme and the qualifications a postdoc can expect to possess.
I am one of 30,000 PhD students in all disciplines in Australia. How many of us are going to be able to allow the nation to realise fully the investment made in our research training?
We postgraduates do not perceive the general outlook for universities in a positive light, and the attitude of the government towards funding is frustrating. Everyone associated with tertiary education anticipates with trepidation Dr Brendan Nelson’s reform package, which is due in the May budget.
The difficulty of convincing the Federal government to raise university funding to “appropriate” levels is well-known. The Australian Vice-Chancellors Committee says that an immediate increase of $1 billion per year is required.
But research is only one role played by academics. Government figures reveal a 22% increase in class sizes from 1996 to 2002 while full-time-equivalent teaching staff remained static during this time. There seems little encouragement for people to enter a scientific career in Australia.
As president of a postgraduate association involved in representing students and developing policy, I encounter daily the difficulties facing researchers and teachers. Budget cuts, the perceived inequity in the Research Training Scheme and the ever-increasing teaching load constantly remind us of the reality of an uninviting career in academia.
These comments are made from the best-performing research university in Australia. Postgraduates at many other universities fare worse. In a recent statement the Council of Australian Postgraduate Associations suggested that “we’re hearing the last gasps of quality tertiary education in Australia”.
At a personal level, my research is focused on explaining how anticancer drugs work. To this end I am a “suitcase scientist” who travels overseas regularly to use synchrotrons in Japan and the USA as there are none in Australia. Synchrotrons are powerful X-ray sources that are useful in a wide range of research and commercial applications, including drug discovery, crystallography and nanotechnology.
Construction has just begun in Victoria on Australia’s first synchrotron, a $200 million facility that reflects a growing realisation that we need to show long-term commitment to reap benefits for the nation, although this thinking appears to predominate at a state level. There will be spin-off benefits too, such as the fostering of corporations around large research infrastructure.
The Australian synchrotron is a step in the direction that gives aspiring scientists hope, although we have to wait 5 years for it to become operational. But it takes more than one gesture to produce an innovative industry based on research, and more than tokenism to support the higher education system. I hope and wish that our Federal politicians realise this, and will express it through a substantial boost to higher education funding.
Matt Hall is the President of the Sydney University Postgraduate Representative Association. conScience is a column for scientists to express forthright views on national issues. Views expressed are those of the author.
By applying our increased understanding of the external world over the past 50 years and more, life has improved in both developed and developing countries in many ways: longer lifespans, more food, labour-saving devices based on fossil fuel energy.
But at the start of a new century we increasingly recognise the unintended adverse consequences of our well-intentioned actions: ever-expanding human populations, decreasing biological diversity resulting from agricultural intensification, and global climate change produced by greenhouse gases.
Recent opinion polls in the UK show that 80% of the populace believe science has made our lives better, but more than half worry about the pace of change due to science. Yet, we still need to do a better job of asking what kind of tomorrow we want to create with the possibilities that science offers, rather than just letting things happen.
Partly as a result of these and other worries, the automatic deference to authority that prevailed in many countries is now being replaced with a greater demand for public consultation. This is a very good thing.
At the same time, scientific and medical advances and government legislation have greatly reduced the risks that earlier generations experienced through accidents or infectious diseases, for example. There is now a false expectation that life can be “risk-free”, and faith in the system tends to be further undermined every time this does not prove to be the case.
The resulting crisis in public trust is one of the greatest challenges facing scientific policy-makers today. To ignore such widespread fears would simply be wrong, even if it were possible, but to follow the weather vane of public opinion is not always the solution either.
A decade ago restrictive legislation introduced in Germany in response to public concern almost destroyed its indigenous biotechnology industry, with companies including BASF and Boehringer Mannheim relocating their factories and laboratories overseas.
In response to these concerns in the UK, the Chief Scientific Adviser to the government has, since 1996, successively formulated and applied a Code of Practice for Science Advice.
Adhering as it does to the “Seven Principles of Public Life [the Nolan Principles]”, I believe the Code is relevant to policies and ways of supporting the science base in Australia and other democratic nations. The central theme is that of openness and transparency, engaging dissident voices in debates, while striving to manage risks in a proportionate manner, subject to acknowledged uncertainties (www.ost.gov.uk/policy/advice/copsac).
The Nolan Principles apply to holders of public office (scientific and otherwise). They entail:
• selflessness (decide solely in the public interest);
• integrity (avoid obligations to external individuals or organisations);
• objectivity (make choices on merit);
• accountability (submit to scrutiny);
• openness (give reasons for decisions and restrict information rarely);
• honesty (declare any private interests); and
• leadership (support these principles by example).
Central to many current debates - genetically modified foods, embryonic stem cell research, accelerating extinction rates, time scales for effective action on climate change - is a public yearning, and an objective need, for more deliberate thought about a sustainable future.
Engineering and technological science will be at the heart of the action whether it is dealing with hopes for a “doubly green revolution” (how to use gene technology to enhance nature rather than wrenching it to our purposes), or progress towards renewable energy sources, or problems of clean-up and recycling, or a “greener chemical industry” or tomorrow’s ethically-aware biotechnology industry.
I therefore highlight the need for professional activity and, equally importantly, undergraduate and postgraduate curricula to reflect the need to engage not only the technical issues but also the ethical questions and public concerns.
However good our innovative ideas and delivery may be, they will have difficulty in being realised if general public assent is not secured through thoughtful and open discussion. I believe this is how it should be, and tomorrow’s world has the chance to be better for it.
Lord May of Oxford is the (second Australian) President of The Royal Society of London. This column draws on addresses in Australia at the end of last year, especially to the Australian Academy of Technological Sciences and Engineering. conScience is a column for scientists to express forthright views on national issues. Views expressed are the author’s.
Almost 30 years ago, financial responsibility for Australian higher education was ceded to the Commonwealth. The consequences have been appalling. The de facto repudiation of state responsibility removes competition between them to cultivate the best.
A direct consequence of the Commonwealth’s budgetary control was the nationwide “Dawkinisation” of the university system by the Hawke Labor government under the guise of providing universal higher education. Yet former Labor Science Minister, Barry Jones, told a Melbourne University audience last year: “I have little doubt that Dawkinisation will prove to have been the greatest single mistake of the Hawke-Keating years”.
The current government has exacerbated the decline in the quality of higher education, and with it the relative standard of Australian science, by reducing public support for universities in absolute terms.
Our government emphasises that Federal support of R&D is 0.70% of GDP, compared with 0.54% for the UK and 0.59% for Canada. The Coalition therefore claims that the private sector is at fault. However, objective analyses of the causes are lacking, as is a comparison of public funding for basic research.
In the mid-1990s, total national expenditure on R&D was virtually identical in Australia and Canada (~1.75% of GDP) but in 2001 it was 1.54% and 1.93%, respectively. Canada’s Chrétien government has set a target of 3% of GDP to support R&D by 2010, and the Minister for Industry, Alan Rock, remains adamant that he intends that target to be met.
Now, Canada’s 2003-04 budget has allocated an additional A$139 million for three science granting councils and A$250 million to institutions to support research. In contrast, Australia’s Group of Eight universities projects that support for Australia’s R&D sector will decline to 1.39% of GDP by 2005-06 compared with the OECD predicted weighted average of 2.45%.
Despite this we are told that Australia “punches above its weight” when it comes to its international research standing, but what this means is ill-defined. However, a table recently published by the US National Science Board shows a worrisome decline in the importance, relative to population size, of our scientific literature over the past decade.
In 1990 we ranked equal ninth in the world. By 1999 we had slipped to 14th. (Switzerland held first place in both surveys ahead of the United States.) Unless there is a common will to markedly increase resources in quality as well as quantity, Australia will slip further behind during this decade.
Prime Minister John Howard recently highlighted the importance of the enabling sciences (mathematics, physics, chemistry), but there has been an alarming decline in their staffing during the tenure of the Coalition government.
The most serious concern is what appears to be self-delusion on the part not only of the Minister for Education, Science & Training, Dr Brendan Nelson, but the Cabinet as a whole over what constitutes an outstanding national system of higher education and the nexus between basic and applied research, teaching and the welfare of the nation. Between 1995 and 2001 the government grant to higher education relative to average weekly earnings decreased by $535 million per annum.
Compare this with the US environment. When Robert Wilson, the first director of the American research giant Fermilab, was soliciting funds for a high-energy particle accelerator he was asked at a Senate hearing: “How will the project contribute to national defense?”
He replied: “It has nothing to do with defending our country, except to make it worth defending”. He got the funds.
Australia’s mindset is different. In its editorial of 12 December 2002, the science weekly Nature noted: “Australian science takes pride in wringing high-quality research from scant resources… Australia’s universities are cash-strapped. Now [the research community] risks slipping further behind as the price of research rises.”
This continuing neglect of our knowledge infrastructure will cost our children, and theirs in turn, dearly.
Dr Alex Reisner worked in molecular biology at CSIRO and Sydney University, founding the Australian National Genomic Information Service (ANGIS). He inaugurated the-funneled-web.com to report and comment on science and higher education policy. conScience is a column for scientists to express forthright views on national issues. Views expressed are those of the author
The first day of the new financial year was appropriate timing for an overdue exposure of massive changes under way in a national icon, the 76-year-old Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO).
The trigger was a mere 700 words in the conScience series in this magazine, released that day, in which retired CSIRO Chief (of Entomology), Dr Max Whitten, fired a volley of bullets at the new management (AS, July 2002, p.16).
At issue is the effect of a shift from CSIRO’s traditional base of “public good” research to dollar-chasing. And, questions have emerged over the assertive management style of Dr Geoff Garrett, the Chief Executive imported from South Africa 18 months ago.
He has had to concede to Australasian Science that his ambitious plans for “growth” are dependent on optimistic assumptions of a big budget lift.
Anatomy of a “Crisis”
In a rare display of interest in science policy, mainstream media grasped the financial and symbolic significance of Whitten’s critique and gave big space to the ensuing story.
Here, we fill some gaps in the limited information presented by “corporate” CSIRO to the public as it tried to deny Whitten’s claim of a “crisis”. While HQ succeeded in deterring staff scientists from commenting publicly (Whitten had alleged a “general climate of intimidation”), Australasian Science has held several private communications from current and former staff supporting Whitten’s initiative.
Spokesman for the CSIRO Staff Association, atmospheric scientist Dr Michael Borgas, confirmed the intensity of internal concerns: “Our people face incredibly dramatic changes. We were told CSIRO was doomed without change and some of our members are willing to go down a more commercial path. Others, like me, want to preserve public good research.
“But, we have been keen for a debate to be triggered and in a more meaningful and in-depth way than now. We are aghast at corporate processes and the costs of the continued business of managing the organisation.”
The debate opened on 1 July when ABC Radio and TV, The West Australian and The Canberra Times (as the page one lead) reported Whitten’s blast at Garrett’s leadership, in which he claimed that Garrett’s promise of delivering “massive increases in external earnings… could shift CSIRO from being a powerhouse for public good research towards just another consulting firm”.
In three cartoons over the subsequent week, The Age and The Canberra Times lampooned the similar consequences of sustained financial pressure from the government on the ABC and CSIRO.
In a short grab for the early editions of ABC Radio News on 1 July, Garrett said: “I think on this particular one [Whitten] might have not got all the facts and all the stories quite lined up”. Guided by Di Jay, his new Director of Communications (recruited from Medibank Private), Garrett declined subsequent requests for interview. Although the debate focused on him, he withdrew from public engagement, which only served to fuel more investigative coverage.
Jay emailed all staff mid-morning on 1 July with a statement, written hastily in response to Whitten’s claims, which she said would be released to the media later that morning. The statement, circulated over Jay’s name, was headed “CSIRO leadership full steam ahead” and began as if CSIRO is a person: “CSIRO today rejected suggestions [by Whitten] that it is in any kind of leadership crisis”. It then quoted Garrett and Chairman, Catherine Livingstone, in general terms.
The statement ended with quotes from three Chiefs of CSIRO divisions in support of Garrett, a curious tactic of shoring up support for the boss.
When a reworked statement was issued to the media, the chiefs and their adulatory comments were omitted and Garrett reinforced his prime agenda: “In 2001-02 we hit our new, higher external revenue target”. No figures were cited.
Limited Circulation
No supporters external to CSIRO emerged in the media other than Science Minister, Peter McGauran, who issued a statement backing Garrett and the CSIRO Board on 1 July (see p.19). This was neither circulated widely to the media, as normal, nor posted on the Minister’s web site, along with all his other releases. It was only sent on an individual basis in response to a request for comment, but McGauran declined to be interviewed. This hardly seemed a ringing endorsement and did not dissuade further media coverage.
CSIRO’s media release was treated similarly, a major departure from its long-established practice of wide circulation of its releases. Australasian Science was only sent a copy after inquiry late on 1 July. Afterwards, it was posted on the CSIRO web site.
A set of questions from Australasian Science, seeking facts and figures to justify the generalised assertions in the staff and media statements of 1 July, was lodged with Garrett that afternoon but remained unanswered, despite repeated requests, for 7 days.
On the same day, Senator Kim Carr, Labor’s Shadow Minister for Science and Research, issued a statement highlighting CSIRO’s increasing dependence on funding from its consulting services. “The future of CSIRO as a leading public research agency is under threat… [following] financial pressures and under-investment by the Howard Government,” he said (see p.19).
On 4 July, The Age reproduced Whitten’s conScience column and, in a major follow-up report on 6 July, reporter Stephen Cauchi drew attention to staff morale problems and cited a CSIRO internal survey that concluded the organisation was “aloof, arrogant and unresponsive”. It also printed a response from CSIRO. Again, Garrett kept out of the firing line, getting Deputy Chief Executive, Dr Ron Sandland, to write in praise of the changes.
The Canberra Times ran an investigative piece by Verona Burgess on 7 July. She pointed to the decimation of the “brilliant National Awareness Program under former Australian science writer Julian Cribb which made CSIRO’s almost impregnable to attack” (AS, May 2002, p.10). She also reported unsuccessful attempts by Labor and Liberal members of a Senates Estimates Committee to get Garrett to say how much it costs CSIRO to raise its increasing proportion of total budget from external sources.
Garrett’s written response to Australasian Science’s attempts to have this question answered was: “We are currently finalising business development budgets and the quantum of our investment in 2002-03 and beyond to grow CSIRO”.
The Courier-Mail fired a few more bullets on 8 July, including a revelation by reporter Maria Moscaritolo of “Garrett’s decision to import consultants from South Africa, his former home, rather than putting them to tender”.
Asked by Australasian Science for details, Garrett gave only a generalised reply: “International consultants (e.g. from South Africa and Canada) account for a very small number, as well as proportion of expenditure, of total CSIRO consultancies”.
Rubbery Finance Target
Pressed by Australasian Science for facts to back his unspecific claim on 1 July that CSIRO “has achieved its higher external revenue targets,” Garrett made a major concession. Previously, he had publicised his goal of growing “total business” (government appropriations plus external revenue) to $1.3 billion by 2006-7, and his restructuring plans are dependent on this.
However, Australasian Science pointed out that the 2002-3 Budget papers (CSIRO got $640 million) show he will need annual increases progressing up to $200 million or more to achieve his “goal”. Garrett then confirmed that the figure of $1.3 billion “assumes that there would be an increase in appropriation and in external earnings greater than that reflected in the Portfolio Budget Statement. This may be optimistic: it is CSIRO’s internal stretch target.”
He went on to acknowledge that any increase in appropriation funding would not be known until the May 2003 Budget. Meanwhile, Australian business R&D expenditure is in the doldrums (see p.4), limiting CSIRO’s capacity to raise external revenue. Huge uncertainties therefore remain about the practicalities of Garrett’s “Go for Growth” slogan.
Staff Cuts
Doubts also continue about the degree of loss of staff. Figures from CSIRO Corporate Human Resources show that the head-count has dropped every year, from 7135 on 30 June 1996, when the Coalition came to office and began cuts, to 6511 on 30 June 2002, a total of 652.
In terms of the more meaningful full-time equivalents, the reduction was 358, from 6286 in 1998 (the first year of this count) to 5928 in 2001. Garrett, however, says the number is 5841 in 2002 but will lift to 6034 in 2003 - still well below 5 years earlier.
Meanwhile, at the top level, Deputy Chief Executive, Dr Paul Wellings (who had previously succeeded Whitten as Chief of Entomology and had been passed over in favour of Garrett for the top job), left CSIRO on 5 July for the UK to take up the Vice-Chancellorship of Lancaster University. Several other HQ heavyweights have also left.
Whitten referred to (and Moscaritolo repeated) a damaging survey of CSIRO’s senior staff, including the 21 chiefs of divisions, which allegedly revealed: “Half of the divisional chiefs are looking elsewhere for jobs... many top managers are severely stressed”.
In the 1 July statement to staff, Garrett claimed Whitten “is simply not accurate… Over the past 12 months only one of our 21 seniors leaders has moved on”. But, Garrett did not answer the charge as Whitten was clearly referring to anticipated moves. After Australasian Science requested full details of Chiefs known to be departing posts within 12 months, Garrett supplied the names of three who were leaving and three moving around the organisation. Insiders say there are more to come.
Not cited by CSIRO are the working scientists who have been shown the door. For instance, three senior scientists in Entomology were retrenched on 1 July. One, Dr Robin Bedding, was the only entomologist working in CSIRO who is a Fellow of the Australian Academy of Science. Four senior scientists were pushed out of Molecular Science on 10 July, with more expected.
Flagships Ahoy?
The “dramatic” changes mentioned earlier by Borgas comprise a massive reorganisation of research that will involve the redirection of 55% of government funding to eight “Flagship Programs” (40%) and five “Emerging Science Areas” (15%). These have not previously been publicised externally.
Garrett told Australasian Science that the “Flagships” are: Environmental Challenges (Water and Salinity), Advanced Communications, Preventative Health, New Energy Systems, Food Innovation, Light Metals and Ocean Resources.
The “Emerging Science Areas” are Novel Biotechnologies, Complex Science Systems, New Information and Communication Technologies, Nanotechnologies, and Social and Economic Integration.
Borgas says individual divisions (discipline and industry specialists) will immediately lose 10-20% of their budgets, forcing “everyone to try getting into the new streams”. He queries how CSIRO will preserve a base of scientific disciplines that are “essential for the public good but do not appear to be at the cutting edge of pure science or on a trendy bandwagon”.
Whitten says divisions “will be gutted and career development of scientists will be demolished,” but Garrett asserts: “The existing divisional structure will not be affected by Flagship Programs”.
Clearly, there is more to follow in the fortunes of Garrett’s new CSIRO, where he insists “there is a great deal of excitement and enthusiasm”.
Bryan Gaensler launches our new column for scientists to express forthright views on national issues.
One of the scientists I most admire is Albert Einstein. Being an astronomer, it’s not surprising that I should look up to a man whose elegant theories changed our very perception of time and space.
But what set Einstein apart is not just that he was a brilliant physicist, but that he firmly believed that his responsibilities went beyond his research. Gifted with an ability to see through to the underlying truth of things, Albert Einstein used his position as a public figure to speak out regularly about social justice, nuclear proliferation and human rights.
But just as in his brilliance, Einstein stands almost alone as a scientist willing to engage in the complex pressing issues of the day. Other names do come to mind, such as Andrei Sakharov or Noam Chomsky, but these men stand out as iconoclasts, often at odds with their peers over their willingness to speak their minds.
Scientists are generally well-rounded individuals with wide-ranging interests, and many give their time to important causes far removed from their labs.
However, what is lacking is a national presence. Many of the qualities of a successful scientist - intelligence, integrity and clarity of thought - are precisely those needed to make a useful contribution to the topics of current debate. Indeed many of the social issues on the agenda right now - the population debate, genetically modified foods and climate change - are those on which scientists are especially qualified to opine.
Yet while we hear regularly from lawyers, doctors and religious leaders on such topics, scientists seem happy to keep a low profile.
I often ask myself why the views of scientists are absent from these discussions. Certainly, judging by the heated conversations I’ve seen over morning coffee, it’s not that we don’t care or never think about such things.
Rather, there is a feeling that it’s not a scientist’s place to extend beyond the current paper or project; there’s concern that we lack credibility to speak out over wider issues, and there’s a measure of fear that there might be reprisals on our funding levels if we create too much of a fuss.
Whatever the causes, I find this reticence profoundly disappointing. There is much current debate going on over important issues such as detention camps and stem cells, and there is much to be gained if scientists would apply the impartiality they aspire to in their work to these contentious social issues.
With many emotionally charged viewpoints circulating in the media, the calm voice of reason that we scientists would like to think we can provide is exactly what is needed.
Late last year, I decided to go beyond my morning gripe over coffee and wrote a letter to the Australian Prime Minister expressing dismay over current policies towards asylum-seekers. Knowing that many other Aussies living overseas felt similarly, I emailed my letter to every ex-pat I knew, asking if they were willing to be a signatory.
Most wrote back to me straight away telling me that they indeed would like to take part; only a handful disagreed. Overall the response was overwhelming - in just 4 days, almost 140 people signed on.
However, the response from my scientific colleagues was disappointing. While 60% of the people to whom I sent my letter were scientists (reflecting my own biases), scientists comprised only 25% of the people who responded.
Many of my scientific colleagues have since told me they were simply too busy to reply, or agreed with my sentiments but didn’t want to put anything in writing. As I have argued, this seems symptomatic of a broad attitude among the scientific community: we simply don’t want to rock the boat.
We live in a period of great humanitarian crises and profound social change. With the active encouragement of our professional leaders, we scientists must abandon our reluctance to speak our minds, and need to begin engaging effectively with the wider community. Just as so many of us aspire towards Einstein’s scientific brilliance, we need to similarly emulate his compassion and concern for the world around us.
Bryan Gaensler is the Clay Fellow at the Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics in Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA.
The player replies, "Revelations."
That’s wrong on two counts. The third book of the Bible is actually Leviticus, which chronicles the laws and rituals overseen by the priestly Levites. Less obvious, however, is the mistake in saying "Revelations," because the Bible contains no such book.
Instead, the final book of the New Testament is titled "Revelation," without an "s." This error has appeared frequently in print, from a Chicago Tribune quotation on "the apocalyptic messages that are found in Revelations" to Maureen Dowd’s New York Times mention of "a musical based on the Book of Revelations."
Bible experts consider that kind of mistake a shibboleth, from a story in the Hebrew Bible (or Old Testament) about using words as a test. In the 12th chapter of Judges, the conquering Gileadites are able to identify their enemies, the conquered Ephraimites, by making them say the word "shibboleth," meaning "ear of corn." Because of language differences, the Ephraimites pronounce it "sibboleth" and are immediately executed.
Today the penalties for mispronunciation tend to be less severe, although a shibboleth still acts to identify outsiders. The Washington suburb of Silver Spring is wrongly turned into the plural "Silver Springs" by newcomers, just as native New Yorkers know that the name of Houston Street should never sound like a Texas city. (That street name is properly pronounced HOW-ston.)
In terms of modern Bible references, Cole Porter was no colporteur, but the great lyricist would probably have noted that nowadays "anything goes." Hollywood is offering the irreverent humor of Jim Carrey’s film Bruce Almighty, while Mel Gibson’s coming movie, The Passion, a controversial drama about the Crucifixion, takes its script from Scripture. From the Left Behind novels based on Revelation to the board game Bibleopoly (a faithful version of Monopoly that replaces "Go" with "In the Beginning" and "Jail" with "Meditation"), biblical borrowing has been on the rise, and language is no exception.
"Bible" itself comes from the Greek biblos, "book." Of Semitic origin, the word was derived from exporting papyrus through the ancient Phoenician port of Byblos, now known as Jubayl, Lebanon. Although the Good Book’s name is always capitalized, the word "bible" may be lowercased for manuals on everything from grammar to body sculpturing. In fact, some bookstores now devote more shelf space to "computer bibles" than to religious titles.
Eponymous phrases based on biblical names have been increasing, from the disturbance of raising Cain (the Bible’s first killer) to the desperation of football’s Hail Mary (a pass named for a prayer to the Virgin Mary). Religious holidays have lent the language such terms as Christmas trees, pipe assemblies that cap oil wells, and Easter eggs, bonus features hidden on DVDs.
Unfortunately, Bible mistakes are also multiplying. In a March briefing about the imminent war with Iraq, Ari Fleischer, the White House spokesman at the time, said, "The President is going the last mile for diplomacy." The ominous last mile is meant to mark the final steps of a condemned prisoner; instead, what Jesus says in Matthew 5:41 is "And whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, go with him twain." That distance is now most often called the extra mile. Fleischer corrected himself later in the briefing: "And in these final stages, the President is going the extra mile. That extra mile will come to an end." Today the trucking company known as Big G Express carries the motto "Going the Extra Mile."
Numbers of other phrases made popular by the King James Version of 1611 are being updated. Take "all things to all men" in I Corinthians 9:22, which President George W. Bush prefers in a more gender-neutral form. During a 2000 presidential debate, the Born-again Bush said of international involvements, "We can’t be all things to all people in the world." More widely varied is "eat, drink and be merry," borrowed from Ecclesiastes and Luke. Perhaps its most out-of-this-world use in advertising comes from the Mars 2112 restaurant in Manhattan, inviting customers to "Eat, drink and meet Martians."
Already altered is the common expression "an eye for an eye" (reduced in license-plate lingo to NI4NI). Its genesis was in John Wycliffe’s 1382 translation, where it was simply "eye for eye, tooth for tooth" (Exodus 21:24). Not until 150 years later did William Tyndale add the indefinite articles. Lest this phrase be dismissed as some long-obsolete practice, consider an Associated Press report from Riyadh: "Sobbing and expressing regret for his actions, an Egyptian man had his left eye surgically removed in the first eye-for-an-eye punishment in Saudi Arabia in over 40 years." The Egyptian, who had thrown acid onto another man’s face, received this Old Testament justice in 2000.
Some of today’s Bible errors are rooted in incomplete quoting. For instance, there is a popular but misguided saying that "Money is the root of all evil." In the New Testament, however, Paul tries to eradicate this notion, writing in I Timothy 6:10 that cupidity or "the love of money is the root of all evil."
Other mistakes are based in biology. The favorable phrase "apple of his eye," found in Deuteronomy 32:10, comes from an ancient belief that the eye’s center is solid like an apple. Similarly the "voice of the turtle," in Song of Solomon 2:12, is actually a bird’s call, not a terrapin’s ("turtle" in this case is short for "turtledove").
Biblical errors are certainly nothing new under the sun. A Woman of No Importance, an 1892 play by Oscar Wilde, brings up the Bible. Lord Illingworth observes, "The Book of Life begins with a man and a woman in a garden," and Mrs. Allonby replies, "It ends with Revelations."
In conclusion, confessional evidence remains fraught with danger, even when supported by corroborative evidence. "
Even the most statistically apathetic must have wondered precisely why a p-value of 0.049 is deemed "statistically significant", while one of 0.051 is not. As Jeffreys (1939) emphasises, the 0.05 cut-off was chosen by R A Fisher because of a handy mathematical coincidence: a conveniently low percentage of the total area under the Normal curve - 5 per cent - lies beyond a conveniently (almost) round number of standard deviations either side of the mean: 1.96.
Arbitrary or not, the 0.05 criterion has proved extraordinarily resilient in the face of attempts to excise it from the theory of statistical inference. In these days of powerful PCs and statistics software, this resilience can hardly be attributed to computational convenience. A more plausible explanation is that the 0.05 criterion does seem to give a clear-cut, standardised and reasonable point of reference for the otherwise seemingly hopelessly subjective task of gauging "significance" - and clinicians (like most people) like clear-cut answers. Furthermore, one can once again argue that there can't be that much wrong with the 0.05 criterion, as it has been used for decades without the scientific sky falling in. Thus this second supposedly grave flaw in frequentist methods can all too easily be dismissed as of no practical importance for the working clinician.
This paper explores the use and abuse of subjectivity in science, and the ways in which the scientific community has attempted to explain away its curiously persistent presence in the research process. This disingenuousness is shown to be not only unconvincing but also unnecessary, as the axioms of probability reveal subjectivity to be a mathematically ineluctable feature of the quest for knowledge. As such, concealing or explaining away its presence in research makes no more sense than concealing or explaining away uncertainty in quantum theory. The need to acknowledge the ineluctability of subjectivity transcends issues of intellectual honesty, however. It has profound implications for the assessment of new scientific claims, requiring that their inherent plausibility be taken explicitly into account. Yet as I show, the statistical methods currently used throughout the scientific community lack this crucial feature. As such, they grossly exaggerate both the size of implausible effects and their statistical significance, and lend misleading support to entirely spurious "discoveries". These fundamental flaws in conventional statistical methods have long been recognised within the statistics community, but repeated warnings about their implications have had little impact on the practices of working scientists. The result has been an ever-growing number of spurious claims in fields ranging from the paranormal to cancer epidemiology, and continuing disappointment as supposed "breakthroughs" fail to live up to expectations. The failure of the scientific community to take decisive action over the flaws in standard statistical methods, and the resulting waste of resources spent on futile attempts to replicate claims based on them, constitutes a major scientific scandal. "
While these criteria may seem reasonable enough, they carry inherent dangers. Even today a fundamental explanation of the precise numerical value of the charge on the electron remains lacking, so Millikan was hardly in a position to decide objectively which values were high and which ones low. Previous results may have been fundamentally flawed, while the demand for self-consistent results may mask the existence of subtle but genuine properties of the electron. Millikan could also have been proved wrong in his belief that the electron was fundamental.
However, it is also clear that Millikan had another powerful motivation for using all means to obtain a convincing determination of the electronic charge: he was in a race against another researcher, Felix Ehrenhaft at the University of Vienna. Ehrenhaft had obtained similar results to those of Millikan, but they were interspersed with much lower values that suggested that the electron was not, in fact, the fundamental unit of charge. Millikan had no such doubts, published his results, and went on to win the Nobel Prize.
The dangers of the injudicious use of subjective criteria is further highlighted by the aftermath of Millikan’s experiments. In the decades following his work and Nobel Prize, other investigators made determinations of the electronic charge. The values they obtained show a curious trend, creeping further and further away from Millikan’s "canonical" value, until finally settling down at the modern figure with which, as we have seen, it is wholly incompatible. Why was this figure not reached sooner ? The Nobel Prizewinning physicist Richard Feynman has given the answer in his own inimitable style (Feynman 1988, p 382):
"It’s apparent that people did things like this: when they got a number that was too high above Millikan’s, they thought something was wrong - and they would look for and find a reason why something might be wrong. When they got a number closer to Millikan’s value they didn’t look so hard. And so they eliminated the numbers that were too far off"
The value of any scientific theory, no matter how theoretically elegant or plausible, is ultimately tested by experiment. Conventionally, this crucial element of the scientific process involves extracting a clear and unequivocal prediction from the theory, investigating this prediction experimentally, and assessing the outcome objectively. Exactly how this comparison is performed, and what conclusions are drawn, has long been a subject of debate among scientists and philosophers. Many scientists consider themselves to be followers of Karl Popper and the concept of falsifiability (Popper 1963): that to be considered scientific, a theory must be capable of being proved wrong. On this view, the experiment and the analysis of data should be performed to discover if the theory is falsified, and if it is, it must be abandoned. As such, theories are never proved "correct": they merely survive until the next experimental attempt at falsification. There are a great many fundamental problems with Popper’s widely-held - and admittedly appealing - view of the scientific process (see especially Howson & Urbach 1993). Put simply, these problems boil down to the fact that the concept of falsification is supported neither in principle nor in practice. Over 90 years ago the French physicist and philosopher Pierre Duhem pointed out that the testable consequences of scientific theories are not a pure reflection of the theory itself, but are based on many extra assumptions. As a result, if an experiment appears to falsify a theory, this does not automatically imply that the theory must be false: it is always possible to blame one of the auxiliary assumptions.
The power and importance of this theorem is immediately apparent in its solution to one of the central problems of standard statistical inference. As we have seen, frequentist methods do not tell us Prob(theory | data); that is, they do not tell us what our belief in a theory should be, given the data we actually saw. To answer that question, we must turn to the axioms of probability theory, from which we find that (see, e.g. Feller 1968 Ch 5):
A Bayesian analysis allows a far more concrete assessment of plausibility to be made. Clearly, with such a bizarre claim, there is little one can say about the precise value of a sensible prior probability for the null hypothesis of no real effect, other than to say that the probability is likely to be pretty high. In such cases, Bayesian inference still gives valuable insight, as it allows one to estimate the level of prior probability necessary to sustain a belief that the effect is illusory, even in the light of Nelson’s data. Using (4) and (3) and z = 1.996, this inverse Bayesian inference shows that Prob(Null | data) > 0.5 for all Pr(Null) > 0.88 In other words, for anyone whose prior scepticism about the effectiveness of "wishful thinking" exceeds 90 per cent, the balance of probabilities is that the effect is illusory, despite Nelson’s data.
As this example shows, frequentist methods greatly exaggerate the "significance" of intrinsically implausible data. However, as we shall now see, frequentist methods can also seriously exaggerate both the size and significance of effects in much more important mainstream areas of research, such as clinical trials.
The most common methods for investigating the efficacy of a new drug or therapy, or the impact of exposure to some risk-factor, are the so-called randomised clinical trials and case-control studies, in which a group of people given the new treatment or known to have the disease are compared with a "control" group. One common frequentist method of analysing the outcome is to reduce the results to a test-statistic (such as c2 ), which is then turned into a P-value; as before, if this is less than 0.05, then the difference between the two groups is deemed to be significant. Again, however, a Bayesian analysis reveals that the real "significance" of such a finding is typically much less impressive than the P-values imply.
As before, I shall demonstrate this by taking a real-life case. During the early 1990s, research emerged to suggest that the risk of coronary heart disease (CHD) is associated with childhood poverty (Elford et al. 1991). Following the discovery that infection with the bacterium H. pylori is also linked to poverty, some researchers suspected that the bacterium may form the "missing link" between the two. Precisely how a bacterium in the stomach might cause heart disease is less than clear - raising the key issue of plausibility, to which we shall return shortly. Nevertheless, a number of studies were undertaken to investigate the link between CHD and H. pylori. In one of the first such studies (Mendall et al. 1994), 60 per cent of patients who suffered CHD were found to be infected with H. pylori, compared with 39 per cent of normal controls. When the effects of age, CHD risk factors and current social class had been controlled for, the results led to a c2 value of 4.73. Using frequentist methods, this leads to a P-value of 0.03, implying that the rate of CHD among those infected with H. pylori is "significantly" higher than those without.
On the face of it, this finding raises the intriguing prospect of being able to tackle one of the major killers of the western world using nothing more than antibiotics. Yet while the evidence that both CHD and H. pylori infection are more common among the poor is suggestive of a link between the two, it is hardly unequivocal. Such scepticism is underscored by the lack of any convincing mechanism by which a gastric bacterium could trigger heart disease. The frequentist P-value, however, cannot reflect any of these justifiable qualms; sceptics of the link have no option but to say that on this occasion they are just going to ignore the supposed "significance" of Mendall et al. ’s finding.
In contrast, Bayesian inference requires no such arbitrary "moving of the goalposts": it allows explicit account to be taken of the plausibility of the findings. In the case of the supposed link between CHD to H. pylori, the lack of any convincing mechanism balanced against the socio-economic evidence of a link suggests that an agnostic prior probability of Prob(Null) = 0.5 would be a reasonable starting-point for assessing results like those found by Mendall et al. .
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Inserting the value of c 2 = 4.73 found by Mendall et al. into (6) shows that the BF is at least 0.337. Putting this in (6) we find that Prob(Null | data), the probability that Mendall et al.’s results are due to nothing more than chance is at least 0.25. In other words, even using an agnostic prior, the frequentist P-value has over-estimated the real "significance" of the findings by almost an order of magnitude.
Those taking a more sceptical view of a link between a gastric bacterium and CHD would, of course, set Prob(Null) somewhat higher. Applying the concept of inverse Bayesian inference used earlier, it emerges that even a relatively modest sceptical prior of just Prob(Null) = 0.75 is enough to lead to a balance of probabilities that Mendall et al.’s findings are entirely illusory.
It is ironic indeed that by failing to recognise this, the scientific community continues to use techniques of inference whose unreliability undermines confidence in the scientific process, and which thus threatens to deliver science into the hands of its enemies.
It starts wonderfully with a Jacobean room suffused with the scent of evergreen swags and pomanders. A table is laden with tempting but modest confections, including marzipan in the form of bacon and eggs, a linear ancestor of the unconvincing rock "breakfast" still sold at Blackpool and Scarborough.
Subsequent rooms reveal how Christmas was banned by the Puritans - "a time of masking and mumming, whereby robbery, whoredom, murder and what not is committed" - before staging a robust recovery with the Restoration. The revels of Pepys and his pals were too raucous for the Georgians, who, judging by their room, celebrated Christmas with nothing more than a plate of oysters and a caraway-seed cake. But the real surprise comes in the early 19th century, when Christmas all but disappeared.
The reason was a force far stronger than legislation. Christmas simply became unfashionable. "In 20 of the years between 1790 and 1835, The Times did not mention the festival, and it never referred to it with enthusiasm," notes Professor Ronald Hutton in his book The Stations of the Sun. "To the fashionable world, it was increasingly an anachronism and a bore."
Popular allegiance switched to Twelfth Night, when crowds would gather to admire the elaborate cakes displayed in bakers' windows. This harmless pastime was not without its risks, because street urchins were prone to nail observers' tailcoats and petticoats to the shop window frames. So much for Quality Street.
After centuries of restraint, you suddenly encounter a room stuffed to bursting. As everyone knows, the bloated monster that is the modern Christmas arrived with those masters of excess, the Victorians. They brought us Christmas cards (1843), tinsel, the boom in Christmas toys and Tiny Tim. They scoffed gargantuan turkeys (more easily transportable with the new railways). They revived the carol and popularised the Christmas tree, though this moulting alien was introduced by George III's German wife Queen Charlotte."
Now that George W. Bush has been officially elected, single, sexy, American liberals - already a threatened species - will be desperate to escape.
These lonely, afraid (did we mention really hot?) progressives will need a safe haven.
You can help. Open your heart, and your home. Marry an American. Legions of Canadians have already pledged to sacrifice their singlehood to save our southern neighbours from four more years of cowboy
They were on the Western Front, near Lille. Baffled, they held their fire but the Germans came right up to the trench and offered cigars. It was 1914 and the near-mythical Christmas truce had begun, when men laid down their weapons, shook hands and embraced the season's message of peace on earth.
If it seems incredible to us, to the men themselves it seemed beyond comprehension.
There were plenty of reasons why the truce should never have happened - explicit orders, wartime hatred and good military sense -
but there were many reasons which fostered precisely the opposite. Extraordinary circumstances often lead to extraordinary events.
The first Battle of Ypres in October and November had brought horrific casualty figures. The British lost more than 50,000 men and the Germans perhaps twice as many, but a lull followed as both sides awaited replacements for the savage losses.
The huge armies dug in and watched each other as close neighbours, able to hear one another's chatter and smell their cooking.
The lull brought an inertia and a curiosity about the enemy. Did he too have rats, lice and floods? What of his food? What was he really like? These were the first stirrings of fellow feeling brought about by isolated men sharing extreme circumstances.
Back home both Britain and Germany were thoroughly enjoying the war and, by way of participating, swamped the mail with presents for the troops. In fact the public went berserk.
In the six days preceding Christmas every soldier, sailor and nurse was sent cards by the King and Queen, plus a present from a special fund associated with Princess Mary, the 17-year-old daughter of George V. This dislocated distribution systems in three countries - ammunition and food were delayed because of it. Christmas had become an obsession.
Germany's deep love for Christmas manifested itself in swamping their supply lines with half a million fir trees, a commodity particularly suited to fouling up any postal system. The spirit of the season was, though, unstoppably afoot.
The final attack by the British, on December 19, at Ploegsteert Wood, ended in a local armistice in which both sides helped each other bury their dead.
The British High Command took fright that the Christmas wind-down might be a fiendish Hun trick and warned "the enemy may be contemplating an attack".
That this was applicable to every single other day helps explain why it was ignored. The Germans, too, issued identical warnings.
On Christmas Eve, frost hardened the mud and froze the pools. When night fell, almost simultaneously, the Germans mounted trees on their parapets and lit candles and lanterns.
Thousands of British watched in fascination as the wondrous sight was joined by the distant haunting sound of men singing Stille Nacht.
THERE cannot have been a moment like it in either the history of war or in the performing arts. Every survivor spoke of the abiding impact of that one carol.
In many cases the British responded with a carol of their own, applause or calls for more. Almost always the second was Tannenbaum. When the British sang O Come All Ye Faithful the Germans accompanied with the Latin version, Adeste Fideles.
Seaforth Highlanders, just to the north of Ploegsteert Wood were, unusually, the first to begin the singing but were "spellbound" with the returned carol. A Corporal Ferguson led most of his company into no man's land for cigarettes and handshakes - accompanied by calls of "Fergie, Fergie?" so that the Germans imagined this to be a Highland greeting and politely repeated it.
Argyll & Sutherland Highlanders near Armentieres initially agreed that only two from each side should meet but quickly changed their minds.
The Belgians and French, holding more than 400 miles of the front, shared the same experiences but very much at arms' length - the invader was on their soil and more than 300,000 French had fallen in August alone.
Christmas Day dawned calm, still and very cold. Services were held but the singing was muted for fear that the night before's truce was an aberration, but the process quickly repeated itself. Almost all accounts suggest the Germans initiated the moves. The day was spent identifying and burying the dead.
The Rev Esselmount Adams, chaplain to the Gordon Highlanders, organised a joint service in no-man's land with prayers in German and English. Both sides wrote home using phrases like "fairytale", "day of fiction" and "extraordinary".
Rations and cigarettes were swapped even though the British hated the German tobacco. Buttons and regimental flashes were exchanged, the ultimate souvenir being a pickel-haube (the spiked helmet).
The romantic notion that a game of football was played has a weak basis in fact. There are references to how neighbours played but nothing states who and where.
In frozen churned-up mud nothing more than a kick-about could have been possible anyway, but it represents the ultimate - akin to the ancient Greeks laying down arms for the sacred Olympics. In this context it may be a powerful folk memory which transcends the facts - it should have happened but didn't.
IN some areas the truce continued until January 10, but it couldn't last. At its simplest it was a triumph of the human spirit, when the ordinary soldier called off the conflict for Christmas, when the will for peace prevailed over the might of war. In the year that followed, poisonous gas was introduced, Zeppelins bombed London and one of the first U-boats sank the Lusitania.
When Christmas came there were numerous orders forbidding fraternisation. There was no truce in 1916 and a heavy military bombardment ensured no-one attempted one.
By 1917 friendly meetings were unthinkable. By 1918 the Armistice had been signed and the memory of the Christmas truce of 1914 slipped into legend, a moment from the forgotten golden age when even the participants suspected it never happened.
But it did happen - when man's fundamental decency surfaced briefly in the midst of hell - and should never be forgotten.
"Lieutenant Geoffrey Heinekey, new to the 2ND Queen’s Westminister Rifles, wrote to his mother, ‘A most extraordinary thing happened. . . Some Germans came out and held up their hands and began to take in some of their wounded and so we ourselves immediately got out of our trenches and began bringing in our wounded also. The Germans then beckoned to us and a lot of us went over and talked to them and they helped us to bury our dead. This lasted the whole morning and I talked to several of them and I must say they seemed extraordinarily fine men . . . . It seemed too ironical for words. There, the night before we had been having a terrific battle and the morning after, there we were smoking their cigarettes and they smoking ours." (p. 5)
Weintraub reports that the French and Belgians reacted differently to the war and with more emotion than the British in the beginning. The war was occurring on their land and "The French had lived in an atmosphere of revanche since 1870, when Alsace and Lorraine were seized by the Prussians" in a war declared by the French. (p. 4). The British and German soldiers, however, saw little meaning in the war as to them, and, after all, the British King and the German Kaiser were both grandsons of Queen Victoria. Why should the Germans and British be at war, or hating each other, because a royal couple from Austria were killed by an assassin while they were visiting in Serbia? However, since August when the war started, hundreds of thousands of soldiers had been killed, wounded or missing by December 1914 (p. xvi).
It is estimated that over eighty thousand young Germans had gone to England before the war to be employed in such jobs as waiters, cooks, and cab drivers and many spoke English very well. It appears that the Germans were the instigators of this move towards a truce. So much interchange had occurred across the lines by the time that Christmas Eve approached that Brigadier General G.T. Forrestier-Walker issued a directive forbidding fraternization:
"For it discourages initiative in commanders, and destroys offensive spirit in all ranks . . . . Friendly intercourse with the enemy, unofficial armistices and exchange of tobacco and other comforts, however tempting and occasionally amusing they may be, are absolutely prohibited." (p. 6–7).
Later strict orders were issued that any fraternization would result in a court-martial. Most of the seasoned German soldiers had been sent to the Russian front while the youthful and somewhat untrained Germans, who were recruited first, or quickly volunteered, were sent to the Western Front at the beginning of the war. Likewise, in England young men rushed to join in the war for the personal glory they thought they might achieve and many were afraid the war might end before they could get to the front. They had no idea this war would become one of attrition and conscription or that it would set the trend for the whole 20TH century, the bloodiest in history which became known as the War and Welfare Century.
As night fell on Christmas Eve the British soldiers noticed the Germans putting up small Christmas trees along with candles at the top of their trenches and many began to shout in English "We no shoot if you no shoot."(p. 25). The firing stopped along the many miles of the trenches and the British began to notice that the Germans were coming out of the trenches toward the British who responded by coming out to meet them. They mixed and mingled in No Man’s Land and soon began to exchange chocolates for cigars and various newspaper accounts of the war which contained the propaganda from their respective homelands. Many of the officers on each side attempted to prevent the event from occurring but the soldiers ignored the risk of a court-martial or of being shot.
Some of the meetings reported in diaries were between Anglo-Saxons and German Saxons and the Germans joked that they should join together and fight the Prussians. The massive amount of fraternization, or maybe just the Christmas spirit, deterred the officers from taking action and many of them began to go out into No Man’s Land and exchange Christmas greetings with their opposing officers. Each side helped bury their dead and remove the wounded so that by Christmas morning there was a large open area about as wide as the size of two football fields separating the opposing trenches. The soldiers emerged again on Christmas morning and began singing Christmas carols, especially "Silent Night." They recited the 23RD Psalm together and played soccer and football. Again, Christmas gifts were exchanged and meals were prepared openly and attended by the opposing forces. Weintraub quotes one soldier’s observation of the event: "Never . . . was I so keenly aware of the insanity of war." (p. 33).
The first official British history of the war came out in 1926 which indicated that the Christmas Truce was a very insignificant matter with only a few people involved. However, Weintraub states:
"During a House of Commons debate on March 31, 1930, Sir H. Kinglsey Wood, a Cabinet Minister during the next war, and a Major ‘In the front trenches’ at Christmas 1914, recalled that he ‘took part in what was well known at the time as a truce. We went over in front of the trenches and shook hands with many of our German enemies. A great number of people [now] think we did something that was degrading.’ Refusing to presume that, he went on, ‘The fact is that we did it, and I then came to the conclusion that I have held very firmly ever since, that if we had been left to ourselves there would never have been another shot fired. For a fortnight the truce went on. We were on the most friendly terms, and it was only the fact that we were being controlled by others that made it necessary for us to start trying to shoot one another again.’ He blamed the resumption of the war on ‘the grip of the political system which was bad, and I and others who were there at the time determined there and then never to rest . . . Until we had seen whether we could change it.’ But they could not." (p. 169–70)
Beginning with the French Revolution, one of the main ideas coming out of the 19th century, which became dominant at the beginning of the 20th century, was nationalism with unrestrained democracy. In contrast, the ideas which led to the American Revolution were those of a federation of sovereign states joined together under the Constitution which severely limited and separated the powers of the national or central government in order to protect individual liberty. National democracy was restrained by a Bill of Rights. These ideas came into direct conflict with the beginning of the American War Between the States out of which nationalism emerged victorious. A principal idea of nationalism was that the individual owed a duty of self-sacrifice to "The Greater Good" of his nation and that the noblest act a person could do was to give their life for their country during a war, which would, in turn, bring him immortal fame.
Two soldiers, one British and one German, both experienced the horrors of the trench warfare in the Great War and both wrote moving accounts which challenged the idea of the glory of a sacrifice of the individual to the nation in an unnecessary or unjust war. The British soldier, Wilfred Owen, wrote a famous poem before he was killed in the trenches seven days before the Armistice was signed on November 11, 1918. He tells of the horror of the gas warfare which killed many in the trenches and ends with the following lines:
If in some smothering dreams you too could pace
Behind the wagon that we flung him in,
And watch the white eyes writhing in his face,
His hanging face, like a devil’s sick of sin;
If you could hear, at every jolt, the blood
Come gargling from the froth-corrupted lungs,
Obscene as cancer, bitter as the cud
Of vile, incurable sores on innocent tongues - My friend, you would not tell with such high zest
To children ardent for some desperate glory
The old Lie: Dulce et decorum est
Pro patria mori. (The Latin phrase is translated roughly as "It is sweet and honorable to die for one’s country," a line from the Roman poet Horace used to produce patriotic zeal for ancient Roman wars.)
The German soldier was Erich M. Remarque who wrote one of the best anti-war novels of all time, entitled All Quiet On The Western Front, which was later made into an American movie that won the Academy Awards in 1929 as the "Best Movie" of the year. He also attacked the idea of the nobility of dying for your country in a war and he describes the suffering in the trenches:
"We see men living with their skulls blown open; We see soldiers run with their two feet cut off; They stagger on their splintered stumps into the next shell-hole; A lance corporal crawls a mile and half on his hands dragging his smashed knee after him; Another goes to the dressing station and over his clasped hands bulge his intestines; We see men without mouths, without jaws, without faces; We find one man who has held the artery of his arm in his teeth for two hours in order not to bleed to death."
I would imagine that the Christmas Truce probably inspired the English novelist and poet, Thomas Hardy, to write a poem about World War I entitled "The Man He Killed," which reads as follows:
Had he and I but met
By some old ancient inn,
We should have sat us down to wet
Right many a nipperkin!But ranged as infantry,
And staring face to face,
I shot at him as he at me,
And killed him in his place.I shot him dead because - Because he was my foe,
Just so: my foe of course he was;
That’s clear enough; althoughHe thought he’d ‘list, perhaps,
Off-hand like - just as I - Was out of work - had sold his traps - No other reason why.Yes, quaint and curious war is!
You shoot a fellow down
You’d treat if met where any bar is,
Or help to half-a-crown.
The last chapter of Weintraub’s book is entitled "What If - ?" This is counterfactual history at its best and he sets out what he believes the rest of the 20th century would have been like if the soldiers had been able to cause the Christmas Truce of 1914 to stop the war at that point. Like many other historians, he believes that with an early end of the war in December of 1914, there probably would have been no Russian Revolution, no Communism, no Lenin, and no Stalin. Furthermore, there would have been no vicious peace imposed on Germany by the Versailles Treaty, and therefore, no Hitler, no Nazism and no World War II. With the early truce there would have been no entry of America into the European War and America might have had a chance to remain, or return, to being a Republic rather than moving toward World War II, the "Cold" War (Korea and Vietnam), and our present status as the world bully.
Weintraub states that:
" . . . Franklin D. Roosevelt, only an obscure assistant secretary of the navy - of a fleet going nowhere militarily - would have returned to a boring law practice, and never have been the losing but attractive vice presidential candidate in 1920, a role earned by his war visibility. Wilson, who would not be campaigning for reelection in 1916 on a platform that he kept America out of war, would have lost (he only won narrowly) to a powerful new Republican president, Charles Evans Hughes . . . . " (p. 167).
He also suggests another result of the early peace would have been: "Germany in peace rather than war would have become the dominant nation in Europe, possibly in the world, competitor to a more slowly awakening America, and to an increasingly ambitious and militant Japan. No Wilsonian League of Nations would have emerged . . . Yet, a relatively benign, German-led, Commonwealth of Europe might have developed decades earlier than the European Community under leaders not destroyed in the war or its aftermath" (p. 167).
Many leaders of the British Empire saw the new nationalistic Germany (since 1870 - 71) as a threat to their world trade, especially with Germany’s new navy. The idea that economics played a major role in bringing on the war was confirmed by President Woodrow Wilson after the war in a speech wherein he gave his assessment of the real cause of the war. He was campaigning in St. Louis, Missouri in September of 1919 trying to get the U.S. Senate to approve the Versailles Treaty and he stated:
"Why, my fellow-citizens, is there [anyone] here who does not know that the seed of war in the modern world is industrial and commercial rivalry?. . . This war, in its inception, was a commercial and industrial war. It was not a political war."
The great economist, Ludwig von Mises, advocated a separation of the economy from the government as one important solution to war so that business interests could not get government assistance in foreign or domestic markets:
Durable peace is only possible under perfect capitalism, hitherto never and nowhere completely tried or achieved. In such a Jeffersonian world of unhampered market economy the scope of government activities is limited to the protection of the lives, health, and property of individuals against violence or fraudulent aggression . . .
All the oratory of the advocates of government omnipotence cannot annul the fact that there is but one system that makes for durable peace: A free market economy. Government control leads to economic nationalism and thus results in conflict.
[Omnipotent Government: The Rise of the Total State and Total War, pp. 284 and 286]
Weintraub alludes to a play by William Douglas Home entitled A Christmas Truce wherein he has characters representing British and German soldiers who just finished a soccer game in No Man’s Land on Christmas day and engaged in a conversation which very well could represent the feelings of the soldiers on that day. The German lieutenant concedes the impossibility of the war ending as the soccer game had just done, with no bad consequences - "Because the Kaiser and the generals and the politicians in my country order us that we fight."
"So do ours," agrees Andrew Wilson (the British soldier)
"Then what can we do?"
"The answer’s ‘nothing.’ But if we do nothing . . . . like we’re doing now, and go on doing it, there’ll be nothing they can do but send us home."
"Or shoot us." (p. 110)
The Great War killed over ten million soldiers and Weintraub states, "Following the final Armistice came an imposed peace in 1919 that created new instabilities ensuring another war," (p. 174). This next war killed more than fifty million people, over half of which were civilians. Weintruab writes:
"To many, the end of the war and the failure of the peace would validate the Christmas cease-fire as the only meaningful episode in the apocalypse. It belied the bellicose slogans and suggested that the men fighting and often dying were, as usual, proxies for governments and issues that had little to do with their everyday lives. A candle lit in the darkness of Flanders, the truce flickered briefly and survives only in memoirs, letters, song, drama and story." (p. xvi).
He concludes his remarkable book with the following:
"A celebration of the human spirit, the Christmas Truce remains a moving manifestation of the absurdities of war. A very minor Scottish poet of Great War vintage, Frederick Niven, may have got it right in his ‘A Carol from Flanders,’ which closed,
O ye who read this truthful rime
From Flanders, kneel and say:
God speed the time when every day
Shall be as Christmas Day. (p. 175)
December 1, 2005
Wouldn't it be neat, they ask, if we could nab bin Laden via teleportation? In "Star Trek," the characters traveled between spaceship and planet by having their bodies dematerialized, then "beamed" to another locale -- hence, the characters' familiar request to the ship's engineer: "Beam me up, Scotty."
That's teleportation.
Although many physicists think such ideas are claptrap, it would be ideal if the United States could teleport U.S. soldiers into "a cave, tap bin Laden on the shoulder, and say: 'Hey, let's go,' " said Ranney Adams, spokesperson for the Air Force Research Laboratory at Edwards Air Force Base in the Southern California desert. "But we're not there (yet)."
Not for want of trying, though. Last year, the Air Force spent $25,000 on a report, titled "Teleportation Physics Study," to examine possible ways to teleport humans and objects through space.
The military has a long history of funding research into topics that seem straight out of science fiction, even occultism. These range from "psychic" spying to "antimatter"-propelled aircraft and rockets to strange new types of superbombs.
Military-watchers have long argued over whether such studies are wastes of taxpayers' money or necessary to identify future super-weapons, weapons that a foe might develop if we don't.
In recent years, many physicists have become excited about a phenomenon called "quantum teleportation," which works only with infinitesimally tiny particles. It might lead to new ways of transmitting cryptographically secure messages, some speculate, but not human beings for a long time to come, if ever.
"Experts in the field can foresee using teleportation in the area of data encryption but not (at least not in the near future) for the purpose of 'beaming' macroscopic (e.g., human-size) objects across" space, said Phil Schewe, a physicist, chief science writer at the American Institute of Physics and author of a forthcoming book, "Bottled Lightning," on the history of the American electrical grid.
Schewe thinks the government is sometimes justified in funding "offbeat research," but he is wary of the Air Force teleportation study, prepared by physicist Eric W. Davis.
If the Air Force really thinks such study could lead to actual teleportation devices, "then I would say that something is wrong with the way the Air Force allocates its research money, at least on this topic," Schewe said.
Pierre Chao, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, said such seemingly bizarre research might be the necessary price that the United States must pay in order to guard its future security.
"The devil's bargain that you're going to take if you're going to exist in that cutting-edge (scientific) world and use taxpayer dollars is that you're going to be investigating some pretty goofy things," Chaos said. "I'm not advocating that 'psychic teleportation' is anything real, but I am willing to accept a certain amount of 'slop' in the system to ensure that I am investigating other areas of real value and interest."
Davis, who has a doctorate in astrophysics from the University of Arizona, has worked on NASA robotic missions. His 79-page Air Force study seriously explored a series of possibilities, ranging from "Star Trek"-style travel to transportation via so-called wormholes in the fabric of space to psychic travel through solid walls.
Now at the Institute for Advanced Studies in Austin, Texas, Davis reached both pessimistic and optimistic conclusions in his study. On one hand, he concluded that "Star Trek"-style teleportation faces enormous obstacles, partly because it would require the development of extraordinarily high-speed computers and would consume mind-boggling amounts of energy. Also, it would encounter all kinds of physics headaches generated by the principles of quantum physics.
For example, the computing-encoding of the entire contents of a human body would require 10 to the 28th (the number one followed by 28 zeroes) kilobytes of computer storage capacity. It would take 100 quintillion of the world's best commercially available hard drives "to store the encoded information of just one human being."
Also, "it will take more than 2,400 times the present age of the universe (about 13 billion years) to access this amount of data" from the computers, Davis writes. And "to heat up and dematerialize one human being would require . .. the energy equivalent of 330 one-megaton thermonuclear bombs."
Such teleportation also raises troubling moral issues: Would teleportation successfully reconstitute not only a person's body but their "consciousness (personality, memories, hopes, dreams, etc.) and soul or spirit?" Davis's study asks. "This question is beyond the scope of this study to address."
However, Davis expressed great enthusiasm for research allegedly conducted by Chinese scientists who, he says, have conducted "psychic" experiments in which humans used mental powers to teleport matter through solid walls. He claims their research shows "gifted children were able to cause the apparent teleportation of small objects (radio micro-transmitters, photosensitive paper, mechanical watches, horseflies, other insects, etc.)."
If the Chinese experiments are valid and could be repeated by American scientists, Davis told The Chronicle in a phone interview Thursday, then, in principle, the military might some day develop a way to teleport soldiers and weapons. In principle, it could teleport "into a cave in Afghanistan and kill bin Laden instantly, or bring him back to justice."
Davis' study was released by the Air Force Research Lab in August 2004 and, at the time, received only scattered press coverage. A Chronicle reporter decided to revisit the study -- and the larger political questions it raises -- after an employee of a U.S. Navy research lab confidentially sent a copy of Davis' entire report to The Chronicle.
In a phone interview last week, Adams, the Air Force official, said that at present, the agency is "not pursuing" teleportation as a potential military tool. "This was a study of overall physics phenomena or capabilities that might be deemed by many (as) futuristic ... . If you don't turn over the rocks, you don't know what's underneath. We didn't find anything (in the study) which was deemed pursuable (for a possible military tool).
"But if we don't explore these things," Adams continued, "we don't know when we might have a possibility of a near-term breakthrough, or something that we might be able to address for future needs that would help us (militarily) ... . That's our story, and we're sticking to it," he concluded.
In interviews, some experts on military funding policy suggested that maybe the Air Force doesn't take teleportation seriously, but wants any enemies to think that it does so they'll waste fortunes studying it.
"The strategy is to get China to waste money on things that we know are not feasible, while discouraging them from working on things that we believe to be quite promising," said John Pike, a veteran defense policy analyst in the Washington, D.C., area. He cites the military's bankrolling of research on an allegedly novel source of energy called hafnium isomers: "The U.S. continues to fund work in this field, despite the fact that it contravenes known laws of physics."
Victor J. Stenger, a professor emeritus of physics and astronomy at the University of Hawaii, said: "I didn't realize that President Bush's faith- based initiatives have reached so far as Air Force research projects ... . None of the three forms of teleportation of large objects discussed in this (Davis) report are anywhere near being practical in the foreseeable future and (are) probably ultimately impractical, as a trained physicist can see by just plugging in a few numbers."
As for the Chinese psychic research, Stenger said the articles on the "Chinese experiments ... . have not been translated into English and so (have) not yet (been) subjected to critical reviews by the scientific community at large."
Likewise, Michio Kaku, a noted physicist and author at City University of New York, said "the only way to use (teleportation) as a secret weapon is to allow our enemies to bankrupt themselves thinking they can produce a teleportation machine."
"The Air Force is to be applauded for investigating technologies that may have value for national security," Kaku added. "But wormholes, negative energies, warped space-time, etc., require futuristic technologies centuries to millions of years ahead of ours. The only thing going down the wormhole is taxpayers' money."
Many of the paint effects that we have come to recognise as the hallmark of master Renaissance paintings have been lost. As a consequence, colours have become flatter, pigments have lost their translucency and depth, and paintings do not last as long. Medieval and Renaissance paintings were made to last at least a thousand years, whereas many paintings of the 20th Century are already falling apart or losing their colour. I aim to create paintings whose colours will last through the centuries, retaining their luminosity and brilliance, by incorporating methods that have proven themselves down the ages. "
Approved by the National Assembly of France, August 26, 1789
The representatives of the French people, organized as a National Assembly, believing that the ignorance, neglect, or contempt of the rights of man are the sole cause of public calamities and of the corruption of governments, have determined to set forth in a solemn declaration the natural, unalienable, and sacred rights of man, in order that this declaration, being constantly before all the members of the Social body, shall remind them continually of their rights and duties; in order that the acts of the legislative power, as well as those of the executive power, may be compared at any moment with the objects and purposes of all political institutions and may thus be more respected, and, lastly, in order that the grievances of the citizens, based hereafter upon simple and incontestable principles, shall tend to the maintenance of the constitution and redound to the happiness of all. Therefore the National Assembly recognizes and proclaims, in the presence and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, the following rights of man and of the citizen:
1. Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be founded only upon the general good.
2. The aim of all political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression.
3. The principle of all sovereignty resides essentially in the nation. No body nor individual may exercise any authority which does not proceed directly from the nation.
4. Liberty consists in the freedom to do everything which injures no one else; hence the exercise of the natural rights of each man has no limits except those which assure to the other members of the society the enjoyment of the same rights. These limits can only be determined by law.
5. Law can only prohibit such actions as are hurtful to society. Nothing may be prevented which is not forbidden by law, and no one may be forced to do anything not provided for by law.
6. Law is the expression of the general will. Every citizen has a right to participate personally, or through his representative, in its foundation. It must be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes. All citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, are equally eligible to all dignities and to all public positions and occupations, according to their abilities, and without distinction except that of their virtues and talents.
7. No person shall be accused, arrested, or imprisoned except in the cases and according to the forms prescribed by law. Any one soliciting, transmitting, executing, or causing to be executed, any arbitrary order, shall be punished. But any citizen summoned or arrested in virtue of the law shall submit without delay, as resistance constitutes an offense.
8. The law shall provide for such punishments only as are strictly and obviously necessary, and no one shall suffer punishment except it be legally inflicted in virtue of a law passed and promulgated before the commission of the offense.
9. As all persons are held innocent until they shall have been declared guilty, if arrest shall be deemed indispensable, all harshness not essential to the securing of the prisoner's person shall be severely repressed by law.
10. No one shall be disquieted on account of his opinions, including his religious views, provided their manifestation does not disturb the public order established by law.
11. The free communication of ideas and opinions is one of the most precious of the rights of man. Every citizen may, accordingly, speak, write, and print with freedom, but shall be responsible for such abuses of this freedom as shall be defined by law.
12. The security of the rights of man and of the citizen requires public military forces. These forces are, therefore, established for the good of all and not for the personal advantage of those to whom they shall be intrusted.
13. A common contribution is essential for the maintenance of the public forces and for the cost of administration. This should be equitably distributed among all the citizens in proportion to their means.
14. All the citizens have a right to decide, either personally or by their representatives, as to the necessity of the public contribution; to grant this freely; to know to what uses it is put; and to fix the proportion, the mode of assessment and of collection and the duration of the taxes.
15. Society has the right to require of every public agent an account of his administration.
16. A society in which the observance of the law is not assured, nor the separation of powers defined, has no constitution at all.
17. Since property is an inviolable and sacred right, no one shall be deprived thereof except where public necessity, legally determined, shall clearly demand it, and then only on condition that the owner shall have been previously and equitably indemnified.
A partial list of crystals that have been successfully grown with the Group 7000 Crystal Grower System includes:
Czochralski Technique : Barium sodium niobate : Bismuth germanium oxide : Calcium molybdate : Lithium fluoride : Lithium germanium oxide : Lithium niobate : Magnesium fluoride : Potassium chloride : Strontium barium niobate : YAG : Sapphire : Silicon
Bridgman Technique : Cadmium fluoride : Cadmium telluride : Gallium arsenide : Magnesium fluoride : Silver gallium selenide : Silver gallium sulfide
Top-Seeded Solution Technique : Beta barium borate : Lithium borate : Potassium titanium phosphide
There is nothing unusual about my son's behaviour in the supermarket - in fact I like to think he is several degrees less venal, grasping and insistently materialistic than many of his fellow five-year-olds who, unlike him, watch hours of television each day and eat out at McDonald's several times a month. None the less, he is responding to a series of deliberately planted stimuli.
Chillingly, even his attempts to talk me into buying the various bits of junk we encounter are part of a carefully thought marketing plan - experts in the field cheerfully talk about parents succumbing to "pester power" and "the nudge factor". Even though he does not know it, and even though we, his parents, do our best to stop it, our son is a part of the vast, intricate machinery of corporate sales and marketing that latches on to kids while they are still in nappies.
Rowan Williams, the new Archbishop of Canterbury, is right: the cultivation of children as consumers has taken on monstrous proportions. The super-abundance of movie tie-ins, Happy Meals and plastic toys not only fills children's lives with useless junk; thanks to cross-marketing, the system also ensures that one purchase inevitably becomes a stimulus to further consumption, creating an endlessly expanding circle of insatiable consumerist desire."
The losers in all this are the children, who are encouraged to lose sight of all values other than consumerism, and gravitate inexorably towards junk food that can only make them pliant, fat and stupid. Just look at the childhood obesity figures: they tell their own story. Resisting my son in the supermarket may make me feel like a killjoy, but it is the only way I know to keep the garbage at bay."
This guide is not recommended for use by children in their games as some of the material is of an adult nature.
Recent figures further silence America's official line.
At the beginning of this year, the US Justice Department released figures showing the 1997 murder rate in the United States declined to its lowest level in 30 years:
There were 18,209 murders, or 6.8 for every 100,000 people, the lowest
since 6.2 per 100,000 in 1967. The rate was down from highs of 10.2 per
100,000 in 1980 and 9.8 in 1991. In 1950 the rate was 4.6 per 100,000.
CNN, Jan. 2, 1999
Spelling it out for Mr. McCaffrey: 6.8 murders per 100,000 people in the USA is significantly higher than 1.8 murders per 100,000 people in the Netherlands.
McCaffrey tied his fictional figures on the murder rate in Holland to drugs use. What, pray tell, does he attribute the higher body count in the USA to? If it's drugs use - which is indeed higher in the States than it is in Holland - why is he trying to blame European countries like the Netherlands? Could it be a smoke screen intended to hide the ineffectiveness of America's approach?
I think it is. A recent study, published by the University of Amsterdam and performed by the Amsterdam Center for Drugs Research in cooperation with the Central Bureau of Statistics, shows the actual number of soft drugs users in the Netherlands to be no higher than 300,000 - less than half the 675,000 figure previously used by the government.
In December '98, the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug-abuse, showed that 0,6 percent of the Dutch population 12 years and older has used Cocaine, en 0,1 percent has used heroine. In the States, the figures are three times higher. "
Yet can we say that these Northern Europeans are less moral than we are? The Swedes may skip church and not pray before soccer games or before entering the sauna, but they take better care of their poor and their elderly and provide a higher percentage of the national budget to humanitarian efforts than we do. In fact, when it comes to foreign aid of all kinds, Americans are shamefully stingy. I would be remiss in not mentioning that America is the last Western nation to practice capital punishment--in part, probably, because we adhere to Old Testament notions of justice.
And what about crime? In non-church-going England, the homicide rate is about one-seventh of what it is in the United States. Of course, it could be argued that the rate here would be much lower if that other 60 percent went to church regularly, but that does not account for why the Brits are not murdering each other with abandon."
Drug consumption is generally far lower in Europe than in the US. Eighteen percent of Dutch people have smoked marijuana at least once, for example, compared with 33 percent of Americans.
"Where the American slogan is 'Just Say No,' the European policy is 'Just Say Know,' " explains Danilo Ballotta, an expert with the Lisbon-based European Monitoring Center for Drugs and Drug Addiction, the European Union's drug agency. "Our policies are completely different, and our messages are completely different."
The Dutch government is growing less defensive about its pioneering focus on reducing the risks that go with taking drugs: While drug possession is technically against the law, the government has chosen not to prosecute over small-scale consumption and to go after wholesale dealers and producers instead.
Other countries are changing their focus, too. The Belgian government announced last month that it will formally decriminalize personal use of marijuana, and a similar bill is before the Luxembourg parliament. The Swiss parliament will soon debate a law permitting people to smoke cannabis, and in July a new Portuguese law comes into effect that will decriminalize the personal use of all drugs, hard and soft.
The British government announced recently it would draw up new guidelines for police, recommending that they do nothing when small quantities of cannabis are found; French authorities do not prosecute 95 percent of cannabis-possession cases, and in Spain, Italy, and most German regions the police turn a blind eye. Only in Sweden and Greece have authorities still fixed their goal on a drug-free society.
European drug officials insist that their policies do not mean they have surrendered to drugs.
Dutch police regularly cooperate with their Belgian, German, and French counterparts in seizing large quantities of cannabis and other illicit substances in operations to control roads and trains.
Instead of an all-out war on drugs, European governments are increasingly turning to what they call "harm reduction" policies. "We don't want to chase drug users," says Nicoline van der Arend, an adviser to the Dutch Minister of Justice. "If we don't arrest them and put them in prison, perhaps they will be willing to have treatment."
"We treat them as addicts, not as criminals. The fundamental point is that this is a public-health problem more than a law-and-order problem," argues Peter Pennekamp, director general of the Dutch Health Ministry. "If you are aware that risks are being taken, you can either ignore it, or do something to reduce the risks."
That approach has spurred the creation of needle-exchange programs throughout Western Europe, giving addicts clean syringes so as to lower the chances they will be infected with HIV or hepatitis. Germany and Spain have recently followed Holland's example and opened "shooting rooms," where drugs can be consumed under hygienic and supervised conditions. All 15 EU members run substitution programs, offering heroin addicts methadone instead. And Dutch voluntary organizations take mobile pill-testing labs to rave parties, checking the quality of the Ecstasy often sold to dancers.
All European governments run widespread campaigns to persuade young people not to take drugs. They say this realism pays off. In Holland, for example, the number of cannabis users is about average for Europe, and the number of "problematic" hard-drug users is among the lowest on the Continent. Holland has the lowest overdose death rate in Europe, except for France. The Dutch are alone, however, in permitting coffee shops to sell as much as five grams of hashish or marijuana per customer.
This is a bid to keep young people who want to smoke marijuana out of hard-drug circles, which they might fall into if they frequented illegal dealers. (...)
Few of Holland's neighbors are expected to go as far as The Hague has gone. Belgium is going half-way, decriminalizing cannabis and boosting government funds for programs that educate young people to stay away from drugs, or help rehabilitate drug addicts. "Prevention is better than cure, and a cure is better than punishment," the ministries of Health and Justice said in a joint statement.
"We want to avoid making cannabis use seem normal, but we don't want to dramatize it either," said a government announcement. "We will put the emphasis on prevention, and the authorities should intervene only when consumption [of cannabis] gives rise to problems."
Portugal has taken a wider approach, decriminalizing the use of all drugs as part of a new public-health strategy to be launched in July. There, says Mr. Ballotta, "decriminalization is a tool to improve the treatment option. You keep the user out of prison, so that you can try to start a treatment and rehabilitation process."
After years of vilification from neighboring governments for running a "narco-state," Dutch officials are quietly pleased to see their policies copied. "We say that our policy suits The Netherlands, that people should take the information here and fit it to their countries," says Mr. Pennekamp. "Slowly people are getting inspired.""
The Independent on Sunday can reveal that last year more than 380 soldiers went absent without leave and have since failed to return to duty - marking a dramatic increase since the invasion of Iraq three years ago.
Military lawyers and campaigners said that these figures suggested significant levels of disaffection in the ranks over the legality of the occupation, and growing discontent about the coalition's failure to defeat the Iraqi insurgency.
An RAF doctor was last week taken to a court martial for refusing to serve in Iraq, claiming the occupation is illegal, and a former SAS trooper, Ben Griffin, revealed he had quit the army in protest at the war.
Mr Griffin was among the 20,000 anti-war protesters, including a number of families of serving soldiers, who marched in London yesterday to mark the third anniversary of the war in Iraq.
He has defeated enemy fighter pilots and alien forces. But now Tom Cruise faces his most dangerous foe ever: a foul-mouthed foursome of pre-teens.
If that seems sort of humiliating, wait for the rest. While the children are no more real than the mechanical invaders in War of the Worlds, Cruise's campaign to crush them is far from fictional. It's Tom Cruise vs South Park. And it promises to be fun.
South Park is the less than respectful television animation series that has sustained its popularity for a decade because of its fearless satirising of anyone and everyone. It drew headlines early last week, however, when musician Isaac Hayes, who since 1997 has been the voice of Chef, suddenly upped and left in a huff.
Hayes declared that South Park, which follows the hell-raising of the four kids, had gone too far in its lampooning of religion. Specifically, he was cross about its recent mocking of the Church of Scientology. Hayes is a Scientologist. So is Cruise.
The departure of Hayes created some publicity for the show and its creators, Trey Parker and Matt Stone. But now things are even more interesting. Comedy Central, the channel that broadcasts it in the US, was scheduled to air a repeat of the episode that had so upset Hayes on Wednesday night. But then, suddenly, it didn't.
South Park fans cried censorship. Why had Comedy Central yanked the episode? They now think they have the answer: Tom Cruise is the culprit. According to several Hollywood websites, he used his considerable Tinseltown influence to muzzle the show.
Parker and Stone are not taking this lying down. "So, Scientology, you may have won THIS battle, but the million-year war for earth has just begun!" the two said in a statement that seemed to parody Scientology as science fiction. "Temporarily anozinizing our episode will NOT stop us from keeping Thetans forever trapped in your pitiful man-bodies. Curses and drat! You have obstructed us for now, but your feeble bid to save humanity will fail! Hail Xenu!!!"
But for the epic battle, Cruise has a secret weapon. It is alleged that he threatened to withdraw from any promotional activity for his next film, Mission: Impossible III, out on 5 May. The movie has been made by Paramount, which is owned by Viacom. And Viacom owns Comedy Central.
In the controversial episode, one of the characters, Stan, takes a Scientology test and scored so highly that disciples of the religion are crowding his home declaring him their new leader. And, wouldn't you know it, Cruise is there too, waiting in Stan's bedroom. He asks Stan what he thinks of his acting. Stan is not kind, and a deeply offended Cruise hides in the bedroom closet. Then the episode veers into the territory of Cruise's sexuality. Stan begs him to come out of the closet. About 40 times.
Everyone involved is denying everything, of course. Comedy Central says it pulled the episode so it could run two episodes featuring Chef as a tribute to Hayes. Paramount says Cruise never made threats. And Cruise, through a spokesman, said the same.
And no one believes a word of it. The Los Angeles Times dubbed the flap Closetgate. "For Stone and Parker, Closetgate will be the gift that keeps on giving," it said.
It's not that they're wrong. Any impression to the contrary comes from pitching anti-Americanism as the main event in a Clash of Civilizations, jihad versus big mac, Floridian democracy and tight-fittin' jeans. Anti-Americanism has more to do with taking the US to be a grownup democratic nation, one fully responsible for its 'mistakes' and 'collateral damage'. These include its genocide-for-dummies 'blunder' in Vietnam, and its support for our friends: dozens of satanically brutal Latin American 'strongmen', the mass murderers of Indonesia, and peasant-killers from India to Guatemala to Brazil. What America actually intends, or 'stands for', or offers to the world as a civilization, would not compensate for a millionth of this.
The extent to which America is oblivious to its responsibilities is quite extraordinary. The overwhelming majority of Americans manage no contrition for the millions--yes, millions--their country slaughtered in Vietnam. Instead they wallow in a maudlin, falsely populist and deeply racist compassion for the terrible trauma 'our' soldiers endured while they killed.
"Twice as many people are dependent on alcohol than are hooked on all forms of drugs."
Franklin urged the convention to accept the Constitution despite what he took to be its great faults, because it might, he said, provide good government in the short term. "There is no form of government but what may be a blessing to the people if well administered, and I believe farther that this is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in Despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the people shall become so corrupted as to need despotic Government, being incapable of any other." Think of Enron, Merrill Lynch, etc., of chads and butterfly ballots, of Scalia's son arguing before his unrecused father at the Supreme Court while unrecused Thomas sits silently by, his wife already at work for the approaching Bush Administration. Think, finally, of the electoral college, a piece of dubious, antidemocratic machinery that Franklin doubtless saw as a source of deepest corruption and subsequent mischief for the Republic, as happened not only in 1876 but in 2000.
Where under Patriot Act I only foreigners were denied due process of law as well as subject to arbitrary deportation, Patriot Act II now includes American citizens in the same category, thus eliminating in one great erasure the Bill of Rights.
"The destiny of Europe and Asia has not been committed, under God, to the keeping of the United States; and only conceit, dreams of grandeur, vain imaginings, lust for power, or a desire to escape from our domestic perils and obligations could possibly make us suppose that Providence has appointed us his chosen people for the pacification of the earth.
"Those Americans who refuse to plunge blindly into the maelstrom of European and Asiatic politics are not defeatist or neurotic. They are giving evidence of sanity, not cowardice, of adult thinking as distinguished from infantilism. They intend to preserve and defend the Republic. America is not to be Rome or Britain. It is to be America."
Why indeed? Writing in 1758, David Hume observed: "Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with a philosophical eye than the easiness with which the many are governed by the few, and the implicit submission with which men resign their own sentiments and passions to those of the rulers. When we inquire by what means this wonder is effected, we shall find out that, as Force is always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that government is founded, and the maxim extends to the most despotic and most military governments as well as the most free and popular."
To deny inconvenient opinions a hearing is one way the few have of controlling the many. But as Richard Nixon used to say, "That would be the easy way." The slyer way is to bombard the public with misinformation. During more than half a century of corruption by the printed word in the form "news"-propaganda disguised as fact-I have yet to read a story favorable to another society's social and political arrangements. Swedes have free health care, better schools than ours, child day-care center for working mothers... but the Swedes are all drunks who commit suicide (even blonde blue-eyed people must pay for such decadent amenities). Lesson? No national health care, no education, etc., because-as William Bennett will tell you as soon as a TV red light switches on-social democracy, much less socialism, is just plain morally evil. Far better to achieve the good things in life honestly, by inheriting money or winning a lottery. The American way.
The fact that the United States was never intended to be a democracy is so well known that it is now completely forgotten. (Hence the familiar, grinding incantation of our opinion makers: "We are the greatest democracy on earth, with the widest range of detergents, etc.") The most candid of the Founding Fathers, John Jay, put their opinion on the matter in an artless but truthful way: "The people who own the country ought to run it." James Madison, a preacher's son, poured unction over this when he acknowledged demurely and approvingly the iron law of oligarchy that invariably comes to govern parliaments, congresses, and nations. The few will always control the many through manufactured opinion, which bedazzles and confuses the many when it is not just plain dumbing them down into the dust of what Spiro Agnew called "The greatest nation in the country."
"It may well be imagined how Alexandria continued to be shaken by social strife during such a period. After a mere twenty years since the abdication of Diocletian, Canstantine became Emperor and declared Christianity Rome's official religion. By 391, the Emperor Theodosius had reversed Diocletian's edict and commanded all paganism to be stamped out, signalling the end of the Museum.[56] For, throughout the fourth century the power of the church grew; an army of Gnostic monks became the main tool of the Patriarch of Alexandria and enforced his will. After the edict of Theodosius, the mob was led by the Patriarch Theophilus to demolish the Serapeum.[57] Perhaps the library at the Caesarium survived; while references to Alexandrian scholars persist a little while longer, no sources actually mention its destruction. In 412 Theophilus' nephew Cyril succeeded him. The Patriarch exercised ever more control of the city, and the conflict between secular and religious authority was decided in 415, when the Roman prefect Orestes, officially still in charge of the province, objected to Cyril's order that all Jews be expelled from the city. Cyril's army of monks murdered the prefect and were cannonized by him for this deed; marauding through the city they came across Hypatia, daughter of the Museum's last great mathematician Theon. She was a Neoplatonist philosopher and astronomer whose teachings are partially recorded by one of her admirers and pupils, the Christian Synesius, and she was also supposedly an advisor to Orestes and one of the last members of the Museum. Driving home from her own lectures without attendant, this independent woman and scholar epitomized the suspect nature of Paganism and its heretical scientific teachings. She was dragged from her chariot by the mob, stripped, flayed, and finally burned alive in the library of the Caesareum as a witch. Cyril was made a saint.[58] After her death Alexandria became steadily less stable, overrun by the monks who evolved into the Copts, who incorporated the old Alexandrian prejudices towards foreigners with the new prejudice towards any scientific or classical knowledge. Too turbulent even to bow to the Emperor, Alexandria eventually revolted against Constantinople, wound up with two factions contending between two Patriarchs, and eventually fell to Arab conquerers, who had the last of the Library burned as fuel in the bath-houses of the city in 686.[59]"
r e z s o" s e r e s s l y r i c s O"sz van és peregnek a sárgult levelek Meghalt a földön az emberi szeretet Bánatos könnyekkel zokog az öszi szél Szívem már új tavaszt nem vár és nem remél Hiába sírok és hiába szenvedek Szívtelen rosszak és kapzsik az emberek... Meghalt a szeretet! Vége a világnak, vége a reménynek Városok pusztulnak, srapnelek zenélnek Emberek véréto"l piros a tarka rét Halottak fekszenek az úton szerteszét Még egyszer elmondom csendben az imámat: Uram, az emberek gyarlók és hibáznak... Vége a világnak! LITERAL ENGLISH TRANSLATION: It is autumn and the leaves are falling All love has died on earth The wind is weeping with sorrowful tears My heart will never hope for a new spring again My tears and my sorrows are all in vain People are heartless, greedy and wicked... Love has died! The world has come to its end, hope has ceased to have a meaning Cities are being wiped out, shrapnel is making music Meadows are coloured red with human blood There are dead people on the streets everywhere I will say another quiet prayer: People are sinners, Lord, they make mistakes... The world has ended!
Sunday is gloomy, my hours are slumberless Dearest the shadows I live with are numberless Little white flowers will never awaken you Not where the black coach of sorrow has taken you Angels have no thought of ever returning you Would they be angry if I thought of joining you? Gloomy Sunday Gloomy is Sunday, with shadows I spend it all My heart and I have decided to end it all Soon there'll be candles and prayers that are sad I know Let them not weep let them know that I'm glad to go Death is no dream for in death I'm caressing you With the last breath of my soul I'll be blessing you Gloomy Sunday Dreaming, I was only dreaming I wake and I find you asleep in the deep of my heart, here Darling, I hope that my dream never haunted you My heart is telling you how much I wanted you Gloomy Sunday
Sadly one Sunday I waited and waited With flowers in my arms for the dream I'd created I waited 'til dreams, like my heart, were all broken The flowers were all dead and the words were unspoken The grief that I knew was beyond all consoling The beat of my heart was a bell that was tolling Saddest of Sundays Then came a Sunday when you came to find me They bore me to church and I left you behind me My eyes could not see one I wanted to love me The earth and the flowers are forever above me The bell tolled for me and the wind whispered, "Never!" But you I have loved and I bless you forever Last of all Sundays
The survey, which partly covers trends over several decades and is intended to inform long-term decision making in the run-up to the next election, identifies deep inequalities between rich and poor that widened in the 1980s and are greater than in any other European Union country.
It is the most comprehensive survey on Britain's international ratings to have been carried out since the early 1970s. The issues include ones on the economy, improving public services, reductions in crime and poverty and strengthening international influence "particularly in Europe".
The document balances achievements - from above-average employment levels, reading standards that put England third in the international league table and a 25 percent fall in breast cancer deaths - with criteria by which Britain performs less well compared with its competitors.
These range from productivity levels that lag behind those of France and Germany, as well as the United States, to levels of teenage pregnancy that are higher than any other EU country. And crime rates, which although falling appreciably, remain close to the top level of major industrialised countries. Disparities between regional economies, the so-called North-South divide, are greater than in other EU countries and getting wider.
While showing employment at an internationally high level, the survey says the UK has a higher rate of relative family poverty than any EU country except Greece and Portugal. And it also questions how far "prison works", pointing out that a 30 per cent increase in the prison population since 1997 has reduced crime by about 5 per cent.
The document also poses central questions about how, in a climate of markedly growing voter concern about the quality of public services, individuals as well as the Government have to take responsibility for their health. Again, however, it shows that lower income groups are more likely to smoke and less likely to participate in a sport. The rise in obesity is faster than in any major country, including the US. On transport and the environment, the document shows that congestion is higher than in any other European country apart from Spain and suggests there is little grounds for optimism about reducing the level of CO2 omissions.
To: "L. Cranswick" [lzc@dl.ac.uk] Subject: miracles Date: Sun, 17 Nov 2002 14:49:12 -0500 Bishop, The whole miraculous story at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/2484195.stm I
TOXICITY DATA REC-WMN LDLO:180 GM/KG/28H JAMAAP 104,1569,35 IPR-MUS LD50:190 GM/KG NTIS** AD628-313 IVN-MUS LD50:25 GM/KG MIVRA6 8,320,74 REVIEWS, STANDARDS, AND REGULATIONS NOHS 1974: HZD M1000; NIS 561; TNF 436805; NOS 294; TNE 7313166 NOES 1983: HZD M1000; NIS 500; TNF 313467; NOS 324; TNE 8785413; TFE
******************************
SECTION 5 - HEALTH HAZARD DATA
******************************
TLV, STEL, AND PEL HAVE NOT BEEN ESTABLISHED FOR THIS PRODUCT.
TOXITY: LD50 (IPR-MOUSE) (G/KG) - 190
LD50 (IV-MOUSE) (G/KG) - 25
CARCINOGENICITY: NTP: NO IARC: NO Z LIST: NO OSHA REG: NO
EFFECTS OF OVEREXPOSURE
NO EFFECTS OF OVEREXPOSURE WERE DOCUMENTED
TARGET ORGANS
NONE IDENTIFIED
MEDICAL CONDITIONS GENERALLY AGGRAVATED BY EXPOSURE
NONE IDENTIFIED
ROUTES OF ENTRY
NONE IDENTIFIED
EMERGENCY AND FIRST AID PROCEDURES
INGESTION: IF SWALLOWED AND THE PERSON IS CONSCIOUS, IMMEDIATELY
GIVE LARGE AMOUNTS OF WATER. GET MEDICAL ATTENTION.
INHALATION: IF A PERSON BREATHES IN LARGE AMOUNTS, MOVE THE
EXPOSED PERSON TO FRESH AIR. GET MEDICAL ATTENTION.
EYE CONTACT: IMMEDIATELY FLUSH WITH PLENTY OF WATER FOR AT LEAST
15 MINUTES. GET MEDICAL ATTENTION.
SKIN CONTACT: IMMEDIATELY WASH WITH PLENTY OF SOAP AND WATER FOR AT
LEAST 15 MINUTES.
******************************
SECTION VII - SPILL AND DISPOSAL PROCEDURES
******************************
STEPS TO BE TAKEN IN THE EVENT OF A SPILL OR DISCHARGE
TAKE UP WITH SAND OR OTHER NONCOMBUSTIAL ABSORBENT MATERIAL AND
PLACE INTO CONTAINER FOR LATER DISPOSAL.
DISPOSAL PROCEDURE
DISPOSE IN ACCORDANCE WITH ALL APPLICABLE FEDERAL, STATE, AND LOCAL
ENVIRONMENTAL REGULATIONS
******************************
SECTION IX - STORAGE AND HANDLING PRECAUTIONS
******************************
SAF-T-DATA(*) STORAGE COLOR CODE: ORANGE (GENERAL STORAGE)
SPECIAL PRECAUTIONS
KEEP CONTAINER TIGHTLY CLOSED. SUITABLE FOR ANY GENERAL CHEMICAL
STORAGE AREA.
WATER IS CONSIDERED A NON-REGULATED PRODUCT, BUT MAY REACT
VIGOROUSLY WITH SOME SPECIFIC MATERIALS. AVOID CONTACT WITH ALL
MATERIALS UNTIL INVESTIGATION SHOWS SUBSTANCE IS COMPATIBLE.
PROTECT FROM FREEZING.
HAARP patent documents also discuss the injection of barium into the atmosphere and the role of photo-ionisation upon that element, using the magnetic field lines of the Earth as a conduit for energy transfer. HAARP can increase the build-up of energy in some locations by inducing cyclotron resonance. HAARP can also generate both extremely low frequency as well as VLF frequency for a broad array of applications. HAARP can even manipulate the geomagnetic field of the Earth to the point of creating a "heave weapon," similar to the electromagnetic pulse that nuclear detonations generate, except amplified to the point of lifting the entire magnetic field of the Earth.
When I was in elementary school (late 1970's) we'd have school assemblies every Friday. Part of the routine was always the singing of O Canada, God Save the Queen, and The Maple Leaf Forever. IMHO, The Maple Leaf Forever is a far more stirring and patriotic song than O Canada. Of course, it's probably far too politically incorrect, but what isn't these days. It's part of our history, for better or worse, and it's about time Canadians quit throwing their history in the closet as if it's something to be ashamed of. But check out the last verse. If that isn't a rousing call for national unity, we all might as well leave.
In days of yore, from Britain's shore, Wolfe, the dauntless hero came, And planted firm Britannia's flag, On Canada's fair domain. Here may it wave, our boast, our pride, And joined in love together, The thistle, shamrock, rose entwined, The Maple Leaf forever! Chorus: The Maple Leaf, our emblem dear, The Maple Leaf forever! God save our Queen, and Heaven bless, The Maple Leaf forever! At Queenston Heights and Lundy's Lane, Our brave fathers, side by side, For freedom, homes, and loved ones dear, Firmly stood and nobly died; And those dear rights which they maintained, We swear to yield them never! Our watchword evermore shall be, The Maple Leaf forever! Our fair Dominion now extends From Cape Race to Nootka Sound; May peace forever be our lot, And plenteous store abound: And may those ties of love be ours Which discord cannot sever, And flourish green o'er freedom's home The Maple Leaf forever! Chorus: On merry England's far famed land May kind heaven sweetly smile, God bless old Scotland evermore and Ireland's Emr'ld Isle! And swell the song both loud and long Till rocks and forest quiver! God save our Queen and Heaven bless The Maple Leaf forever!
Radian, a mathematician who is now a songwriter, actor and poet, came to Canada in the 1980s.
O, land of blue unending skies, Mountains strong and sparkling snow, A scent of freedom in the wind, O'er the emerald fields below. To thee we brought our hopes, our dreams, For thee we stand together, Our land of peace, where proudly flies, The Maple Leaf forever. Chorus: Long may it wave, and grace our own, Blue skies and stormy weather, Within my heart, above my home, The Maple Leaf forever! From East and West, our heroes came, Through icy fields and frozen bays, Who conquered fear, and cold, and hate, And their ancient wisdom says: Protect the weak, defend your rights, And build this land together, Above which shine the Northern Lights, And the Maple Leaf forever! (Chorus) Sur mers sauvages ou glaciers durs, Tant d'héros se sont suivis, En conquérant la peur, le froid, Et les tempêtes de leurs vies. Et tant de braves, rouges ou blancs, Reposent ici ensemble, De noble sang, de tant de neige, Est née la feuille d'érable. Refrain De leurs exploits, de leurs travaux, Et leur courage sublime, Dans leurs vieux rêves réunis, Puisons nouvelles racines. Refrain Reprise Sur nos montagnes, dans nos prairies, À travers temps et sable, Aimons toujours la fleur de lys, Toujours, la feuille d'érable. Oh, Maple Leaf, around the world, You speak as you rise high above, Of courage, peace and quiet strength, Of the Canada I love. Remind us all our union bound, By ties we cannot sever, Bright flag revered on every ground, The Maple Leaf forever!
Unless you are Andy Barrie or work for Metro Morning at CBC Radio. The Maple Leaf Forever, the national song of English Canada, was written and composed by Torontonian Alexander Muir in 1867 to celebrate Confederation. It is a magnificent piece of music and its words evoke pride in our history. It is recognised throughout the world as distinctively Canadian, as it became the marching song for Canadian soldiers in several wars as well as for the Canadian Forces in peacetime and a popular song for Canadian civilians. Its limitations, as it is primarily an English-Canadian song, have been recognised, for it is often used in conjunction with Vive la Canadienne which serves as the song of French Canada, but there is nothing wrong with English Canada having its own song.
But the CBC's Metro Morning, led by host Andy Barrie, an American who came to Canada at the time of the Vietnam War when he was of draft age, decided Canadians needed to trash their heritage and history and adopt a song that was relevant to neither English nor French Canadians. Under attack itself for its own lack of relevance to Canadians, and sustained by government subsidies rather than popular support, the CBC organised a contest to write new words for The Maple Leaf Forever. The new song is not The Maple Leaf Forever, although it attempts to appropriate that proud name. It might be more appropriately called The CBC Forever, for it is an ode to the Canada of the CBC. The CBC, which is always pleading poverty in funding its programming, then undertook a public campaign to promote its new song among unsuspecting school children and the public as the new, almost official, Maple Leaf Forever.
It goes without saying that The CBC Forever drops the familiar chorus "The Maple Leaf our emblem dear, the Maple Leaf forever / God save our Queen and Heaven bless the Maple Leaf forever". Associating the Queen with Canada would never do for the Andy Barries of the world. People might understand that the Monarchy is a Canadian institution.
Let me address the so-called problem with the Alexander Muir words of The Maple Leaf Forever: "They are anti-Quebec or anti-French Canada". This is simply not true. There is nothing anti-Quebec or anti-French in the song. It may be said that it does not encompass French Canada, but that is something completely different. The only lines that could in any way be construed as anti-French are the first two: "In days of yore from Britain's shore, Wolfe the dauntless hero came, / And planted firm Britannia's flag on Canada's fair domain." But to celebrate the heroic endeavours of one man or one nation is not in itself an attack on another.
When the Prince of Wales (later King Edward VII) unveilled the Brock Monument at Queenston Heights, Ontario in 1860 he said "Every nation may, without offence to its neighbours, commemorate its heroes, their deeds of arms and their noble deaths. This is no taunting boast of victory, no revival of long passed animosities, but a noble tribute to a soldier's fame; the more honourable because we readily acknowledge the bravery and chivalry of that people by whose hands he fell." The Prince was referring of course to General Brock and the Americans, but his words are equally applicable to General Wolfe and French Canada. As Canadians we grew up learning that both General Wolfe and General Montcalm were heroes, who died honourable deaths, and that we could be proud of both. Having had an American education, perhaps Andy Barrie missed that in his citizenship course too.
Of course Alexander Muir wrote The Maple Leaf Forever from an Ontario perspective and originally there were no direct references to French Canada. He corrected that with a modified first verse which continued "Here may it [the Union Jack] wave, our boast, our pride, and join in love together / The Lily, Thistle, Shamrock, Rose, the Maple Leaf forever." (According to some accounts this was actually Muir's original, pre-publication version.) This replaced "The Thistle, Shamrock, Rose entwine the Maple Leaf forever". In short, Muir was saying that under the Union Jack the British and French were united as Canadians, an historical fact. This concept was so "anti-French" that it was adopted by French Canadians as the motto for Quebec."Je me souviens" ("I remember") was taken from the poem by Eugene Tache that reads "I remember that born under the Lily, I have prospered under the Rose". Tache and Muir were singing from the same page, so to speak.
Having eliminated the first verse which speaks of how English and French were united into one country under the British Empire while the cultural distinctiveness of the constituent parts was recognised, The CBC Forever then eliminated the second verse. This verse by Muir speaks of Canadians fighting for freedom. "At Queenston Heights and Lundy's Lane our brave fathers, side by side, / For freedom, homes and loved ones dear, firmly stood and nobly died. / And those dear rights which they maintained, we swear to yield them never. / Our watchword evermore shall be, the Maple Leaf forever". It is understandable why neither the history nor the sentiment appealed to Andy Barrie.
Obviously the CBC felt it was essential to eliminate the third verse as well, as it was anathema to the media industry that exists by fostering animosity in Canada. The third verse is "Our fair dominion now extends, from Cape Race to Nootka Sound. / May peace forever be our lot, and plenteous store abound. / And may those ties of love be ours which discord cannot sever / And flourish green o'er freedom's home, the Maple Leaf forever". Such heretical words must be erased from Canadians' minds and hearts. They also showed how the song could have been positively updated, as it describes Canada after the West and Newfoundland had joined and does so within the spirit of Muir's original version.
The author of The CBC Forever is a Romanian immigrant who has been resident in Canada for ten years. When the CBC organised the contest for new words, he said he had heard the old words and knew that he could do better. He was wrong. His words are what is known as agronomic. That is they talk only about the land and not about the history which made Canada. And they are a poor description of the land. There are many positive things one can say about the Canadian landscape, that our fields are "emerald" however is not one of them, but that is what the new words claim. It is also not without significance that while the Union Jack has no place in the new words, the Fleur de Lys does appear, as if the latter is more Canadian than the former, when in fact both are equally Canadian or equally foreign. The new words basically could be sung about any of the countries in the world that have mountains, snow, skies and fields, as there is nothing distinctly Canadian about the description. There are also some "motherhood statements" about freedom and rights, without any historical reference points for them such as Alexander Muir gave.
It is also interesting that where the two versions present the same imagery (the new borrowing from Muir), the new version is more pompous, narrow and dictatorial. Muir's song refers to the maple leaf as an emblem of Canada, which is used in many forms, from badges, various national and provincial flags and coats of arms, to logos and jewellery, to identify Canadians. The new version is just about the National Flag, as if it were the only "Maple Leaf" in Canadian life and symbolism. Where Muir petitions "And may those ties of love be ours which discord cannot sever", realising that it it possible the ties could be severed if we do not work to maintain them, the new version says "Remind us all our union bound by ties we cannot sever", attributing some divine (or diabolic) sanction to our country which people cannot alter and therefore they need not work at. It is a very dangerous view.
If the CBC's Metro Morning host and staff had really wanted simply to update The Maple Leaf Forever by adding further references to our French heritage and other traditions in additional verses or by minor modifications to the exisiting words, one could believe their efforts were admirable and the results might have been positive. But that would have been giving them too much credit and they behaved true to form.
The Alexander Muir and the Andy Barrie-inspired versions of The Maple Leaf Forever express the two solitudes that exist in Canada today, and they are not the English and French. The Alexander Muir Canada is a real Canada, comprised of real Canadians of aboriginal, English, French, and multicultural heritage, proud of its history and monarchical form of government and believing that its history is one of accomplishments and common achievements. The Andy Barrie Canada exists only in the minds of its advocates. It is a Canada of wimps and great mediocracy. It can never succeed in comparison to the real Canada so its advocates pursue a policy of first destroying the Canada of history, to allow their "new" Canada to spread, like weeds in an abandoned garden. Fortunately, as Alexander Muir and generations of Canadians have known, the maple leaf is not a weed. It is the symbol of a proud history and heritage. Alexander Muir's The Maple Leaf Forever will still be sung by Canadians in the 21st Century while the CBC's will soon be forgotten.
The CBC always prattles on that the private broadcasters don't spend enough money promoting Canadian heritage. At least the private broadcasters don't spend their money attacking Canadian heritage. The next time I receive a letter from friends of the CBC, as I often do, or hear a spokesman for the CBC plead for support from the public against government cutbacks that "threaten" its role in fostering Canadian heritage, I think I'll just walk over to Alexander Muir Gardens across from my home, look at Muir's words carved in stone in that garden and sing The Maple Leaf Forever.
I wrote about the famous license plate motto on the op/ed pages of the Post in April. Here's what I said (with the all the correct accents inexpicably gone):
It's one of Quebec's great ironies that no one remembers precisely what architect Eugene-Etienne Tache meant when he inscribed Je me souviens (I remember) above the main door of the Parliament Building in Quebec City in 1883. The motto, which officially became part of Quebec's coat of arms in 1939, has been the subject of so much debate over the years that you just wish Tache had told somebody, anybody, what it was he remembered. The Alamo? A lost lover? Mama?
Last Friday, the National Post published a letter to the editor... asserting that the motto, which has appeared on Quebec's licence plates since 1978, was a "divisive message" conceived by separatists "filled with smouldering detestation of everything English." What the Parti Quebecois wanted angry traffic-bound commuters to recall, Sangster believes, was the French defeat on the Plains of Abraham.
But while the party of Rene Levesque no doubt got rid of the cheerful license plate motto La Belle Province because they preferred un beau pays, its replacement slogan predates the modern sovereignty movement by almost a century.
While some have appropriated Je me souviens as a sovereigntist shibboleth, others have claimed it is a call to Canadian unity. There is a myth, unsupported by any historical documents, that it is just the beginning of a longer line by Tache: "Je me souviens que ne sous le lys, je crois sous la rose" -- I remember that born under the lys (France), I grew under the rose (Britain). (According to historian Gaston Deschenes, Tache did write a line similar to the second half of this poem to commemorate Quebec City's 1908 tricentennial.)
Tache's three-word sentence is a political and cultural Rorschach test in Quebec. In the 2002 National Film Board documentary A License to Remember, filmmaker Thierry Le Brun toured the province asking nationalists, federalists, Anglophones, Allophones, aboriginals and war veterans what Je me souviens meant and got vastly different responses. A cab driver gave the most compelling answer: He used to know what it meant, but he forgot.
Clues to what Tache meant the phrase to mean, however, are found by examining the rest of the building he designed. The facade of the Parliament Building is a monument to Quebec's history -- all of it -- with bronze sculptures representing First Nations, explorers, missionaries, leaders of the Ancien Regime and English administrators. Both the Marquis de Montcalm and General Wolfe peer out from the limestone.
And that's probably all Tache meant by Je me souviens: I remember.
I might add that, while we all say 'Lest We Forget' on Remembrance Day, a little laughter and forgetting is good for peace and prosperity.
In Oxford Street itself I heard a strangely familiar sound. I looked up and it was the same guy I’d passed in Exhibition Road earlier in the morning, doing his Jesus rap into his personal loudspeaker. “You’re going in the wrong direction,” came the electronically-modified Scouse accent. I’m not, I thought, I’m heading for Oxford Circus Tube. “That’s why Jesus came in the world,” he went on regardless, “to die for the sinner, and turn the sinners back into winners.”
1. Work-To-Rule: Bizarrely enough, one of the best weapons at our disposal is to follow every procedure exactly. The company has developed procedures for controlling quality and hygiene that are incompatible with the labour costs they expect and the speed of production/ service they require. So in kitchen, we do everything right, and soon there’s no food in the bin. "Hustle, hustle" they’ll say, "hustle is the efficiency gained through the safe and effective use of the three Cs, it does not involve running or rushing", we reply. Eventually they have to take people off front and put them in kitchen, less people are served, and they lose money.
The struggling Pakistani couple who worked seven days a week, 18 hours a day, in their Montreal convenience store were ordered to learn to speak better French to their customers as required by Quebec law or else. Another Asian restaurateur was ordered to stop using English-only beer coasters or face a $7,000 fine.
A Greek immigrant had a van on which he advertised his business "Bill’s Plumbing and Heating." The language law forbids English on any vehicle whose owner pursues his trade exclusively in Quebec. His truck and tools were seized and auctioned off by the language police because he would not pay the fine imposed for putting "Bill’s Plumbing" on the side of his truck. A mason making gravestones was also attacked because the epitaphs were not bilingual.
Several Passovers ago, inspectors of Quebec’s Office de la langue francaise (French Language Office) ordered some Montreal supermarkets to remove imported kosher foods from their shelves. The supermarkets promptly obeyed because the importers could have gone to jail as well as being fined if they had insisted on selling these otherwise innocent grocery items. The reason for what became known in the Anglo press as the "matzoh bust" was that the labeling on the kosher foods was only in English.
Most recently Quebec’s language police (they are also called "tongue troopers") have invaded the Internet and the World Wide Web in the hunt for unilingual English sites run from Quebec. An Anglo-Canadian runs a web site advertising a computer service - in English. He has been ordered to post a French equivalent web site although he knows no French. A couple whose site peddled an on-site photography business has been ordered to set up a French site as well - or else.
The latest target is a rural Quebec couple whose family has been selling maple syrup for four generations to Americans by mail order. Naturally, their 7-year-old web site is in English because they export 99 percent of their syrup to Americans and Western Canadians. The couple, Stanley Reid and his wife, have hired a lawyer who will argue that the actions of the "tongue troopers" are in violation of the Canadian constitution and the United Nations’ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
With the Commission de protection de la langue francaise, or the so-called language police, arriving unannounced on a regular basis, residents of the Pontiac can't help but feel they're living under military rule.
By the time you read this, Canada Day will have come and went, with Canadians from coast to coast celebrating our good fortune of living in, if not the best, one of the best countries in the world. True, we have our social ills and government gaffes, but overall, we have a standard of living at the top of the heap.
Unfortunately, there is a nagging gnat gnawing away at our fundamental freedoms here in Quebec, a problem persisting since paranoia set in about the future of the French language, a misguided fear that prompted the PQ government to legislate the subsequent language laws and create an administrative body to levy fines.
In the latest abuse of our fundamental freedoms, the former owners of a Shawville business each were served with $925 in fines for two infractions of the language laws governing signs. One of the men paid the fine to avoid the hassle/nuisance attached to the nonsense emanating from the Office de la langue francaise, while the other ignored the French-only letters he received from the tongue troopers.
Recently, the bailiff showed up at his door to serve the former business owner notice that several of his possessions would go up for auction to pay the fine. Though he could pay the fine, he is willing to stand on principle and allow the auction to proceed.
Fortunately, the man has the Alliance Quebec and its president, anglo-rights lawyer Brent Tyler, on side. Tyler hopes that together they can spare the businessman any unnecessary hassles connected with the five-year-old fine. Most importantly, Tyler hopes that the Alliance Quebec can expose the tongue troopers for being the unnecessary evil they are. As he points out, Quebec is the only jurisdiction in the free world with restrictions on the use of a language, all the more appalling considering English is one of the official languages of Canada. We wish them luck.
McCleary, who co-owned Bean's Service Station with Lee Laframboise until July 1, 1999, refused to pay the fines totalling $925.75 ($345 for each fine plus administration and taxes). After ignoring several French-only letters from the Office de la langue française (OLF), McCleary received a notice Aug. 30, 2000 that he was found guilty in absentia.
The Bean's sign affair began Dec. 12, 1998 when a tongue trooper from the OLF visited the service station on Hwy. 148 and informed the owners that two of the signs contravened the language laws. One of the signs, a stock "Sorry, we're closed," was in the window of the seasonal ice cream nook at the side of the building.
"Several weeks later, I received a letter completely in French," McCleary said. "I packaged it in an envelope and returned it and said, 'Please translate into English.'"
McCleary said he received a reply from the OLF a short while later, but he was not satisfied with the answer.
"All I got was an English translation of the part of the language law dealing with the infractions," he said.
When he next heard from the language police, June 29, 1999, it was via a registered letter, again in French only.
"I ignored that one also because it was all in French," he said.
More than a year passed before he again heard about the case. This time, it was a notice that he was found guilty in absentia and that he owed the $925.75 in fines.
"That's the point where I went for legal advice," he said.
The first lawyer he contacted told him there was nothing he could do because the verdict was "in the system."
Then, on March 19, 2002, the bailiff showed up at Laframboise's house with papers to confiscated his van, ATV and other possessions. Rather than go through the hassle, Laframboise paid the fine.
After Laframboise phoned him and told him what happened, McCleary phoned anglo-rights lawyer Brent Tyler, who is currently president of the Alliance Québec, in Montreal for advice.
"The whole thing is not about the money," McCleary said.
Tyler told THE EQUITY that it is important that Quebecers take a stand against the "nonsense" practised by the OLF.
"I think it's very courageous for a man like Bill to stand on principle," Tyler said. "He is a man of principle. We will support him in every way."
Tyler, who fought the Lyon-Walrus case in Sherbrooke (a commercial sign with equal-sized lettering), a couple of years ago, said that they have proved that the language laws are out of step with the fundamental principles of freedom inherent in our society and backed by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.
"We have demonstrated that there is no other country on the planet that has such a law," Tyler said.
In the McCleary case, Tyler said they will question whether or not the state should have the right to sell private property.
"The issue we're going to raise is the idea that you can have the state selling someone's property," he said.
Also, Tyler said the signs in fact were owned by the company and that McCleary and Laframboise merely owned the building in which they were hanging. He said it's questionable if the building's owners can be prosecuted for signs contravening the language laws hung out by tenants.
"It's pretty damn silly because nearly every commercial landowner would be liable for a sign infraction," he said.
What my job did involve was translating Quebec academic programs into English, and once in a while, into French. One afternoon, I was in the middle of translating a technical manual about the chemicals used in making paints, and I couldn't find some terms. I looked and looked in computers, data banks and dictionaries, but could find nowhere the names of these chemicals in French. So, being a good translator, I used the phone book. I thought I would call a paint company or a paint dealer and ask for my French equivalents over the phone.
I found a small paint dealer on Cavendish Boulevard, in NDG. I dialed their main number.
"Hello, could I speak to your translator, please?"
"Who's calling, may I ask?"
"My name is Robert Smith, and I am calling from the Quebec government. Could I speak to your company translator, please?"
(Aside, to another employee) "It's the government. They want to know if we have a translator!"
(Answering me, a moment later) "I am afraid we don't have a translator. Can I help you?"
"Well, I wanted to know if your sales catalogue is translated into French..."
(Aside, to the other employee) "George, do something. It's the language police! We're in trouble! Do something, quick!"
(Answering me, a moment later) "Does this have anything to do with Bill 101?"
"No, no, no. I am a translator, and I am calling from the Ministry of Education. I just want to find some French terms."
"You mean to say, you're calling from the Quebec government and you don't know French? Or you want to check up on us to know if we speak French?"
"No, I just want to know if you could give me some terms from your sales catalogue."
"You want to check the quality of our French?"
"No, I simply want to find some terms in French."
(Aside, to another employee) "George, what do I tell him?"
(Answering me, a moment later) "I am afraid our sales catalogue is in English only, but I promise you we'll have it translated soon."
"No problem." "Does that mean you're going to send the inspectors here? Our signs in front of the store are bilingual."
"Look, I am just a translator."
"But you're a fonctionnaire."
"Yes, but... Thanks anyway. No hard feelings."
"Bye."
I finally did find my French expressions from a federal phone-in data bank. A terminologist was glad to oblige. As for the employees of the small paint dealer on Cavendish, either they have moved to Ontario by now or they are still waiting for the inspectors to show up with a warrant for their arrest, four years later.
Nor can they be marching up and down St. Laurent Blvd., magnifying glasses in hand, asking restaurant owners whether the French on their fridge magnets is twice as prominent as the English, or the Cantonese or the Greek or the Vietnamese.
The diversionary powers of golf are not to be underestimated. King James II of Scotland tried parliamentary decrees in a bid to get his soldiers away from golf. Apparently, the troops preferred golfing to honing their combat skills. The royal rallying cry of "Practice war, not golfe" made by King James and subsequent Scottish monarchs failed spectacularly.
Because French does not predominate on Regent Instruments Web site (like on many other firm's sites), it is being sued in court by the Quebec Language Police. Without having been mandated by the population, they decided that Internet Web sites should also be regulated by the law governing printed material. According to the Language Police, the law applies to ALL COMPANIES who have a branch office located in the province of Quebec whether or not the sites are targeted toward Quebec consumers. Worse yet, this organization suggests that these companies are not even allowed to host an English-only Web site outside Canada!
The situation is well described in the excellent article written by Diane Francis of the National Post in the edition of Sept 5, 2002 and titled "Quebec unleashes inane Web cops" (click to see it).
"We are engineers who design scientific equipment. We don't sell to any members of the public. We only sell to researchers and 98% to 99% of our sales are outside of Quebec province," said Regent's owner who asked that his name remain out of this article. "We are all native French Canadians working here. Our product is technical and in the scientific community and in science everyone speaks English in research journals. So we put our Web site in English only, but still provided personalized service in French for people requiring it," he said.
"They said the Web site was not according to the law, so we asked for a one-year delay because we had no time nor resources and were too small to do it in 2000. One month later, they said you must translate your Web site in the short term. The way we were treated was insulting, so we're not doing it," he said.
Born in 1977, Bill 101 is the brainchild of Quebec’s nationalist movement whose ultimate goal has been to separate from the rest of Canada, or at least seek greater autonomy within the federation (see box). The law stems back to the heady days of the Quiet Revolution, when French Quebeckers (the "Québécois") wrested control of the province from a powerful English elite, who controlled its huge natural wealth. Then they turned to the cultural landscape, using laws like Bill 101 to "Frenchify" (or "francify") the schools and workplace as well as the commercial environment through rules restricting the use of English on public signs or even on the beer coasters of a neighbourhood bar. Language police still roam the streets, measuring the letters of billboards to ensure that "Poulet-frit" dominates the fast-food world of "fried chicken," for example. The provincial government regularly adds a fresh coat of legislative paint to reinforce the spirit of 101. With each major brushstroke another wave of English Quebeckers migrates to other parts of Canada or the U.S.
So, you might be asking yourself, what's the logic behind this ridiculously moronic law? Well, the French people here are afraid that their culture is being assimilated by the English. To combat this, they've decided to greatly limit the rights of English-speaking Quebecers. If you want an example, then take this one: Not long ago, the owner of a bar was fined because the beer coasters he uses have "Black Diamond" written on them. Now, Black Diamond is the name of the company that produces the coasters. Of course, this didn't stop the Language Police from giving him a fine. And, of course, all the Fench bars which had these same coasters were not fined or even given a warning.
I'm sure you're probably wondering how this kind of action could possibly be constitutional. Well, it's not. Here in Canada though, we have something called the Notwithstanding Clause. This allows governments to create laws which are unconstitutional as long as they have the majority vote. So, now you're probably thinking that this is one of the stupidest clauses that could exist (wow, you sure do talk to yourself a lot). And, you would be correct.
The Office de la Langue Française has already put the bite on Micro-Bytes, and other Quebec businesses with World Wide Web sites on the Internet could be next.
Micro-Bytes Logiciels, a Pointe Claire computer store, has removed most of its homepage from the Net after receiving notice from the OLF last month that the company is in violation of the French Language Charter.
"I don't need subpoenas, fines or going to court so that was the easiest thing to do," Micro-Bytes owner Morty Grauer said yesterday in explaining why he closed a large secti1on of his homepage.
Grauer was told by the OLF in a May 29 letter that his store's Web site - www.microbytes.com - doesn't meet the criteria of the language charter's Article 52 - which states that catalogues, brochures, leaflets, commercial directories and all other publications of that nature must be in French.
That appears now to include the Net.
"Quebec enterprises that have their certificate of francization (firms with 50 employees or more) will be asked to have French on their Internet sites," OLF spokesman Gérald Paquette said yesterday. "We're in the early stage of asking these companies to have French on the Internet."
In the case of businesses with 49 or fewer workers, "we won't intervene."
But while admitting that Article 52 makes no mention of the Net, Paquette said the OLF will still pursue Quebec businesses that refuse to include French on their Web sites.
"They could have their certificates (of francization) suspended or revoked," he warned.
Paquette said no research has yet been done to find out how many certificate holders have Net sites, "but that will be done this year."
Graeur, who employs about 40 workers in his shop, first received a letter from the OLF Feb. 6 advising him to use French on his Web site.
He was informed in the May 29 missive that a check done March 10 showed the situation wasn't corrected and Micro-Bytes was given 30 days to make the necessary changes.
Quebec has strict language laws that are enforced by "language police." Laws dictate that all road signs in Quebec must be written in French, despite the fact that most Quebecois speak English and that English is the dominant language of the rest of Canada. Commercial signs must also be in French. If a second language is used, the non-French lettering must be less than half the size of the French writing. The proponents of the law feel that the use of other languages on signs would "marginalize" the French language in Quebec. Further, they argue the law guarantees that immigrants will recognize the predominantly French character of the province. Finally, those in favor of the law believe that it will preserve French as Quebec’s official language.
Critics of the law say there is no evidence that the French language and culture has been "marginalized" by other cultures. Further, they argue that the law is a slight to immigrants.
The language laws were enacted to protect the minority status of French Quebecois in the face of the dominant English speaking culture of Canada, but that argument has recently been used against the French Quebecois. Montreal has welcomed Chinese immigrants for more than a century. These immigrants live close together in "Chinatown," where they continue to speak and write in their native language. Quebec’s language police forced Chinese businesses to replace their signs in 1997. The Chinese merchants of Chinatown requested the same status in Quebec that Quebec has asked Canada to give them. One merchant argued. "What is Chinatown without Chinese writing?"
The latest development comes from a commission on the status of French in Quebec, which concludes that the best way to protect the French language in Quebec is to make French the official language of citizenship in the province. Gerald Larose, chief of the Estates General on the Situation and the Future of the French Language in Quebec suggests a single agency replace the four organizations that currently operate as guardians of the French language in the province.
"An official citizenship has the immense advantage of eliminating all confusion in messages and to help all those who want to join us in forming a better idea of what Quebec is," Larose said.
Earlier in 2001, after a public forum on language in Quebec, Larose condemned the English media in Canada for what he called the "systematic demolition" of Quebec's language laws. Other speakers at the forum accused the English media of unfairly portraying Quebec's language laws as "xenophobic" and "fascist."
Then local hero Jacques Villeneuve arrives in Montreal in June for the Canadian Grand Prix. He calls a news conference to celebrate the opening of his new nightclub, which he has chosen to call "Newtown," the English translation of his surname and his nickname on the Formula One racing circuit.
This prompted a dozen formal complaints to the Office de la langue française, Quebec's language guardian. It also prompted Villeneuve, a Canadian who grew up mainly in Europe, to deliver a lecture to Quebecers angry about the name of his restaurant. "You have to see further than your nose," he told a news conference. "It's a big world. I grew up a lot of the time in Switzerland where people speak three or four languages and no one gets angry at each other."
After nearly 100 years of debate and language legislation – and despite the massive English presence around Quebec on the North American continent, the pervasive influence of English television and the burgeoning borderless use of the Internet – census figures show 81.9 per cent of Quebecers still speak French at home.
The first laws governing the use of French in Quebec were passed early in the 20th century. The first was the Lavergne Law, passed in 1910, which required that tickets for buses, trains and trams be printed in both French and English.
In 1937, Premier Maurice Duplessis passed a law requiring the French text of Quebec laws to prevail over the English, reasoning that the French would better reflect the intent of the law-makers. Anglophones in Quebec resented the law and it was repealed the following year.
In 1974, the Quebec Liberals passed Bill 22, which made French the province’s official language. It also restricted enrolment in English schools in Quebec. Three years later, the newly elected Parti Québécois, under the leadership of René Lévesque, introduced what it called the Charter of the French Language, or Bill 101 as it became known.
Within that bill was the declaration that French was to be the only language allowed on commercial signs in the province. With few exceptions, the use of English was banned.
Many retailers were upset by the new law. Morton Brownstein, owner of a Montreal shoe store, took his case all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada. In 1988, the court said that English could not be prohibited altogether, but that requiring the predominance of French on commercial signs was a reasonable limit on freedom of expression.
The public reaction in Quebec was swift and forceful. Confronted with the angry demonstrations of those defending Bill 101, then-Premier Robert Bourassa came up with a compromise. Invoking the "notwithstanding" clause to override the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Bourassa introduced Bill 178. It decreed that only French could be used on exterior signs while English would be allowed inside commercial establishments.
But in the provincial election of 1989, four members of the new English rights Equality Party were elected to the National Assembly. And in 1993, the United Nations Human Rights Committee ruled that Quebec's sign laws broke an international covenant on civil and political rights. “A State may choose one or more official languages,” the committee wrote, “but it may not exclude outside the spheres of public life, the freedom to express oneself in a certain language.”
Reacting to these events, Bourassa, in 1993, introduced Bill 86, which allowed English on outdoor commercial signs only if the French lettering was at least twice as large as the English.
Under the new law, Gwen Simpson and Wally Hoffman, owners of a small antique store near Montreal called "The Lyon and the Wallrus," faced a fine because the English and French on their sign were the same size. They contested the fine.
The Quebec court ruling in 1999 said the province can't continue to impose restrictions on the use of languages other than French on commercial signs unless it can prove the fragility of the French language in Quebec society. But the Quebec Superior Count overturned that decision in April 2000, citing Quebec’s unique geographical situation as an enclave of French speakers on an English-speaking continent.
The owners of "The Lyon and the Wallrus" (La lionne et le morse) are appealing the Superior Court decision.
The name of Jacques Villeneuve's new restaurant, "Newtown," is a registered trademark, like "Burger King," which means it is legal under the Quebec language laws. The same goes for "Second Cup," but this didn't stop three "Second Cup" outlets from being firebombed in the fall of 2000 by a fledgling terrorist group that calls itself the Brigade d'Autodéfense du Française (French Self-Defence Brigade.)
The Brigade claimed responsibility for the "Second Cup" attacks in Montreal's Plateau Mont Royal neighbourhood. Police suspect it is responsible for other firebombings, all in the name of what the Brigade has called "linguistic purity."
Larose of the Estates General on the Situation and the Future of the French Language in Quebec has warned that the survival of French in Quebec isn't guaranteed, no matter how many language laws have been passed.
"French is never a given. It is not irreversible," Larose said when his $2-million commission began hearings in November 2000. "There have been important advances in the last 25 years, but the context changes, and if we want to ensure that the progress made in those 25 years continues, we must adapt."
Since then, we have witnessed an incredible shift in the province, with nothing more than a reversal of power and linguistic balance. Whereas the language of business was once primarily English, it is now almost entirely French. Where Francophones once found it difficult to obtain services in their language, it is now nearly impossible to obtain services in English.
Presently, the Language Police are still in force operating with a three million dollar budget despite recent hospital closings. Businesses are leaving the province in search of freer grounds, and Anglophones are packing up in droves.
The Quebec government is celebrating the 20th anniversary of Bill 101, also known as the 20th anniversary of oppression.
The 35-year-old man and his wife worked seven days a week. They took turns babysitting their infant son in their tiny apartment across the street from the store. This was Mr. Khan's big opportunity. He had struggled since entering Canada years before, on welfare virtually all the time, until a friend living in the United States loaned him $65,000 to buy the store.
But Quebec's language police destroyed Mr. Khan's dream on Feb. 2. Acting on a cowardly, anonymous complaint, they sent him a letter which said he would be investigated because one of his customers said he was unable to be served in French properly.
If his French was found to be inadequate by investigators, then he would have to take courses or hire a francophone to look after French-speaking customers. Mr. Khan said he could not afford to do either. If he could not do either, said the letter, he would face enormous fines. The good news is that the article led to enormous publicity. The bad news is that a source says Mr. Khan and his wife became frightened.
The attention resulted in their receiving, by telephone, some death threats by unknown French language bigots.
"He sold the store because he was frightened," said the source. Now Mr. Khan's dream is dashed and his whereabouts are unknown.
English speaking people represent roughly 20% of Quebec's total population.
But they are constantly disenfranchised through government edict and are also unable to enjoy the benefit of the taxes they contribute. For instance, last summer Quebec launched a youth employment program designed to reduce the soaring unemployment among the younger generation. The idea was to give them opportunities, and skills, in the workplace.
Some 4,218 were hired, according to the latest figures. Less than 5% of the total, or 217, were English-speaking Quebecers. This is hardly surprising. For years, the government of Quebec has been nothing more than an unfair affirmative action program for francophones.
In March, Quebec Health Minister Pauline Marois maintained that federal aid should not be offered to help English-speaking Quebecers have access to health and social services in English. Her reason was that the Quebec government was meeting its obligations to the English-speaking community.
"I am very angry," Ms. Marois said in French to reporters. "We have completely respected the commitment we have to English-speaking Quebecers and to access in the English language to our entire health and social services network. We've revised all the access plans."
Rubbish.
Ms. Marois' government only revised the access plans after Alliance Quebec took the government to court to force it to do what the law requires every three years.
The case involved the Montreal Chinese Hospital and the Office de la langue francaise.
The Quebec Superior Court ruled that language officials went too far when they prevented the hospital from hiring nurses competent in a Chinese language.
This comes just two weeks after Quebec’s language police threatened to prosecute Pieros Karidogiannis for making mistakes when he speaks French to customers in his Park Avenue dry-cleaning shop. Diane Lemieux, the minister responsible for the language police was unable to justify their threats against Karidogiannis when Liberal MNA, Pierre-Étienne Laporte asked her whether this was discrimination during question period on May 1. Instead of answering the question the minister filibustered to the end of question period.
Rahman Saifur Pervez Khan, an immigrant from Bangladesh, sold his store and fled Quebec when faced with a similar threat of prosecution for imperfect French two years ago.
Tyler said, "Alliance Quebec will defend Yvonne Friedman vigorously if she is prosecuted for not speaking French well enough. Every Canadian should be ashamed that this is happening in their country no other democracy on the planet does this."
Every time the Quebec government starts talking about protecting the French language, small business owners get nervous. The province has a long history of using fears of assimilation as a club to impose onerous regulations on business owners - especially those who speak English as a first language.
Many are thus watching the province's latest public consultation on the state of the French language with trepidation. The "Larose Commission" - headed by former union boss and long time Parti Québécois supporter Gérald Larose - has a broad mandate. "Everything is on the table," said a commission spokesman. This could include a toughening of the province's language legislation Bill 101.
Quebec premier Lucien Bouchard set up the commission as a way to calm hard-liners at the Parti Québécois convention earlier this year. But these commissions often take on a life of their own and the estates general - which will file its report next spring, begins its work mired in credibility problems.
"I don't think that this is a genuine exercise," says Brent Tyler, a Montreal lawyer who has taken the Quebec government to court on a variety of rights violations caused by over-zealous legislation. "Just the choice of (the commission's) chairman, and the composition of its members should tell you where it is heading."
Almost all of the commissioners either work in government or the public sector. Those from the private sector work in businesses that rely heavily on either government contracts or subsidies. Commissioners were vetted as reliable by Parti Québécois hacks, and none are line managers from the aerospace, pharmaceutical or other high technology industries.
It is thus likely that the commission will ignore the needs of businesses, particularly those in the new economy. In fact those who follow Quebec's political scene can almost write the commission's report beforehand. It will likely conclude that the French language is threatened and that tougher legislation is needed to stem its decline.
But language legislation has been a disaster to the province's fortunes. With fabulous geographic advantages and a huge endowment in natural resources, Quebec is a chronic under-performer. Per capita GDP is far lower than the Canadian average making the province a big recipient of regional transfer payments.
Much of this is due to a massive brain drain sapping the Quebec economy. According to Matthew Stevenson, an analyst for William M. Mercer, Quebec's net loss of residents to the rest of the country since 1963 has been more than 600,000 people. The vast majority of these have been anglophones, and most had education levels significantly above the provincial average. Stevenson concludes in a recent essay in Policy Options that the province loses as many citizens to the rest of Canada, as Canada as a whole loses in permanent migrants to the United States.
Much of this has to do with the province's language legislation, which by imposing stifling regulations on corporate communications, signage and who companies may hire, has made it impossible for businesses to operate in English.
Companies with more than 49 employees must obtain a francization certificate which can often result in considerable administrative and compliance costs. Ironically this provision often affects smaller businesses more than their larger cousins. For big investors with money to spend on lawyers and lobbyists, the province is often willing to grant exemptions from its francization requirements.
Bill 101 also restricts the use of English on signage. Inspectors from the Office de la Langue Francaise - the language police - comb the streets of Montreal looking for violations. There is an elaborate complaints system set up that encourages snitches to inform on their neighbors and employers anonymously. In short, the business climate is not nearly what is could be, especially for those operating in the new economy where English is a must.
Talk about toughening Bill 101 inevitably leads to suggestions that the government francization program be extended from businesses with more than 49 employees to encompass those with between 10 and 49 employees. This would be a big mistake. Such a measure would only add a new layer of bureaucracy and compliance headaches to one of the province's most productive sectors.
Quebec government backers talk about a language consensus but this is a pipe dream. It's like five farmers in a room with a chicken tying to decide what's for lunch. Just because the farmers give the chicken a vote before eating him, you can't call it a consensus. Similarly Quebec's anglophones massively oppose the legislation, but their opposition is ignored.
The real problem affecting the language is poor French instruction in Quebec schools. This has caused a drastic deterioration in language quality, to the point that the Quebec dialect is often incomprehensible to international French speakers. This quality deterioration has made Quebec French a far less attractive and useful language.
If the Quebec government wants to improve the quality of French, they should confront the militant teacher's unions and the education department bureaucrats who condone this incompetence, and they should keep the language police out of small business.
Then there are the English and Irish communities, both the most reduced and the most present. Together they made up about 40 percent of the city's population a century and a half ago. But steamships took business up-river to Montreal, two world wars devastated the regiments that English Quebecers joined, the provincial bureaucracy was ethnically scrubbed. Now English speakers make up less than 2 percent of the greater Quebec City population, an older-than-average 2 percent, hunkered down in their diminishing strongholds of Sillery, Shannon, or out on Ile d'Orléans.
The older ones meet at church and perhaps the Garrison Club, reminiscing about days gone by, grousing about how everything has turned out. The young anglos that remain are more proactive: they're busy planning their escape, says Lorraine O'Donnell, who was hired by the feds to do a survey of Quebec City's English. Their families may have been in Quebec City for generations, but "they don't feel at home here," she says. "There isn't a lot of room here for difference. It's a white, francophone, pur laine town," she says, "and people here like it that way."
I felt then, and I feel now, that for English speakers who make the effort to acquire a functional level of the local lingo, Quebec City can be an absolute paradise, offering an easily accessible range of cultural, recreational, historical, and commercial attractions unrivaled in the country.
The place isn't too hard on the eyes either.
So imagine the surprise of your average QC "bloke" as he or she picks up the March edition of Saturday Night magazine to discover they are living in the Quebec equivalent of the Deep South where the white folks run the coloureds and Jews out of town.
At least that is the impression left in the article titled "Colder and Whiter: In Vieux Quebec, ethnic cleansing occurs by attrition," by Daniel Sanger, who spent a couple apparently unbearable years in Selma North a few years back, and a couple distasteful hours in the city more recently, "researching" his essay.
Without giving further publicity to the author, who may face a press council complaint from a somewhat defensive nationalist body, a few qualifications might be offered to Sanger's theory of incremental homogenization in Quebec City.
Subject: [CDN-ULSTER-SCOTS] Ethnic Cleansing in Quebec Date: Mon, 9 Jun 2003 11:05:48 -0600 A couple of stories appeared recently in regards to the general harassment and discrimination aimed at the Anglo's in Quebec. This should be of special interest to those who have Ulster ancestors that settled in Pontiac County. The area around Shawville was especially settled by Irish protestants who are still very much aware of their heritage. One of the oldest Orange lodges in Canada is in Shawville and the community still celebrate the Twelfth of July every year. This state enforced harassment is nothing short of ethnic cleansing albeit in a subtle way. It is a "Be like us, or else..." approach.
http://cnews.canoe.ca/CNEWS/Canada/Canadiana/2003/04/13/63910.html
and also the article published in the May, 2003 edition of the Citizens Centre Report magazine "Why the English Fled Quebec - The Untold Story"
In 1982, the young couple fled to Edmonton. "No one in the rest of Canada seems to understand what really caused the ethnic cleansing of the English in Quebec," Mr. McCullough says ruefully. "People here think the Quebec language law is about signs being in French, not English. That's a joke. Do Canadians really think that several hundred thousand people left their native province over signs? There's been no real communication of the French tactics."
No statistics are available on the demand for English education among those francophones. But anecdotal evidence suggests it is significant. For instance, English-language summer camps in Quebec have long waiting lists of francophone kids hoping to attend. Another straw in the wind: the francophone former captain of the Montreal-Canadiens, Guy Carbonneau, quit his job as assistant coach of the hockey team last May over English. When the provincial government denied his 14-yearold daughter Kristina access to English schooling, he left for Dallas. Mr. Carbonneau commented at the time, "There's no question that getting my daughter back into an English program influenced at least part of my decision."
Canadian Alliance MP Scott Reid is the author of Lament for a Notion: The Life and Death of Canada's Bilingual Dream, published in 1993. He sees a misguided attempt at preserving national unity as the common thread to all of Ottawa's activities. Within Quebec, national unity implies the avoidance of inflaming French feeling by pushing English-language rights. Outside Quebec, Ottawa's concept of national unity means expanding the use of French. Unfortunately, Mr. Reid says, this contradictory program "has created larger and larger problems."
He points specifically to the federal government's hiring policy. An ever-increasing number of posts are declared "bilingual imperative," he says. "In other words, you have to speak both languages to be hired." Of the 56,000 jobs (out of 148,000 in the federal civil service) declared bilingual imperative, Mr. Reid says, "A substantial proportion have no job-related requirement to speak another language." The big problem with demanding unnecessary language skills, in his opinion, is the inevitable denial of employment opportunities to unilingual people, both French and English.
"If one must speak both languages to even apply, 24 million Canadians would be excluded from applying for federal jobs," Mr. Reid says. Fifty-seven percent of francophones and 91% of anglophones are not bilingual. Outside of Quebec, the tiny percentage of French-speaking people makes it extremely difficult for anglophones to acquire true fluency in French without virtually dedicating their lives to the effort. "The majority of people in Ottawa aren't even bilingual," the Alliance MP points out. "It [bilingual-imperative hiring] is the most exclusionary policy imaginable."
Annual surveys by the Environics polling company over the last decade do not support the minister's claim that Canadians outside of Quebec want more bilingualism. Its surveys show that opposition to "bilingualism for all of Canada" has consistently been 52% or greater among English-speaking Canadians.
A recent study by Jack Jedwab, a Canadian studies professor at McGill University in Montreal, shows that anglophone Canadians have little need of the second official language. "Knowledge of French amongst Canada's non-francophone population is not considerably greater than the degree of English-Spanish bilingualism amongst the non-Hispanic population in the United States," Prof. Jedwab notes.
Becoming truly fluent in any language involves absorbing a new grammar and pronunciation along with a written vocabulary of at least 20,000 words. It is a daunting task. Ted Morton, a political science professor and constitutional specialist at the University of Calgary, says most Canadians lack any reason to invest that much effort in the French tongue. "In fact, its more advantageous to learn Spanish, Japanese or Chinese," he comments. "French, in terms of the global economy, is not the most important language. It's, at most, sixth on the list."
The federal government made a major mistake in the 1970s, Prof. Morton believes. "Former prime minister [Pierre] Trudeau foisted on us a federal model of bilingualism. But it was not enforced in Quebec, while the preservation of French outside Quebec was pursued aggressively with federal dollars. There was, and is, a double standard," he says.
Despite the debate over language education, the diplomat says Switzerland's unity remains unthreatened, largely thanks to a policy which Canada has failed to apply. "The separatist tendency is not there. We have avoided this through the application of one principle: territoriality. Each of the 26 cantons in the federation, some with populations as small as 10,000 people, has its own constitution and decides what its official language will be."
Even Swiss federal institutions avoid language tensions by operating on the territorial model, says Mr. Vavricka. "Our armed forces are a militia. They are localized and operate in the language of their canton. Professional soldiers operate in the language of their choice, but are able to communicate with other regions because they have learned at least two official languages in school. [In the federal parliament], a deputy can talk in his own language, but there is no translation."
Francesca Barron, manager of a Napierville pet shop, had reported last year that she was chastised by a client, because her polly didn't wanna parlez-vous. Barron said she started getting visits from official-looking individuals, who warned that her unilingual pet parrot could land her in the birdhouse. Nevertheless, the Office de la Langue Française said no complaint had ever been filed against Peek-a-Boo. Still, Barron, who is of French and English origins, wasn't taking any chances. She tried to give Peek-a-Boo a crash course in French, but failed.
It turned out that the Napierville flap was not an isolated incident. The manager of a pet shop in Notre Dame de Grâce had reported that the store's big-mouthed macaw had landed her in hot water on occasion, as well. The macaw's inability to speak French drew complaints from customers despite protestations from the manager that the macaw didn't converse in English really well, either. Francophone employees at the pet shop had unsuccessfully tried to teach the macaw and the store's resident cockatiels workable French.
A local parrot-breeder came to the rescue of the soon-to-be-endangered species by explaining that the birds weren't racist they simply mimicked what they heard at the pet shop or home.
Case closed? Hardly. News of Peek-a-Boo's linguistic flaws flew around the world. Electronic and print media called from Australia, Germany, Britain and U.S. to get the poop on Peek-a-boo. No story this scribe had written in 20 years drew as much response both here and abroad not even his trenchant analysis of the oeuvres of the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles.
This polarization of the communities in Quebec is sad and distressing on one level. But it is, I tried to relate, to laugh on another. Frankly, it would have all made terrific fodder for an Ionesco play.
Harvey was still unconvinced. I tried to reassure her that most anglos don't really equate life in Quebec to that of a Nazi death camp, that anglos and francophones alike are damned fortunate not to be living in the climate of fear and chaos that encompasses much of the world.
Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Stéphane Dion is again saying that the City of Ottawa should be officially bilingual. This comes a year after the new City of Ottawa Council came up with its own bilingualism policy that provides French services where there is a demand. At that time, Mr. Dion pushed for the Ontario government to force the city to be officially bilingual, and it refused, saying it would leave city services to elected city councillors.
Perhaps it's understandable that the federal government would latch onto the language issue as a key one for Canada, built upon the agreement of the founding English and French peoples. But it's such policies as rigid "official bilingualism" that helped create the national dread of "Ottawa." In the case of the City of Ottawa, we've got a policy where top city managers must learn French by 2009 and the total number of required bilingual jobs is about 1,000. People are not complaining about this policy, yet here is a federal minister cherishing the idea that the city will reach some pinnacle of governance with official bilingualism.
How would this happen: By wasting millions of dollars on unused language training? Mr. Dion would be wise to listen to the advice of our Liberal Ottawa mayor, Bob Chiarelli, and leave the city's bilingualism policy alone because it's working fine.
The federal government's renewed push for bilingualism has Official Languages Commissioner Dyane Adam suggesting that bilingualism should simply be part of the job qualification for people wanting to work in the public service, just another education requirement. As it is now, federal employees are often hired for jobs, then given language training. Those who do become bilingual get an $800 bilingual bonus that she proposes to end.
But this, too, is a sweeping language initiative that will invite contempt. There are scientists with PhDs who struggle with French or English. Are we saying that their contributions to national research projects aren't wanted by the federal government? Do we want to say to provinces such as Alberta and British Columbia -- where French education is less prevalent -- that young people need not apply for federal government jobs? As Mr. Dion himself noted in a speech in June, the hiring of francophones to bring the use of French into the public service has reached 31 per cent of the public service, higher than the 25 per cent of the population that is francophone. We don't need more ironclad rules that discourage entire provincial populations from seeking federal employment.
Running any government, whether it's the federal government or a city government, is a complex business with needs for all kinds of skills. Nycole Turmel, president of the Public Service Alliance, notes that federal employees on the west coast, for instance, may be especially valuable because they speak Chinese or Japanese.
Even in the national capital region, where 63 per cent of federal workers are in bilingual jobs, there are many government jobs currently posted with the Public Service Commission -- chemist, nurse, computer expert, scientist, land surveyor -- where language is just one of many that a sensible employer would be seeking.
Sensible flexibility, rather than sweeping new bilingualism edicts, is in order.
The reasons are obvious. Those with one language naturally stumble over the other in any bilingual rendering. But more significantly, a great many of us simply do not know the exact words -- even if we can easily sing The Star Spangled Banner without the aid of a karaoke machine.
But even this harbours the risk that an overly broad patent for something as generalized as a business model or a document structure could be obtained. In fact, Web page patents are already being claimed. The Government of Canada's Federal Identity Program (FIP), in conjunction with the Common Look and Feel (CLF), defines what government of Canada sites are intended to look like, and how they are to navigate. The document defining these conventions is a good, generalized introduction to structured page design and simple, navigable interfaces -- it's freely available and well worth a look. However, U.S. Patent 5,933,841 claims to cover just this sort of "Structured Document Browser." While it's unlikely that this, or any other patent could forbid Canadian web page designers from creating pages with a similar look and feel, it's a potential caveat to be aware of.
Web page patents? The Government of Canada's Federal Identity Program (FIP), in conjunction with the Common Look and Feel (CLF), defines what government of Canada sites are intended to look like, and how they are to navigate. The document defining these conventions is a good, generalized introduction to structured page design and simple, navigable interfaces -- it's worth a look. Note, however, that U.S. Patent 5,933,841 claims to cover this sort of "Stuctured Document Browser." While it's unlikely that this, or any other patent could forbid Canadian web page designers from creating pages with a similar look and feel, it's a potential caveat to be aware of.
Granting patents promotes ingenuity and inventiveness by providing protection to the inventor for a limited time. This enables the inventor to profit from his or her hard work in return for disclosing the invention to the public through the Canadian Patent Office. Details regarding the invention are made public 18 months after the owner files the patent.
It is important to note that the Canadian patent system uses a "first to file" rule. Only the first person to file a patent will be granted the patent, and thus, the exclusive rights which the patent confers. This is regardless of whether or not another person may have independently invented the same thing earlier - called the "first to invent" rule.
Citation/References: Section 2 of the Patent Act .
"And he causeth all, both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right hand, or in their foreheads: And that no man might buy or sell, save he that had the mark, or the name of the beast, or the number of his name" Revelation 13:16-17.
Gravel suppliers rejoice.
It took the Supreme Court of the land to put hunger back on the front pages of the Indian press in early May this year. Which is surprising. Who'd have thought any publication needs to be told that hunger is still a story in this country and the rest of South Asia?
India, Pakistan and Bangladesh have all declared food surpluses in the past two or three years. Between them, the neighbours have a surplus of 50 million tonnes of food - but they are home to half the world's hungry. Unemployment and hunger have increased in the same decade that registered the surpluses.
Yet few in the media thought the paradox worth pursuing. India, with 45 millions tonnes of unsold excess stock of grain, was bursting with stories waiting to be told. Most of them are still waiting. From the mid-1990s, evidence of farmers committing suicide in large numbers began to pour in from several states, particularly Andhra Pradesh in the south. In 1996-97, for example, over 400 farmers in a handful of districts in Andhra Pradesh killed themselves, mainly because they were too burdened by debt and unable to feed their families. A few stray reports acknowledged this, but no national newspaper actually put it on the front page. Recent government figures show that in Anantapur, just one district of Andhra, 1,826 people, mainly farmers with very small holdings of two acres or less, committed suicide between 1997 and 2000. Again, the media has chosen to look the other way, allowing the authorities to manipulate records of what caused the deaths.
By the end of 2000, it was clear India was facing its most serious agricultural crisis in over two decades. Not a single national newspaper assigned a full-time correspondent to report on this crucial development. Never mind that hundreds of millions in India still depend on agriculture for a living.
Finally, the Peoples' Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) of Rajasthan state resorted to a public interest litigation in the Supreme Court of India on the issue of hunger, drawing attention to the paradox of bursting granaries and empty stomachs. In early May, the Court served notices to six state governments, directing them to explain why things were going so wrong.That, finally, made it to the front pages. But nobody wrote about the crisis, or went into the field to talk to the poor about their misery. They concentrated only on the fact that the court had asked the states to explain themselves.
Glaring contradictions
Over the last decade, the Indian press has been obsessed with the most trivial topics. Journalists are more interested in telling the world that India’s burgeoning new middle class finally has access to McDonald’s burgers and the latest international designer labels. Or writing about the proliferation of weight-loss clinics and beauty contests. These are the topics that generate advertising revenue, not unpleasant stories about starvation deaths and the lack of clean drinking water, even in the heart of large cities. India’s contradictions are well-reflected in the press. On the one hand, you have overweight urbanites paying thousands of rupees to shed weight at clinics, while on the other, thousands starve to death. The media got the first story. They missed the second.
Examples of the short-sightedness that afflicts much of South Asian journalism abound. Dozens of cover stories appeared on the automobile revolution, as India liberalized the automobile industry in 1991. More and more rich people bought cars to add to those they already owned. In 1998, there were still just five million registered vehicles in a nation of one billion. The real stories, on growing pollution and the lack of mass rapid transit systems which India direly needs to transport those who will never be able to afford cars, were rarely told. And there were no stories about the fact that bicycle sales, a reliable indicator of rural well-being, fell sharply.
There are occasional bleeding-heart stories on the sorrows of the poor, but the newspapers fail to make the connection between poverty and the policies driving it - what I call "market fundamentalism" and its attendant structural adjustment programmes.
Why is there such a lack of interest in crucial issues like poverty? What accounts for the disconnection between mass media and mass reality, and why do the largest sections of the Indian press fail to cover the most important stories?
The grip of press barons
The 1990s have witnessed the decline of the press as a public forum. This can be attributed largely to the relentless corporate takeover of the Indian press and the concentration of ownership in a few hands. Around seven major companies account for the bulk of circulation in the powerful English language press. In the giant city of Bombay, with over 14 million people, The Times of India has a stranglehold on the English readership. It also dominates the Hindi and Marathi language press.
The Times is clear and unequivocal in its priorities. Beauty contests make the front page. Farmers’ suicides don’t. Sometimes reality forces changes, but this is the exception, not the rule. Most other large Indian newspapers are eagerly following The Times’ philosophy, inspired by the press baron Rupert Murdoch: a newspaper is a business like any other, not a public forum. Monopoly ownership has imposed a set of values entirely at odds with the traditional role of the Indian press.
An illustrious record
Historically, the press in India has been very strong at covering the issues it today tends to ignore. Indian journalism was a child of the nation’s freedom struggle. Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and a host of other freedom fighters doubled up as journalists and publishers, bringing out their own newspapers. These and many others plied a radical journalism that constantly put the British Raj on the defensive. The journalists of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s may have been very ill-equipped, and some would call them pamphleteers. Yet, from within a very narrow press, they reflected much wider concerns than journalists do today.
Now, with rare exceptions, the greatest Indian papers are run increasingly on corporate lines. Profits and advertising do not rhyme with socially-relevant news. This is reflected in the "beats" (or portfolios) of journalists within newspapers. The Indian press covers far more than the basic politics, sports and commerce stories it concentrated on a decade ago. We now have full-time correspondents for fashion, glamour, design, even eating out! One non-financial daily has 11 correspondents covering business in a society where less than two percent of the population have investments of any kind. Beats related to covering the lives of ordinary people, however, are vanishing at a rapid rate. Correspondents covering education are often loaded with several other unrelated beats because education is not considered a weighty enough topic. And no paper has a full-time poverty, unemployment, or housing correspondent.
Not surprisingly, the media has proved increasingly inept at covering development issues. The more elitist it gets, the less it will be able to achieve this. The equation is simple: the more corporate a newspaper becomes in its ownership and culture, the less space there is for public interest in it.
This is explained cogently in Ben Bagdikian’s book, The Media Monopoly, which shows the incredible power of media conglomerates across the globe. A handful of them, like Rupert Murdoch’s Newscorp and AOL-Time Warner decide much of what most nations see, hear or read.
When the media is driven by no higher cause than maximization of profit, it can seldom serve the public interest. When corralled by corporate interest, journalism gets devastated. And in the world order of market fundamentalism, the suggestion that anything could be fundamentally wrong with neo-liberal economics, with globalization or privatization, is heresy. If Gandhi were alive today, he would be quickly denounced as a dangerous left-wing loony.
The 1990s have witnessed a rapid growth of inequality the world over, as successive UN Human Development Reports have shown us. This may occasionally be reported in the press. But questioning the social and economic philosophies and frameworks that generate this inequality is just not done.
Signalling society’s weakness
Yet, even allowing for the limits imposed by corporatization, the Indian press can do much more.
Journalists must place people and their needs at the centre of stories, and accord better coverage to the rural political process. They should discuss political action and class conflict, not the politicking. Quite a few good journalists hold back from this territory, fearing, perhaps justifiably, being branded as "political" (read leftist). Yet, evading reality (the largest number of absolute poor live in India) helps no one. A society that does not know itself cannot cope.
More stories on the rights and entitlements of the poor could help. The press can and does make a difference when it functions. Governments do react and respond to the press, if the press tries hard enough to be heard. Take the example of the stories on starvation deaths in Kalahandi, Bihar, in the 1980s, which forced two prime ministers to visit the place.
Decades ago, commenting on the dismal role of the American press in a miscarriage of justice, an attorney in the United States said they failed "to signal the weakness in society." That remains a fine definition of the minimum duty of a decent press: to signal the weaknesses in society. It is a duty the Indian press increasingly fails to perform, but must try to. At least there are some journalists who believe they should, and they must push harder to signal these weaknesses. Only then can we hope for meaningful development.
Immanuel Kant was a real pissant who was very rarely stable. Heidegger, Heidegger was a boozy beggar who could think you under the table. David Hume could out-consume Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, (Other versions: "Shoppenhauer and Hegel") And Wittgenstein was a beery swine who was just as sloshed as Schlegel. There's nothing Nietzsche couldn't teach ya 'bout the raisin' of the wrist. Socrates himself was permanently pissed. John Stewart Mill, of his own free will, after half a pint of shandy was particularly ill. Plato, they say, could stick it away, 'alf a crate of whiskey every day! Aristotle, Aristotle was a bugger for the bottle, and Hobbes was fond of his Dram. And Rene Descartes was a drunken fart: "I drink, therefore I am." Yes, Socrates himself is particularly missed; A lovely little thinker, but a bugger when he's pissed.
What do you do when your falling, You've got 30 degrees and you're stalling out? And it's 24 miles to your beacon; There's a crack in the sky and the warning's out. Don't take that dive again! Push through that band of rain! Five miles out, Just hold your heading true. Got to get your finest out. You're Number 1, anticipating you. Climbing out. Just hold your heading true. Got to get your finest out. You're Number 1, anticipating you. Mayday! Mayday! Mayday! Calling all stations! This is Golf-Mike-Oscar-Victor-Juliet IMC CU.NIMB...icing, In great difficulty, over. The traffic controller is calling, "Victor-Juliet, your identity. I have you lost in the violent storm! Communicate or squawk 'Emergency'!" Don't take that dive again! Push through that band of rain! Lost in static, 18, And the storm is closing in now. Automatic, 18! (Got to push through!) Trapped in living hell! Your a prisoner of the dark sky, The propeller blades are still! And the evil eye of the hurricane's Coming in now for the kill. Our hope's with you, Rider in the blue. Welcome's waiting, we're anticipating You'll be celebrating, when you're down and braking. Climbing out. (Climbing, climbing) Five miles out. (Climbing, climbing) Five miles out, Just hold your heading true. Got to get your finest out.... (Climbing, climbing) Five miles out, Just hold your heading true. Got to get your finest out.... (Climbing, climbing) Climbing out. Just hold your heading true. Got to get your finest out.... (Climbing, climbing) Five miles out, Just hold your heading true. Got to get your finest out.... (Climbing, climbing) Climbing out. Just hold your heading true. Got to get your finest out.... (Climbing, climbing) Climbing out. Just hold your heading true. Got to get your finest out....
HEDGEHOPPERS ANONYMOUS - Song (only one!): It's Good News Week (1965) -Some of us in the States remember this as a good-natured protest song, with an infectiously cheery Gerry-Marsden-like vocal warbling about "Someone's dropping bombs somewhere/Contaminating atmosphere/And blackening the sky...". But Hedgehoppers Anonymous were really five boys on active duty in the Royal Air Force, masterminded by mid-sixties pop mini-mogul Jonathan King (who sang "Everyone's Gone to the Moon"). The lads, originally The Trendsetters, were spotted by King at the Bedford R.A.F. and reformed as the Hedgehoppers (an obscure air force slang), with King's amendment to their name in the form of "Anonymous." At one point, in fact, it was assumed that they were just Jonathan King in funny suits. King wrote this one hit, and it enjoyed a few weeks on the charts before the group collapsed into obscurity.
Today, animal welfare groups voiced concern after the incident.
Motorists who witnessed the drama on the A55 dual carriageway have also criticised the police for going over the top.
But officers in north Wales insist that using the stun gun was justified to prevent the ram - since named 'Sparky ' by local residents - 'causing major disruption and possible danger to motorists'.
Motorist Mark Faulkes, 47, of Flint, said his 13-year-old daughter Amy was 'very distressed' when she witnessed the sheep being stunned on the A55 near Bodelwyddan.
He said: 'We came across a traffic jam and we saw there was a sheep in the road.
'Everyone had stopped their cars and a few people had got out and were trying to herd the sheep away from the carriageway.
'The police then arrived and they went towards the sheep but it moved away from them.
'Then one of the officers got out his Taser gun and fired it at the sheep. Then he carried it to the side of the carriageway.
'Amy was very distressed. I don't know if the sheep was alright. When we left, it was lying by the side of the road, shaking.
'I thought it was excessive to use a Taser on a defenceless sheep.
'It could have been directed away from the road without using such force and they didn't even try to herd it.'
Sheila Stewart, the owner of an animal rescue centre in nearby Padeswood said: 'I think the use of a stun gun is excessive.
'It is not difficult to herd a sheep to the side of the road or through a gateway back into a field.
'There is no need to use such excessive force on an animal.'
A RSPCA spokesman said that they would investigate the incident, which took place last Wednesday.
Tony McNulty, the Home Office minister who eased restrictions on the use of stun guns last year, said they could be used 'where officers are facing violence or threats of violence of such severity that they would need to use force to protect the public, themselves and or the subjects of their action'.
Richard Brunstrom, the chief constable of North Wales Police, previously said in an online blog that the stun gun would provide 'better and quicker protection to ordinary patrol officers in remote locations, faced with dangerous or violent people'.
A spokeswoman for North Wales Police claimed that Sparky was unhurt after his ordeal.
She said: 'We received numerous calls reporting a loose ram crossing over both carriageways of the A55 at St Asaph, causing major disruption and possible danger to motorists.
'Officers attended and to ensure the safety of the motorists, a decision was made to utilise the Taser.
'This was successfully done and the ram was then returned to its owner uninjured.
'The ram later returned to the farmer's field.'
Dr. Grover, a research scientist with the National Research Council of Canada, filed a discrimination complaint against the NRC in 1990. He complained that he had experienced setbacks in his workplace, including being denied research funds, summer student assistance, conference participation, and promotion. The tribunal found that two people in management had discriminated against him because of his race and colour. The tribunal ordered the NRC to apologize and to pay Dr. Grover for the wages lost because of discrimination and the impact on his career. It also the ordered the NRC to promote him at the earliest possible opportunity.
The chassepot was replaced in 1874 by the Gras rifle, which had a metal cartridge, and all rifles of the older model remaining in store were converted to take the same ammunition (fusil modèle 1866/74).
The above adaptation of the last two lines of Hilaire Bellocs’ poem ’The Maxim Gun’ sums up the attitude of many of the Danish soldiers who had occasion to be trained in the use of the ’Eightyniner’ during the period 1890 until 1945, which was the period of service for this interesting and not that well known rifle. In common with most nations, recruits are told their rifle is ’The Best’, and not informed of what the opposition is using.
The majority of the military firearms of the period were based on that basic bolt action which could be traced back to the Dreyse and Chassepot. These two rifles, made by Prussia and France respectively, used breech loading paper cartridges . Denmark had two wars with The Germans in the 19th century, one in 1848 and another in 1864. The Danes used muzzle loaders in both conflicts. They also ascribed their defeat to this technical small arms gap. Their solution was the adoption of the Remington Rolling block rifle in 1867.
Probably not a bad idea! For that reason, a cut-off was fitted which would keep your magazine in reserve while you loaded and fired singly. If an emergency came up permission might be given to shoot ’from the magazine’. The 89 was no different. It had a five round box magazine whose cover hinged forward rather than down as was the case with the Norwegian and American versions. It had a magazine cut-off and it was always intended that the rifle be fired as a single loader. It was very rare to be given permission to fire ’from the magazine’
Who rules where
1 Ladbroke Grove
Battle ground for a variety of Jamaican and black British drug gangs, none of which has overall control.
2 Harlesden
Mainly Jamaican-born Lock City Crew see themselves as the real Yardies, while Much Love Crew are mostly local. Three deaths and 45 other attempted murders or non-fatal shootings here in the first half of 2003.
3 Southall
Home turf for Asian gangs with such names as Holy Smokes and Tooti Nung, and up-and-coming rivals the Bhatts and Kanaks.
4 Camden
Asian gang the Drummond Street Boys are smaller than their rivals but keen to expand.
5 Soho and Chinatown
Chinese triads run gambling, drugs, extortion and people trafficking. Police identify the main gangs as 14K and Wo Shing Wo but they are challenged by the Snakeheads, mainly from the Fujian province, who operate networks bringing illegal immigrants into Britain.
6 King's Cross
Albanian gangs traffic girls to feed prostitution rings in all seedy British city sex districts and are running an increasing number of saunas. The Metropolitan police estimates they control up to 80 per cent of off-street prostitution in London as well as smuggling immigrants from the Balkans. Well-armed, they are challenging the Turks for control of heroin supplies.
7 Islington
White working-class gang the A-Team still holds sway in this part of inner-city north London despite intense police operations over the past 13 years.
8 Finsbury Park
Turkish gangs here and in Green Lanes run heroin despite armed police raids earlier this year and arrests in one of three main families. Politicised Kurdish gangs also run drugs through network of clubs like the Turks, and with them control 70 per cent of the 30 tons of heroin imported into Britain every year.
9 Tottenham
Two major black gangs: the Spanglers and the Fireblades, who take their name from the Honda Fireblade motorbikes ridden by gang members.
10 Brick Lane
Bangladeshi and other Asian gangs proliferating here could widen their power base beyond local drug sales and petty crime. Second-generation teenagers give themselves such names as the Brick Lane Massive and the Stepney Posse. Lesser groups include the Bengal Tigers, Cannon Street Posse, the Shadwell Crew and the East Boys of Bethnal Green.
11 Hackney
Black gangs Kingsland Crew battle the Hackney Posse for dominance.
12 Bow and Canning Town
The Hunts, a white, working-class crime family, have gained ascendancy in drugs, extortion and, relatively recently, theft of upmarket cars, and they have also moved into parts of Soho.
13 Bermondsey and Rotherhithe
Traditional base for largely white crime gangs with big interests in drugs. The Brindle family and Arifs have fought turf wars here for a decade.
14 Lewisham
Ghetto Boys are arch rivals to the neighbouring Peckham Boys and the Younger Peckham Boys, all black gangs. Most members of the competing African Crew have now been jailed.
15 Brixton
Of the 200 or so hardcore Yardies based in the borough of Lambeth, some of them are members of Firehouse Posse or Brixton's Cartel Crew.
MPs voted 183 to 148 to endorse Mr Zapatero, 43, who has shaken the world with his commitment to withdraw troops from Iraq unless the UN takes charge before 30 June.
The Socialist leader broke into a broad smile as MPs applauded after the result was announced. The vote concluded a marathon two-day debate in which leaders of each parliamentary party commented on Mr Zapatero's plans for his government.
Replying to each one, he outlined his policies in tones of conciliation and dialogue unheard in Spanish public life for eight years. "I'm convinced that the best for Spaniards is yet to come. Let's begin," he told MPs before voting began.
The new Prime Minister went on to repeat his stance on Iraq, saying that both the war and the occupation were illegal as they lacked a UN mandate. "If the United Nations does not take over political control and the military command of that country, Spanish troops will come back to us. I have set a deadline of 30 June," he said.
Pressed to clarify his position by Mariano Rajoy, the opposition Popular Party leader, Mr Zapatero responded with a rare note of steel: "You ask what we will do on Iraq? We will remove Spain from an illegal and unjust war."
To the delight of his backbenchers, he continued: "Do you think we lack votes in this chamber or among the people? No. You are the ones who lacked votes for keeping Spain in the Azores photo."
That photograph, of the outgoing prime minister Jose Maria Aznar with President George Bush and Tony Blair, symbolised what Mr Aznar considered his crowning achievement of putting Spain on the international map. But the image prompted the biggest anti-war movement the country has ever known, and created the momentum that swept Mr Aznar from power.
Mr Zapatero's replies to Catalan, Basque and other regional parties revealed just how dramatic is the change of political style and direction of his new government. In a clear rejection of the conservatives' high Catholicism, Mr Zapatero promised a secular education system, prompt legislation against domestic violence ("a national disgrace") and backed gay rights, including homosexual marriage.
He announced a drive to mend fences with Europe, and promised every effort to ensure the completion of a new EU constitution by the end of June. His opposition to Basque claims for independence were again clearly stated, but, in contrast to his predecessors, he promised dialogue and respect for the region's autonomous parliament.
The new leader also promised to scrap a controversial €42bn (£28bn) plan to divert the Ebro River, a proposal that had sparked mass demonstrations in Catalonia and Aragon almost as fierce as those against the war. "The government will replace [it] with more efficient, cheaper and less controversial projects," he said.
photos at:
http://boston.indymedia.org/newswire/display/21845/index.php
Joe Previtera, a twenty one year old student at Boston College, was arrested Wednesday and charged with felonies after dressing as a hooded Iraqi prisoner in front of a military recruitment center on Tremont St. in downtown Boston. In his arraignment today a Suffolk County District Attorney suggested that Mr. Previtera's bail be set at $10,000. However, a National Lawyers Guild attorney and Mr. Previtera's mother, also an attorney, persuaded the judge to free Previtera on personal recognizance.
Previtera faces misdemeanor charges of disturbing the peace and felony charges of making a false bomb threat and using a hoax device. The charges apparently reflect the District Attorney's concern that Mr. Previtera might have been mistaken for a terrorist. Witnesses say that passersby seemed unconcerned by Mr. Previtera's actions.
After his release today, Previtera said his arrest took him completely by surprise. "I did this hoping that the image of an abused Iraqi prisoner might make people think twice about joining the military ... both for their own safety and because of the abuses they might be asked to committ. Is it reasonable that I face greater punishment for my free speech than do the soldiers who actually committ abuses? Well, this is post-911 America, isn't it?"
The war is a fraud. I'm not talking about the weapons of mass destruction that didn't exist. Nor the links between Saddam Hussein and al-Qa'ida which didn't exist. Nor all the other lies upon which we went to war. I'm talking about the new lies.
For just as, before the war, our governments warned us of threats that did not exist, now they hide from us the threats that do exist. Much of Iraq has fallen outside the control of America's puppet government in Baghdad but we are not told. Hundreds of attacks are made against US troops every month. But unless an American dies, we are not told. This month's death toll of Iraqis in Baghdad alone has now reached 700 - the worst month since the invasion ended. But we are not told.
The stage management of this catastrophe in Iraq was all too evident at Saddam Hussein's "trial". Not only did the US military censor the tapes of the event. Not only did they effectively delete all sound of the 11 other defendants. But the Americans led Saddam Hussein to believe - until he reached the courtroom - that he was on his way to his execution. Indeed, when he entered the room he believed that the judge was there to condemn him to death. This, after all, was the way Saddam ran his own state security courts. No wonder he initially looked "disorientated" - CNN's helpful description - because, of course, he was meant to look that way. We had made sure of that. Which is why Saddam asked Judge Juhi: "Are you a lawyer? ... Is this a trial?" And swiftly, as he realised that this really was an initial court hearing - not a preliminary to his own hanging - he quickly adopted an attitude of belligerence.
But don't think we're going to learn much more about Saddam's future court appearances. Salem Chalabi, the brother of convicted fraudster Ahmad and the man entrusted by the Americans with the tribunal, told the Iraqi press two weeks ago that all media would be excluded from future court hearings. And I can see why. Because if Saddam does a Milosevic, he'll want to talk about the real intelligence and military connections of his regime - which were primarily with the United States.
Living in Iraq these past few weeks is a weird as well as dangerous experience. I drive down to Najaf. Highway 8 is one of the worst in Iraq. Westerners are murdered there. It is littered with burnt-out police vehicles and American trucks. Every police post for 70 miles has been abandoned. Yet a few hours later, I am sitting in my room in Baghdad watching Tony Blair, grinning in the House of Commons as if he is the hero of a school debating competition; so much for the Butler report.
Indeed, watching any Western television station in Baghdad these days is like tuning in to Planet Mars. Doesn't Blair realise that Iraq is about to implode? Doesn't Bush realise this? The American-appointed "government" controls only parts of Baghdad - and even there its ministers and civil servants are car-bombed and assassinated. Baquba, Samara, Kut, Mahmoudiya, Hilla, Fallujah, Ramadi, all are outside government authority. Iyad Allawi, the "Prime Minister", is little more than mayor of Baghdad. "Some journalists," Blair announces, "almost want there to be a disaster in Iraq." He doesn't get it. The disaster exists now.
When suicide bombers ram their cars into hundreds of recruits outside police stations, how on earth can anyone hold an election next January? Even the National Conference to appoint those who will arrange elections has been twice postponed. And looking back through my notebooks over the past five weeks, I find that not a single Iraqi, not a single American soldier I have spoken to, not a single mercenary - be he American, British or South African - believes that there will be elections in January. All said that Iraq is deteriorating by the day. And most asked why we journalists weren't saying so.
But in Baghdad, I turn on my television and watch Bush telling his Republican supporters that Iraq is improving, that Iraqis support the "coalition", that they support their new US-manufactured government, that the "war on terror" is being won, that Americans are safer. Then I go to an internet site and watch two hooded men hacking off the head of an American in Riyadh, tearing at the vertebrae of an American in Iraq with a knife. Each day, the papers here list another construction company pulling out of the country. And I go down to visit the friendly, tragically sad staff of the Baghdad mortuary and there, each day, are dozens of those Iraqis we supposedly came to liberate, screaming and weeping and cursing as they carry their loved ones on their shoulders in cheap coffins.
I keep re-reading Tony Blair's statement. "I remain convinced it was right to go to war. It was the most difficult decision of my life." And I cannot understand it. It may be a terrible decision to go to war. Even Chamberlain thought that; but he didn't find it a difficult decision - because, after the Nazi invasion of Poland, it was the right thing to do. And driving the streets of Baghdad now, watching the terrified American patrols, hearing yet another thunderous explosion shaking my windows and doors after dawn, I realise what all this means. Going to war in Iraq, invading Iraq last year, was the most difficult decision Blair had to take because he thought - correctly - that it might be the wrong decision. I will always remember his remark to British troops in Basra, that the sacrifice of British soldiers was not Hollywood but "real flesh and blood". Yes, it was real flesh and blood that was shed - but for weapons of mass destruction that weren't real at all.
"Deadly force is authorised," it says on checkpoints all over Baghdad. Authorised by whom? There is no accountability. Repeatedly, on the great highways out of the city US soldiers shriek at motorists and open fire at the least suspicion. "We had some Navy Seals down at our checkpoint the other day," a 1st Cavalry sergeant says to me. "They asked if we were having any trouble. I said, yes, they've been shooting at us from a house over there. One of them asked: 'That house?' We said yes. So they have these three SUVs and a lot of weapons made of titanium and they drive off towards the house. And later they come back and say 'We've taken care of that'. And we didn't get shot at any more."
What does this mean? The Americans are now bragging about their siege of Najaf. Lieutenant Colonel Garry Bishop of the 37th Armoured Division's 1st Battalion believes it was an "ideal" battle (even though he failed to kill or capture Muqtada Sadr whose "Mehdi army" were fighting the US forces). It was "ideal", Bishop explained, because the Americans avoided damaging the holy shrines of the Imams Ali and Hussein. What are Iraqis to make of this? What if a Muslim army occupied Kent and bombarded Canterbury and then bragged that they hadn't damaged Canterbury Cathedral? Would we be grateful?
What, indeed, are we to make of a war which is turned into a fantasy by those who started it? As foreign workers pour out of Iraq for fear of their lives, US Secretary of State Colin Powell tells a press conference that hostage-taking is having an "effect" on reconstruction. Effect! Oil pipeline explosions are now as regular as power cuts. In parts of Baghdad now, they have only four hours of electricity a day; the streets swarm with foreign mercenaries, guns poking from windows, shouting abusively at Iraqis who don't clear the way for them. This is the "safer" Iraq which Mr Blair was boasting of the other day. What world does the British Government exist in?
Take the Saddam trial. The entire Arab press - including the Baghdad papers - prints the judge's name. Indeed, the same judge has given interviews about his charges of murder against Muqtada Sadr. He has posed for newspaper pictures. But when I mention his name in The Independent, I was solemnly censured by the British Government's spokesman. Salem Chalabi threatened to prosecute me. So let me get this right. We illegally invade Iraq. We kill up to 11,000 Iraqis. And Mr Chalabi, appointed by the Americans, says I'm guilty of "incitement to murder". That just about says it all.
And yet I remember distinctly, throughout the 1984 strike, Margaret Thatcher and her Cabinet repeating the mantra that their proposals were "the best plans ever for British coal'', guaranteed to "ensure the long-term survival of the industry''. Which, in retrospect, doesn't appear to have been entirely honest. Even Osama bin Laden didn't have the audacity to announce his scheme was "the best plan ever for New York skyscrapers''.
Arthur Scargill was vilified and ridiculed for suggesting there was a long-term plan to reduce the industry to eighty pits, but all along the Government must have been cackling like the Joker in Batman: "Eighty, he says? Aha ha, the fool, how little he knows. HA HA HA.'' Strangely, the decline of the pits is often blamed on Scargill, so much so that most people under 25 must think the miners' strike was when Mrs Thatcher wanted to produce loads of coal, but Scargill demanded the closure of every mine possibly so he could use them as underground bunkers from where he could plot to take over the world.
And many of the articles about the closure of Selby have repeated the line that Scargill guaranteed the strike would fail by calling it in the summer of 1984. Which ignores he fact that the strike began in response to the closures, and that was when they were announced. So what should he have done? Even Scargill was unlikely to call the strike six months earlier, declaring: "We demand the Government withdraws whatever it is they're thinking of announcing next year."
The other favourite to accompany the latest closure is its inevitability as part of the unstoppable march of progress. I'm sure Stalin said the same, when he starved millions of peasants in the drive to fill Russia with wonky factories: "It's a sad but indisputable aspect of modern life that there is no longer a demand for peasants. The world price of peasants has fallen dramatically in recent times and we would be failing in our duties if we continued to pour food into these uneconomic units. But believe me, the starvation plans we have announced amount to the best plans ever for the Russian peasant industry.''
Far from being inevitable, the closures, including this latest one, are conscious decisions made by human beings. For example, on the same day as the Selby announcement, British Nuclear Fuels admitted that clearing up their problems with "waste" will cost £1.9bn more than expected. Just like that. Don't they even have to get three estimates? Was there a bloke with a clipboard prodding isotopes and going: "Oh dear oh dear oh dear, you've got radiation coming through from your boiler in here. I mean, I can patch it up with plutonium for now, but in six months you'll have the same thing back again. Best to do it properly. It's an extra £1.9bn, but it'll save you in the long run."
The total charge of £2.35bn, it is said, will be "added to the £45bn of undiscounted liabilities...'' I can't tell you what it says after that because every time I get to £45bn I can't help stopping and yelling: "HOW MUCH?" Yet strangely, no one has suggested the inevitability of closing down the nuclear industry. Even though I'd guess that £1.9bn more than expected on clearing up waste just creeps into the category of "uneconomic".
The miners' strike may have been defeated, but that doesn't mean the principles behind it were wrong. Or that we'd be better off if it had never taken place. Apart from anything else, it did so much to bring together disparate groups in British society. Yorkshire miners would appear at rallies in London and make speeches that went: "'Appen there's coil int' grarnd fot 40 year and we're art solid but fot one scab but we need donations like for us snap.'' And everyone would clap, whispering: "Is he for the strike or against it, this bloke?'' And the whole strike was justified when a miners' brass band was chosen to lead the 1985 Gay Pride march. At which it's to be hoped someone wandered up to the conductor and asked: "Is there any chance you could do 'Relax' by Frankie Goes to Hollywood?"
Whereas even if nuclear plants had brass bands, no one would dare ever book them for a march, as you'd have nightmares imagining the trombonist coming up afterwards and saying: "It's about our expenses - only they've turned out to be a little bit more than expected.'' "
If you're going to have a drugs tsar, surely it should be someone who could give useful advice, such as "I wouldn't touch that skunk knocking around south London at the moment. Wait till the weekend and there'll be some cracking grass round at Dave's house by Saturday."
Nothing could be more hopeless than his strategy of trying to tell everyone not to take drugs on account of the misery they cause. The reason people smoke dope is because it's enjoyable. If it only caused misery, you wouldn't need a tsar to warn you off it. You don't need an official to warn everyone not to stick their head in a nest of wasps because no one feels the urge to do it. So his message wasn't listened to because it was "Don't try anything that you've heard might be enjoyable. There's no need to seek pleasure, as you can get just as much enjoyment from boredom as you can from fun. When your friends come home 'stoned' they might look as if they've had a good time, but there's nothing like the satisfaction of completing a giant dot-to-dot puzzle or tracing a picture of a cathedral. After all, who do you want to identify with: drug-taking musicians and DJs, or clean-living icons such as Michael Buerk and quizmaster Robert Robertson?"
One expert on yesterday's news claimed the new policy was dangerous because although dope isn't addictive, it "can be a gateway drug for people with addictive personalities". In other words, the fact it isn't addictive is what's wrong with it. If only it was addictive people would stick with it, but because it isn't, these addictive types will seek something else. And you could say the same about lettuce, a frighteningly accessible "gateway salad item".
Dope is so widespread now that if you're under 60, you can't believe the sort of stories you used to get, that "apparently, there was a boy in Dartford, he smoked a puff of that marijooana and now he thinks he's an apple and they can't get him down from his uncle's tree."
Recently, my proper middle-aged neighbours had a party. I prepared to be on my best behaviour but within five minutes the garden was barely visible through a cloud of dope smoke. The nice woman over the road with an alarmingly tidy fish pond told me: "The thing is, darling, we were brought up in the Sixties - with all the stuff we took, it's a wonder we're still alive. Especially my husband - he was a roadie for Led Zeppelin." Now I'm expecting them to come and ask to borrow a cup of speed, "only until my normal delivery comes on Thursday". Someone will go around giving away home-made marmalade, asking: "Which one would you like, dear? I've done some with orange, some with ginger, and some with Lebanese hash oil."
Across Middle England, people are hanging out their washing and telling their neighbours: "We had a quiet weekend, Brian washed the car and mowed the lawn while I got a traditional Sunday lunch of a take-away curry and then we all got ripped on this gear Uncle Norman brought back from Denmark."
Those people objecting to the new dope classification desperately argue that they're concerned for our health. But convincing people to respond to health warnings depends on them being believable - snarling that "dope turns you crazy and leads to crack" is so obviously untrue it's destined to have the same impact as parents who say "finish that bit of carrot or I'm cancelling our holiday". And once someone knows you're talking rubbish about one drug, why should they listen to anything you say about the others? It's as dishonest as fox-hunters who claim hunting helps preserve foxes, or anti-abortionists who say their main concern is for the mental welfare of women. Because hardly anyone objects to all drugs. The problem comes when they're not just taken to ease discomfort but to make people a little happier when there's no initial pain. The disdain is driven almost by a spiritual objection to unearned pleasure.
But these people are fighting a losing battle, as by the time we're one-year-old we're introduced to drug culture, not only stuffed with Calpol but sat in front of four bears who always hug each other, have to hear everything twice before understanding what's been said, wander around a field full of rabbits admiring clouds and end up with the munchies, devouring Tubbytoast. "
This week I got my copy of Interesting Times, the autobiography of the Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm, who was a communist in the same period and for the same length of time as my father. It is a pity, in a way, that this was not available to Amis before he started on his Stalin book. In it he would have rediscovered the times into which these men were born and into which they were thrust. In the early part of Hobsbawm's memoirs people die nearly everywhere: in Auschwitz, for the Dutch resistance; for the workers of Indonesia, of poverty, of tuberculosis. In 1935, he recalls, Hobsbawm himself catalogued the attractions of Communism: the mass ecstasy of political action, pity for the exploited, "the aesthetic appeal of a perfect and comprehensive intellectual system," dialectical materialism, the creation of a new Jerusalem and anti-philistinism.
He adds: "The landscape of those times has been buried under the debris of world history". But if that sounds too convenient, Hobsbawm confronts the issue of how Communists dealt with Stalinism. They could not really conceive of the scale of what Stalin imposed upon the Soviet people, he says - at least partly because they did not believe the sources that told them what turned out to be the terrible truth. Even so, he adds, "it is anachronistic to suppose that only genuine or wilful ignorance stood between us and denouncing the inhumanities perpetrated on our side". The times were hard, and there was a titanic struggle, and even good people gave up softness. Here Hobsbawm quotes Bertolt Brecht's poem, To Those Born Later.
We, who wanted to prepare the ground for kindness
Could not be kind ourselves.
This is not enough for us now, of course. But a young man or woman of the 30s, 40s or 50s might have been attracted to Communism for reasons that had nothing to do with wanting to run slave camps in the Arctic. The vicious social injustice of the times, the apparent steadfastness and discipline of the Communists in their opposition to fascism, the bohemianism that attached itself to Communism in the early years, the internationalism that uniquely brought colonial and colonising peoples together, the espousal of civil rights in America, the early support for blacks fighting apartheid. In each of those struggles, finding themselves under attack from mainstream parties and newspapers, such a person might identify with the USSR. Hitchens himself, in a response to Amis, contrasts the two Mitford sisters: Unity who hobnobbed with Hitler, and Jessica the Communist, who lived out a rather noble life of service to the poor in the United States.
Were they really worse people than those who tolerated racism or who saw nothing wrong in mass unemployment and emiseration, because they obstinately refused to believe what they heard and read about Stalin? And yet there was a brutishness to Communism, an occasional enjoyment of the toughness of it all, an embracing of what was thought to be working-class culture, with its contempt for bourgeois civility. We were careless, we lefties in the West about how it was for those who actually had to suffer under "real existing socialism", because we had our own battles to fight.
God alone knows this moral blindness is not restricted to Communists, of whatever age. It is hard, and has always been hard, to pay proper due, simultaneously, to intellect and conscience."
My philosophy-friendly friend, who refuses to be named in this article, says that Michael Dummett is the greatest logician Britain has produced since Bertrand Russell. When I started on my usual anti-philosophy vulgarities, Willy mused away, wondering why the mere mention of the word "philosophy" makes certain people go red as tomatoes.
Dummett's proof of God that Willy cited certainly made me red. I'd never heard anything so funny. This is how it goes. Values exists in the world (it's how we know that torturing children is wrong). But value is not of the world, in the same way that tables and chairs are of the world. So where did values come from? From outside the world, by definition. There's nothing outside the world but God. God is the only answer.
Not being a philosopher, I can't see any connection between these propositions. Let's ignore 150 years of public school education for the sake of this argument and pretend to agree that torturing children is always wrong. And everyone agrees that value exists in the world.
However, it is a part of the human world very much in the same way that tables and chairs are. Care for babies is a fact, a genetic fact without which human life could not exist. Indeed, without which human life would have failed to exist. Without this sort of care, evolution would have stalled at the point where survival was ensured by having so many offspring that it didn't matter whether this one or that one survived.
Value, far from being a divine gift, can be sourced more easily than most forms of behaviour to our bossy genes. It's programmed behaviour. Robotic. We automatically value love, tenderness, care, concern because hundreds of millions of years of sexual selection have built us that way.
Philosophers, like priests, are supposed to help us from falling into error.
My defence of philosophers has been that nobody cares what they think; philosophy has fallen from its great Theory of Everything status a hundred years ago to a linguistic game wondering what it means when we say: "What does it mean?"
But Dummett's proof has had a pernicious worldly effect by encouraging the Church to get involved in the administration of public money in a soft-headed, self-righteous, morally muddled way.
If they've been allowed to believe that God (their God, naturally) is the source of all values, then they must have particular moral expertise in deciding how things should be run. They've got the hotline to central office, after all.
But what? Does God know whether base rates are too high or too low? Of course He does. Do his priests, in all their various convictions and delusions? Of course they don't.
High, low, east, west; down with all religion
The older I get, the more I'm turning against church. Not just the non-church I was baptised into. No, it's all of 'em. High, low. Middle East, Mid-west. Priest-ridden and Protestant. My heresy isn't anti-God, but anti-church.
At a time when we're about to send the troops into the Middle East on what might easily be viewed, pace our political leaders' desire to contain domestic racism, as a conflict between organised religions, politics is the problem. Politics has debauched religious establishments. It started early, very early in Christianity. When you read the Gospels (and the clarity of the New English translation makes them a profoundly subversive text), you can see what a filthy business organised religion is.
You get the same feeling from the opposite end of the spectrum, by visiting the Vatican. A monstrous, Gormenghast of an institution whose raison d'être is obvious from its architecture. Power. The Church is about power. Built by power, for the continuation of power. Wealth and power are so much the horrible opposite of what Jesus taught in the Gospels you can sense the unmistakeable stench of politics. Only politicians - operating as clerics - could have perverted a text so thoroughly into its opposite.
I've come to think God is too mysterious to talk about. If God is omnipotent and omnipresent - and science now allows us to admit that as a possibility (you know, string theory, faster-than-light theory) - we shouldn't presume even to speculate about Him. Or more accurately, It.
We agonise about the problem of pain, and why good things happen to bad people, and why children die. Disaster weakens our faith. It's because we have a childish view of God, form-ulated by priests with the aim of controlling us. So we seek to read the mind of God. Vicars encourage us to talk to God. He's our friend. We can chat.
But the reality is, we are people who can't look directly into an light bulb, let alone into the sun. We can't leave our fingers in electrical sockets. We have difficulty doing match-tricks, for Christ's sake, and yet we assume we have it in us to know the reality of God, and to tell other people about that reality, and when necessary, slaughter and torture those who subscribe to some other reality.
It's general. Up and down the spectrum of organised religion. In a culture where young men have no sexual relationship with unmarried women, a very good way of establishing authority over themis by enforcing them to conform to a medieval code of secular conduct.
Over the next century, Muslims will be killing Christians for their churchy beliefs. We can't complain too much about that: God knows, Christians used to kill other Christians for their churchy beliefs.
My proposal is that they all disband their churches, sell their worldly goods and go help the poor. And never breathe a word about it to anyone.
Fat cats and politicos go to the top of the class
Class is back. It's the next big thing, again. The new upper class is slowly but inexorably gaining critical mass and drifting away into the remoter reaches of society. Like most class phenomena it's based on money and power. In honest times it's based more absolutely on money; people who can earn big money in an open system get promoted, and only rub shoulders with us oiks when they have to.
And it's not just the entrepreneurs and inventors that are getting rich. We admire brave buccaneering types who risk everything in pursuit of a dream. Now, Datamonitor's report tells us, there are 3,300 people in Britain who have more than £5m in the bank. And most didn't inherit it but earned it themselves. It's hard to disapprove of these people. Well, it may not be hard, but it's wrong.
But there's another element in this class system. The fat cats who run the companies these commercial heroes have started. They sit on each others' boards and control each others' pay. They vote bonuses for failed executives over here knowing their own increases will be voted on over there.
There is a control on fat cats, but it is the institutional fund managers who vote at annual general meetings. It's not controversial to suggest that these managers are institutionalised themselves.
Even more unpleasantly, these days there's a new element at the top. Now that governments control and direct about half of the country's spending power, the political class has joined the upper class. They, too, only rub shoulders with us oiks when they have to.
No one is more snobbish, more conscious of position, more aware of the hierarchy they live in than politicos. As an outsider you are weighed for precisely the influence you wield and are treated to within a tiny fraction of it.
The only way we can protest is by joining a small shareholders' rebellion (usually pointless) or by not voting in elections (which makes them look silly). Either way, the new upper class sails on regardless. "
It's a marvellously reassuring book for wealthy Westerners because it tells us that poverty in the Third World isn't our fault. For that reason, perhaps, its message hasn't been taken as seriously as it might have been.
The author, Hernando de Soto, is a poverty researcher from Peru. The key word is researcher. As he suggests, if economists wanted to study horses they wouldn't go and look at horses; they'd sit in a study and say to themselves, "What would I do if I were a horse?"
De Soto says he has collected facts and figures "block by block and farm by farm in Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America" and his conclusions entirely undermine the assumptions underlying all fatuous targets set by the international community - as it is oxymoronically called - to abolish world poverty.
"Most of the poor already possess the assets they need to make a success of capitalism," De Soto says. Even in poor countries the poor save and their collective savings are immense. "In Egypt, the wealth that the poor have accumulated is worth 55 times as much as the sum of all direct foreign investment ever recorded there - including the Suez canal and the Aswan dam."
Same in Haiti: the total assets of the poor are 150 times greater than all the foreign investment received since its 1804 independence. If the richest country in the world (the US) were to give the UN-recommended level of foreign aid, it would take 150 years to transfer to the world's poor resources equal to those they already possess.
The problem? The assets owned by the poor aren't legally held. Ownership rights aren't documented. Titles aren't registered. Property can't be traded or used as security for a loan, or as a share for investment.
The informal property rights that exist don't connect with the legal system. And whose fault is that? The legislators'. Scratch the surface of an endemic problem - famine, illness, poverty - and you invariably find a politician at the source.
"I told ministers that Indonesian dogs had the basic information they needed to set up a formal property system," Mr de Soto says. "By travelling their city streets and countryside and listening to the barking dogs, they could gradually work upwards, through the vine of extra-legal representations dispersed through their country, until they made contact with the ruling social contract. 'Ah,' responded one of the ministers, 'jukum adat - the people's law!'"
And here we come to a problem that we all experience in our different ways, the "Bugger the People" tendency in modern life. Our upper class is drifting away from the rest of us, it's that powerful combination of commercial, political and administrative mandarins which runs the countries we live in.
In the West the symptom of this disconnection is voter apathy; in the Third World it is poverty, starvation and intergovernmental conferences that miss the fundamental point: they are the problem.
It takes an anarchist to understand the law
The law is something that has to be discovered rather than invented, De Soto quotes various philosophers and economists to this effect. It's an idea that's been around for thousands of years, but it's still wonderfully refreshing. In it, we see the difference between the Greek cosmos (the way living things naturally order themselves) and taxis (the military or academic way of organising things). Communities develop working relationships which the law is supposed to codify; it's not supposed to happen the other way round.
Wherever you travel in the economic fringes of the world, this sort of cosmic order is apparent. De Soto writes: "In the course of issuing formal title to hundreds and thousands of home and business owners in Peru my organisation never found an extra-legal group that did not comply with well-defined consensual rules." The idea that government is not the source of order should appeal to anarchists everywhere.
But how quickly the political class withdraws from the society that created it. As soon as it's elected it moves out of the squalor of its democratic origins and establishes itself in government offices suited to its dignity. And how quickly these absent officials start making a horlicks of their democratic inheritance. "My research team and I opened a small garment workshop on the outskirts of Lima. Our goal was to create a new and perfectly legal business. The team then began filling out the forms, standing in the queues and making the bus trips into central Lima to get all the certifications required to operate, according to the letter of the law, a small business in Peru. They spent six hours a day at it and finally registered the business 289 days later. Although the garment workshop was geared to operating with only one worker, the cost of legal registration was $1,231 - 31 times the monthly minimum wage.
"To obtain legal authorisation to build a house on state-owned land took six years and 11 months, requiring 207 administrative steps in 52 government offices. To obtain a legal title for that piece of land, it took 728 steps. We also found that a private bus, jitney or taxi driver who wanted to obtain official recognition of his route faced 26 months of red tape."
Any greater impediment to joining the legal, formal economy can hardly be imagined. Each of these regulations and formalities will be defended by the government, probably on the basis of restraining "the law of the jungle". Their own law remains no less impenetrable and no more humane.
"Governments must find out how and why local conventions work and how strong they are. The failure to do so explains why past attempts at legal change in developing and former communist countries have not worked," De Soto writes.
The social contract, then, is not some holy abstraction that springs from some social visionary but it is the expression of the way in which people actually get on with the business of living.
More pulp fiction on the art of advertising
A couple of advertising characters have come up with a plan to make money which deserves hoots of laughter, let alone the small fortune they must be hoping for.
They're pitching a novel-writing service to government departments. The core messages and ideas that these hapless organisations want to get across will be packaged into novels and then distributed to waste disposal centres all over Britain, pausing only briefly for display in bookshops.
The Independent on Sunday revealed this shameful trade in sponsored novels. It is wholly characteristic that the idea should have originated in the advertising industry, the vulgarity of which knows no limits. There was a creative director I knew who believed that he and his colleagues were artists, quite in the same way Leonardo da Vinci was. "We operate almost identically," he explained. "We have patrons, just like Leonardo had. We work for rich people whom we have to please, or lose the commission. We work in collaboration, just as Leonardo did. He had specialists to do the hands, or the hair or the drapery. We have specialists of our own to do the sound, or the concept board, or the music. We both sell products: his were paintings; ours, in this case, is butter. There is one difference. More people see my butter ad on a Saturday night than see the Mona Lisa in a year."
Of course I should have killed him. Perhaps I did; memories of the latter parts of the evening are blurred.
But advertising can't aspire to the condition of art. Art is there to reveal something of the mystery of life; advertising is there to put a brand name into your mind.
But good luck to Narration Ltd (though I can't help thinking Writers Inc. would have been a better name). Government departments are so stupid they may have made their fortune before they're found out."
(13) Antisthenes (c. 446/366 BC)
We are told that this budding philosopher walked five miles to Athens each day just to hear Socrates talk, and then five miles back home.
Once he was told "Many men praise you," and he replied "Why? What have I done wrong?"
When a friend complained that he had lost his notes from a good lecture, the philosopher replied that he should have inscribed it in his mind rather than on paper.
He used to taunt Plato for being conceited. He urged the star student of Socrates to get rid of his arrogance. One day, when he visited, Plato was sick and had just vomited into a basin. Looking in, Antisthenes said "I see the puke, but where is the pride?"
A young man was preening as an artist's model. Antisthenes asked him "If this bronze could talk, what would it most pride itself on?" The young man cleverly retorted, "It's beauty." The philosopher said "Aren't you ashamed of delighting in the very same thing that an inanimate object would be proud of?"
Advice and Insights
It is better to fall in with crows than flatterers; for in the one case you are devoured when dead, in the other case while alive.
As iron is eaten way by rust, so the envious are consumed by their own passion.
States are doomed when they can no longer distinguish good men from bad.
To the wise man nothing is foreign or undoable.
Virtue is a weapon that cannot be taken away.
It is better to be with a handful of good men fighting against all the bad, than with hosts of bad men against a handful of the good.
Pay attention to your enemies, for they are the first to discover your mistakes.
Esteem an honest man above a kinsman.
Wisdom is a most sure stronghold which never crumples away or is betrayed.
Q&A
Question: What have you gained from philosophy?
Answer: The ability to hold an intelligent conversation with myself.
The devastation of Dresden in February, 1945, was one of those crimes against humanity whose authors would have been arraigned at Nuremberg if that Court had not been perverted into the instrument of Allied justice. Whether measured in terms of material destruction or by loss of human life, this "conventional" air raid was far more devastating than either of the two atomic raids against Japan that were to follow it a few months later. Out of 28,410 houses in the inner city of Dresden, 24,866 were destroyed; and the area of total destruction extended over eleven square miles.
As for the death roll, the population, as we shall see, had been well nigh doubled by a last-minute influx of refugees flying before the Red Army; and even the German authorities -- usually so pedantic in their estimates -- gave up trying to work out the precise total after some 35,000 bodies had been recognized, labeled and buried. We do know, however, that the 1,250,000 people in the city on the night of the raid had been reduced to 368,619 by the time it was over; and it seems certain that the death roll must have greatly exceeded the 71,879 at Hiroshima. Indeed, the German authorities were probably correct who, a few days after the attack, put the total somewhere between 120,000 and 150,000.
How was this horror permitted to happen? Was it a deliberate and considered act of policy, or was it the result of one of those ghastly misunderstandings or miscalculations that sometimes occur in the heat of battle? There are many who will say that these are academic questions belonging to history. I do not agree. Of course, what happened at Dresden belongs to the pre-nuclear epoch. But it has a terrible relevance to the defense strategy which the Western democracies are operating today. If the crime of Dresden is not to be repeated on a vaster scale, we must find out why it was committed. That, at least, has been my feeling, and there are two special reasons which have prompted me to go on investigating the facts for so many years. In the first place, I was myself involved in a quite minor capacity in the decisions which preceded it. When the Germans overran France in 1940 and the Chamberlain Government in London was replaced by the Churchill Government, there was a purge in Whitehall. Unexpectedly I found myself recruited to a secret department attached to the Foreign Office, with the title "Director of Psychological Warfare against Germany." My main task was to plan the overt and subvert propaganda which we hoped would rouse occupied Europe against Hitler. But I soon found myself caught up in a bitter top-secret controversy about the role of bomber offensive in the breaking of German morale.
The Prime Minister was haunted by fears that the bloodletting of the Somme and Passchendaele in World War I would have to be repeated if we tried to defeat Hitler by landing and liberating Europe. So the Air Marshals found it easy to persuade him that if they were given a free hand they could make these casualties unnecessary by smashing the German home front into submission. What Hitler wreaked against London and Coventry, our bombers would repay a thousandfold, until the inhabitants of Berlin, Hamburg and every other city in Germany had been systematically "de-housed" and pulverized into surrender. To achieve this, the Air Marshals demanded that top priority in war production should be given not to preparations for the second front, but to the construction of huge numbers of four-engined night bombers.
Eagerly Sir Winston Churchill accepted their advice, with the backing of his whole Cabinet. The only warning voices raised were those of a number of very influential scientists who, by means of careful calculations, threw serious doubt on the physical possibility of wreaking the degree of destruction required. Their mathematical arguments were reinforced by the studies we psychological warriors had made of British morale in the blitz. Assuming, wisely as it worked out, that the German people would behave under air attack at least as bravely as the British people, we demonstrated that the scale of frightfulness our bombers could employ against German cities would almost certainly strengthen civilian morale, and go stimulate the war production that it was intended to weaken.
Early in 1941, these arguments were finally swept aside, and Britain was completely committed to the bomber offensive. By the time it reached its first climax in the raid on Hamburg, however, I had been transferred to Eisenhower's staff. I was happy, first in North Africa and then in SHAEF, to work with an Anglo-American staff who did not trouble to conceal how much they detested the hysterical mania for destruction and the cold-blooded delight in pounding the German home front to pieces displayed by the big-bomb boys. Indeed, one of my pleasantest memories is the attitude General Walter Bedell Smith displayed a few weeks after the Dresden raid. Sir Winston had accused "Ike" of being soft to the German civilians and ordered him to use terror tactics in order to panic them out of their homes and onto the roads, and so to block the German retreat. No one contradicted Sir Winston, but as soon as his back was turned, we were instructed to work out a directive that would prevent him getting his way.
On V.E. Day, when I flew back to Britain in order to stand as a Labour Candidate in Coventry, I assumed with relief that my concern with bombing was over. But I was wrong. Within years, Coventry -- the main victim of the Luftwaffe -- had "twinned" itself with Dresden, the main victim of the R.A.F. And when Germany was divided and it became difficult for Westerners to go behind the Iron Curtain, I had a standing invitation to visit Dresden as the guest of its Lord Mayor. I have done so frequently, and on each occasion I have tried to match the inside experience of bombing strategy I acquired during the war with firsthand information from its victims "on the other side of the hill." I have also checked the published accounts of the destruction of Dresden available in Western and Eastern Germany, against the official History of the Strategic Bombing Offensive published only two years ago in Britain. These researches have left me in no doubt whatever how Dresden was destroyed, why it was destroyed, and what lessons we must draw from its destruction.
The prelude to the bombing of Dresden was sounded by the Russian communiqué of January 12, 1945, which announced that the Red Army had resumed its offensive all along the front, and was advancing into Prussia and Silesia. This news could hardly have been more embarrassing, either to General Dwight D. Eisenhower whose armies were still recovering from the humiliating effects of General Karl von Rundstedt's Christmas offensive in the Ardennes, or to President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill who were now preparing for the Yalta Conference due to start on February 4. Since the post war settlement was bound to be discussed with Josef Stalin in terms not of principle but of pure politics, Sir Winston felt that the impression created by the Red Army's occupation of Eastern Europe and advance deep into Germany must somehow be countered. But how? The obvious answer was by a demonstration right up against the Red Army of Western air power. What was required, he decided, was a thunderclap of Anglo-American aerial annihilation so frightful in the destruction it wreaked that even Stalin would be impressed.
January 25 was the day when the decision was taken that resulted in the blotting out of Dresden. Until then, the capital of Saxony had been considered so famous a cultural monument and so futile a military target that even the Commander in Chief of Bombing Command, Air Marshal Sir Arthur Harris, had given it hardly a thought. All its flak batteries had been removed for use on the Eastern front; and the Dresden authorities had taken none of the precautions, either in the strengthening of air-raid shelters, or in the provision of concrete bunkers that had so startlingly reduced casualties in other German cities subjected to Allied attack. Instead, they had encouraged rumors that it would be spared either because Churchill had a niece living there, or else because it was reserved by the Allies as their main occupation quarters. These rumors were strengthened by the knowledge that no less than some 26,000 Allied prisoners were quartered in and around the city, and that its population had doubled to well over a million in recent weeks by streams of refugees from the East.
All this Sir Winston knew on January 26. But early on that winter morning he had learned that the Russian Army had crossed the Oder at Breslau and was now only sixty miles from Dresden. Angrily he rang up Sir Archibald Sinclair, his Secretary of State for Air, and asked him what plans he had for "basting the Germans -- in their retreat from Breslau." Sir Archibald, whose main function it had been to protect Bomber Command from public criticism by a series of lying assurances that scrupulous care was taken to bomb only military targets, remained true to type. He prevaricated over the phone and next day replied that in the view of the Air Staff "intervention in winter weather at very long range over Eastern Germany would be difficult." To this the Premier replied with a memorandum so offensive in its controlled fury that the Minister and the Air Staff, never noted for their moral courage, were stampeded into action. At once, orders were given to concert with the American Eighth Air Force a plan for wiping out Leipzig, Chemnitz and Dresden.
Sir Winston and his staff left for Yalta, where it became only too clear that the Premier's forebodings were justified. Strengthened by his victories, Stalin pressed his political demands upon a President now weakened and very near his death, and a Prime Minister isolated and ill at ease. When suggestions were made that the Western bombing should be used to help the Red Army advance, the Russian generals were chilly and unresponsive. Nevertheless, Sir Arthur Harris had already selected Dresden, now only sixty miles from the front, for destruction. And day by day, Sir Winston hoped that he would be able to impress Stalin with the demonstration of what Allied air power could achieve so near the Russian allies. But the weather was against him. The conference broke up on the eleventh, and it was only three days later -- long after the conference when it could no longer have any effect on the negotiations -- that the R.A.F.'s spokesman in London proudly announced the destruction of Dresden.
We must now turn back and see what the airmen had been planning. Sir Arthur Harris was quick to seize the opportunity presented by the Prime Minister's insistence that Bomber Command must make its presence felt in Eastern Germany. Since 1941, by a slow process of trial and error which had cost him many thousands of air crews, he had perfected his new technique of "saturation precision bombardment." First, daylight operations over Germany had been discarded as too costly; then, with raiding confined to nighttime target bombing, after a long period of quite imaginary successes, had been abandoned as too wildly inaccurate. The decision was taken to set each city center on fire and destroy the residential areas, sector by sector.
In this new kind of incendiary attack, highly trained special crews were sent ahead to delineate a clearly defined target area with marker flares, nicknamed by the Germans "Christmas trees." When this had been done, all that remained for the rest of the bomber forces was to lay its bomb carpet so thickly that the defense, the A.R.P., the police, and the fire services would all be overwhelmed.
This fire-raising technique was first used with complete success in the great raid on Hamburg. Thousands of individual fires conglomerated into a single blaze, creating the famous "fire-storms" effect, first described by the Police President of the city in a secret report to Hitler that soon fell into Allied hands:
"As the result of the confluence of a number of fires, the air above is heated to such an extent that in consequence of its reduced specific gravity, a violent updraft occurs which causes great suction of the surrounding air radiating from the center of the fire... The suction of the fire storm in the larger of these area fire zones has the effect of attracting the already overheated air in smaller area fire zones... One effect of this phenomenon was that the fire in the smaller area fire zones was fanned as by a bellows as the central suction of the biggest and fiercest fires caused increased and accelerated attraction of the surrounding masses of fresh air. In this way all the area fires became united in one vast fire."
The Hamburg fire storm probably killed some 40,000 people: three-quarters by carbon-monoxide poisoning as a result of the oxygen being sucked out of the air; the rest by asphyxiation.
As soon as he heard that permission had been given to destroy Dresden, Air Marshal Harris decided to achieve this by a deliberately created fire storm, and to increase the effect he persuaded the Americans to split the available bombers into three groups. The task of the first wave was to create the fire storm. Three hours later, a second and much heavier night force of British bombers was timed to arrive when the German fighter and flak defenses would be off guard, and the rescue squads on their way. Its task was to spread the fire storm. Finally, the next morning, a daylight attack by the Eighth Air Force was to concentrate on the outlying areas, the new city.
Two-pronged attacks had been successfully carried out during 1944 against a number of German towns. The three-pronged attack employed at Dresden was unique and uniquely successful. The first wave, consisting of some two hundred fifty night bombers, arrived precisely on time and duly created a fire storm. The second force -- more than twice as strong and carrying an enormous load of incendiaries -- also reached the target punctually, and, undisturbed by flak or night fighters, spent thirty-four minutes carefully spreading the fires outside the first target area. Finally, to complete the devastation, some two hundred eleven Flying Fortresses began the third attack at 11:30 a.m. on the following morning. Without exaggeration, the commanders could claim that the Dresden raid had "gone according to plan." Everything which happened in the stricken city had been foreseen and planned with meticulous care.
So far, we have been looking at the Dresden raid from "our own side of the hill" -- considering the point of view of Mr. Churchill, concerned to create the best impression possible on Stalin at the Yalta Conference, and of Air Marshal Harris, eager to demonstrate the technique for creating a fire storm. But what was the impact on the Dresdeners? Inevitably the raid has created its own folklore. Thousands of those who survived it now live in Western Germany, each with his own memory to retail to the visitor. In Dresden itself, the city fathers have now established an official Communist version, of which the main purpose clearly is to put the main blame on the "American imperialists" (we are solemnly told, for instance, that the R.A.F. was directed to special targets in the city by an American capitalist whose villa on the far side of the Elbe is now a luxury club for favored Communist artists). Nevertheless, anyone who bothers to read the books published in both Germanies and to compare the stories he hears from Communist and anti-Communist witnesses soon discovers that not only the outline of events but the details of the main episodes are agreed beyond dispute.
Dresden is one of those German cities which normally devotes Shrove Tuesday to Carnival festivities. But on February 13, 1945, with the Red Army sixty miles away, the mood was somber. The refugees, who were crowded into every house, each had his horror story about Russian atrocities. In many parts of the city, and particularly around the railway station, thousands of latecomers who could find no corner in which to sleep were camping in the bitter cold of the open streets. The only signs of Carnival spirit, when the sirens sounded at 9:55 p.m., were the full house at the circus and a few gangs of little girls wandering about in fancy dress. Though no one took the danger of a raid very seriously, orders must be obeyed and the population just had time to get down to its shelters before the first bombs fell at nine minutes past the hour.
Twenty-four minutes later, the last British bomber was on its way back to England, and the inner city of Dresden was ablaze. Since there were no steel structures in any of its apartment houses, the floors quickly capsized, and half an hour after the raid was over the fire storm transformed thousands of individual blazes into a sea of flames, ripping off the roofs, tossing trees, cars and lorries into the air, and simultaneously sucking the oxygen out of the air-raid shelters.
Most of those who remained below ground were to die painlessly, their bodies first brilliantly tinted bright orange and blue, and then, as the heat grew intense, either totally incinerated or melted into a thick liquid sometimes three or four feet deep. But there were others who, when the bombing stopped, rushed upstairs. Some of them stopped to collect their belongings before escaping, and they were caught by the second raid. But some 10,000 fled to the great open space of the Grosse Garten, the magnificent royal park of Dresden, nearly one and a half square miles in all. Here they were caught by the second raid, which started without an air-raid warning, at 1:22 a.m. Far heavier than the first -- there were twice as many bombers with a far heavier load of incendiaries -- its target markers had been deliberately placed in order to spread the fires into the black rectangle which was all the airmen could see of the Grosse Garten. Within minutes the fire storm was raging across the grass, ripping up some trees and littering the branches of others with clothes, bicycles and dismembered limbs that remained hanging for days afterward.
Equally terrible was the carnage in the great square outside the main railway station. Here, the thousands camping out had been reinforced by other thousands escaping from the inner city, while within the station a dozen trains, when the first sirens blew, had been shunted to the marshaling yards and escaped all damage. After the first raid stopped, these trains were shunted back to the station platforms -- just in time to receive the full force of the bombardment. For weeks, mangled bodies were littered inside and outside the station building. Below ground, the scene was even more macabre. The restaurants, cellars and tunnels could easily have been turned into effective bombproof shelters. The authorities had not bothered to do so, and of the two thousand crowded in the dark, one hundred were burned alive and five hundred asphyxiated before the doors could be opened and the survivors pulled out.
The timing of the second raid, just three hours after the first, not only insured that the few night fighters in the area were off their guard, but it also created the chaos intended and effectively interrupted all rescue work. For many miles around, military detachments, rescue squads and fire brigades started on their way to the stricken city, and most of them were making their way through the suburbs when the bombs began to fall. Those who turned back were soon swallowed up in the mad rush of panic evacuation. Most of those who proceeded toward the center perished in the fire storm.
The most terrible scenes in the inner city took place in the magnificent old market square, the Altmarkt. Soon after the first raid finished, this great square was jam-packed with panting survivors. When the second raid struck, they could scarcely move until someone remembered the huge concrete emergency water tank that had been constructed to one side. This tank was a hundred by fifty yards by six feet deep. There was a sudden stampede to escape the heat of the fire storm by plunging into it. Those who did so forgot that its sloping sides were slippery, with no handholds. The non-swimmers sank to the bottom, dragging the swimmers with them. When the rescuers reached the Altmarkt five days later, they found the tank filled with bloated corpses, while the rest of the square was littered with recumbent or seated figures so shrunk by the incineration that thirty of them could be taken away in a single bathtub.
But perhaps the most memorable horror of this second raid occurred in the hospitals. In the last year of the war, Dresden had become a hospital city, with many of its schools converted into temporary wards. Of its nineteen hospitals, sixteen were badly damaged and three, including the main maternity clinic, totally destroyed. Thousands of crippled survivors were dragged by their nurses to the banks of the River Elbe, where they were laid in rows on the grass to wait for the daylight. But when it came, there was another horror. Punctually at 11:30 a.m., the third wave of bombers, the two hundred eleven American Flying Fortresses, began their attack. Once again, the area of destruction was extended across the city. But what the survivors all remember were the scores of Mustang fighters diving low over the bodies huddled on the banks of the Elbe, as well as on the larger lawns of the Grosse Garten, in order to shoot them up. Other Mustangs chose as their targets the serried crowds that blocked every road out of Dresden. No one knows how many women and children were actually killed by those dive-bombing attacks. But in the legend of Dresden destruction, they have become the symbol of Yankee sadism and brutality, and the inquirer is never permitted to forget that many choirboys of one of Dresden's most famous churches were among the victims.
For five days and nights, the city burned and no attempt was made to enter it. Then at last the authorities began to grapple with the crisis and to estimate the damage. Of Dresden's five theatres, all had gone. Of her fifty-four churches, nine were totally destroyed and thirty-eight seriously damaged. Of her one hundred thirty-nine schools, sixty-nine ceased to exist and fifty were badly hit. The great zoo which lay just beyond the Grosse Garten had been struck in the second raid, and the panicked animals had mingled with the desperate survivors. Now they were rounded up and shot. Those who escaped from the prisons, when they too were blown up, had better fortune: they all managed to get away, including a number of brave anti-Nazis.
But some things had survived destruction. The few factories Dresden possessed were outside the city center, and soon were at work again. So too was the railway system. Within three days, indeed, military trains were running once again right through the city, and the marshaling yards -- untouched by a bomb -- were in full operation. It was as though an ironical fate had decided that the first fire storm deliberately created by mortal man should destroy everything worth preserving, and leave untouched anything of military value.
In their salvage work, the Nazis relied on some 25,000 Allied prisoners of war, concentrated in and around the city. Dresden, as was known very well in London and Washington, was not only a hospital city but a prisoner-of-war city -- still another reason why the authorities assumed it would not be attacked. Faced with the appalling scenes of suffering, the prisoners seemed to have worked with a will, even after some of their fellow-prisoners had been shot under martial law for looting.
What Dresdeners chiefly remember, of these first days after the raid, is the disposal of the bodies. Throughout the war, German local authorities had been extremely careful to show great respect for death, enabling relatives wherever possible to identify and to bury their own dead. At first, this procedure was followed in Dresden. But weeks after the raid there were still thousands of unopened cellars under the smoldering ruins, and the air was thick with the fog and sweet stench of rotting flesh. An S.S. commander made the decision that the daily procession of horse-drawn biers from the city to the cemeteries outside must be stopped. If plague was to be prevented, the rest of the corpses must be disposed of more speedily. Hurriedly, a monstrous funeral pyre was constructed in the Altmarkt. Steel shutters from one of Dresden's biggest department stores were laid across broken slabs of ironstone. On this macabre gridiron, the bodies were piled with straw between each layer, soaked with gasoline and set ablaze. Nine thousand corpses were disposed of in this way, and eight cubic meters of ash were then loaded into gasoline containers and buried in a graveyard outside the city, twenty-five feet wide and fifteen feet deep.
If it was expected in either London or Washington that the destruction of Dresden, despite its negligible military significance, would at least shatter German morale, this hope was soon to be disappointed -- thanks to Paul Joseph Goebbels' skillful exploitation of the disaster. For days, the Propaganda Ministry in Berlin poured out, both in its foreign and in its home services, a stream of eyewitness accounts of the stricken city, backed up by moralistic attacks on the cold-blooded sadism of the men who created the fire storm. In his secret propaganda, Dr. Goebbels did even better by leaking to the neutral press a fictitious top-secret estimate that the casualties had probably reached 260,000. As a result of this Nazi propaganda campaign, the German people were convinced that the Anglo-American forces were indeed bent on their destruction. And their morale was once again stiffened by terror of defeat.
Disturbed by the success of Dr. Goebbels' propaganda, the airmen decided to call a press conference on February 16 at SHAEF. As a result of the briefing, given by a British Air Commodore, Associated Press cabled a special dispatch all over the world, announcing "the long-awaited decision to adopt deliberate terror bombings of German population centers as a ruthless expedient of hastening Hitler's doom." The correspondents added that the Dresden attack was "for the avowed purpose of heaping more confusion on Nazi road and rail traffic, and to sap German morale."
When this dispatch reached London, it was immediately censored on the ground that officially the R.A.F. only bombed military targets, and the attribution to it of terror raids was a vicious piece of Nazi propaganda. In the United States, where the dispatch was widely publicized, the embarrassment caused to the Administration was acute, since the Air Force spokesmen had seldom failed to point out the difference between the indiscriminate R.A.F. night attacks and the selective and precise nature of the daylight bombing carried out by the Eighth Air Force.
In order to stop awkward questions, General George C. Marshall then gave a public assurance that the bombing on Dresden had taken place at Russian request. Although no evidence was produced either then or since for the truth of this statement, it was accepted uncritically and has since found its way into a number of official American histories.
But suppression was not sufficient to stem the rising wave of public protest. Coming as it did when the war was virtually over, the wanton destruction of the Florence of the North and the mass murder of so many of its inhabitants was too much, even for a world public opinion fed for years on strident war propaganda. The publication of a lengthy report by a Swedish correspondent caused a revulsion of feeling.
Within a few weeks, this revulsion against indiscriminate bombing had affected even Sir Winston Churchill. Up till now, the critics in the British Parliament of area bombing had been a small derided minority. Suddenly, their influence began to grow, and on March 28, Sir Winston in response to this new mood, wrote to the Chief of the Air Staff, beginning with the remarkable words:
"It seems to me that the moment has come when the question of bombing of German cities simply for the sake of increasing the terror, though under other pretexts, should be reviewed."
Since the Premier had taken the lead in demanding the switch from target to area bombing and had actively encouraged each new advance proposed by Air Marshal Harris in the technique of air obliteration, this memorandum could hardly have been less felicitously phrased. It provided damning evidence that so long as terror bombing was popular, the politicians would take credit for it; but now that public opinion was revolting against its senseless brutality, they were only too obviously running for cover and leaving the air force to take the blame.
So outraged was the Chief of the Air Staff that on this occasion he stood up to Sir Winston, forcing him to withdraw the memorandum, and to substitute for it what the official historians -- who narrate this incident in full -- have described as "a somewhat more discreetly and fairly worded document."
But in Britain at least the damage had already been done. From that moment, Bomber Command, which for years had been the object of adulation, became increasingly discredited, and the nickname of its Commander in Chief changed from "Bomber" Harris to "Butcher" Harris. Although the bomber crews, suffered far the heaviest casualties of any of the British armed services, no campaign medal was struck to distinguish their part in winning the war. In his victory broadcast of May 13, 1945, Sir Winston omitted any tribute to them, and after the Labour Government came to power, Earl Attlee was just as vindictive. In January, 1946, he omitted their Commander in Chief from his victory honors list. Sir Arthur Harris accepted the insult loyally, and on February 13 sailed to exile in South Africa.
The Eighth Air Force was treated more gently, both by the politicians in Washington and by the American public. Its airmen received their share of campaign medals, and to this day it has never been officially admitted that by the end of the war they were bombing city centers and residential areas as wantonly by day as the R.A.F. was by night. There was, however, an important difference between the public image of the two Air Forces. The British Cabinet, having secretly decided to sanction indiscriminate terror bombing, concealed this decision from the British public and therefore compelled Bomber Command to operate under cover of a sustained and deliberate lie. In the case of the Eighth Air Force, self-deception took place of lying. Instead of doing one thing and saying another, the myth was maintained that on every mission the Flying Fortresses aimed exclusively at military targets, and this is still part of the official American legend of World War II. It was because it was impossible to square this legend with what had happened at Dresden that General Marshall had to excuse American protestation in that holocaust on the fictitious ground that the Russians had requested the attack.
I leave it to the reader to decide which form was more nauseating -- British lying or American self-deception. For what concerns me in this inquiry is not the public image of Anglo-American idealism that was shattered by the Dresden raid, but the crime against humanity which was perpetrated. That it was decided to bomb a city of no military value simply in order to impress Stalin. That a fire storm was deliberately created in order to kill as many people as possible, and that the survivors were machine-gunned as they lay helpless in the open -- all this has been established without a shadow of a doubt. What remains is to ask how decent, civilized politicians enthusiastically approved such mass murder and decent, civilized servicemen conscientiously carried it out.
The usual explanation -- or excuse -- is that strategic bombing was only adopted by the Western powers as a method of retaliation in a total war started by totalitarians. This is at best a half-truth. The Nazis and the Communists dabbled in terror raids on civilian targets. But they were old-fashioned and imperialist enough to hold that the aim of war is not to destroy the enemy, but to defeat his armies in the field, to occupy his country, and exploit its resources. That is why both Stalin and Hitler preferred to use their air power, not as a separate weapon of unlimited war, but as a tactical adjunct to conventional land and sea operations. In fact, the only nations which applied the theory of unlimited war really systematically were the two great Western democracies. Both created a gigantic strategic air force and carried out quite separate but eventually unsuccessful attempts to defeat Germany by aerial annihilation.
Yet, at first sight, terror bombing seems to me, as an Englishman, a form of warfare repugnant to our national temperament, and utterly unsuited to an island people, itself hopelessly vulnerable to indiscriminate air attack. And I suspect that most Americans also feel that it does not conform with the traditions of the American way of life.
Why then did both nations adopt it?
I believe that the motive which prompted us was a very characteristic Anglo-Saxon desire to defend ourselves without preparing for war to win the fruits of victory; without actual fighting, and (if this proved impossible) at least to keep casualties down to a minimum among our own soldiers. Not only do British and American fighting men demand a far higher standard of living than most of their enemies. Even more important, they insist that they should not be required to risk death in close combat if remote-control methods of destroying the enemy are available. That, I am sure, is the main reason why our politicians and generals felt morally justified in conducting a bomber offensive against Germany which culminated in the destruction of Dresden.
Once we see this, we are no longer surprised that, as soon as an atomic bomb had been perfected, President Truman decided, with the full approval of the British Prime Minister, to use it. In this way, he could finish off the Japanese without a landing that would have cost thousands of American lives!
The moral I draw from the terrible story of Dresden is that the atom bombs employed on Hiroshima and Nagasaki did not inaugurate a new epoch in the history of war. They merely provided a new method of achieving victory without the casualties involved in land fighting far more deadly and far more economical than the thousand-bomber raid of World War II. Here, our politicians and generals felt, was the ultimate weapon which would enable the democracies to disarm and to relax -- yet deter aggression.
Alas! Nearly twenty years of bitter experience have taught us that the world was not made safe for democracy either by the "conventional" fire storm created by the bombers in Dresden, or by the atomic fire storm of Hiroshima. Even in modern war, crime does not always pay!
ON April 30, 1963 William Kimber Ltd. published my first book, The Destruction of Dresden. It was a very difficult time for me. The first of my five daughters, Josephine, had just been born thirty days earlier, and the meager finances of my little family were exhausted after a three year period writing and researching the article with no income whatever, let alone the kind of research funds that Holocaust "scholars" can tap; the entire thing had come out of my own pocket -- and my own heart.
I anticipated little income from the book, and there was not even an advance payment in the publishing agreement -- nobody had told me that authors got advances, and my publisher William Kimber did not feel it necessary to volunteer that little fact to me. My book was however serialized by The Sunday Telegraph, which paid him £2,000, a small fortune in those days; the publisher took his half, and froze payment of the other for half a year as Air Vice Marshal Donald Bennett, the Pathfinder Force Commander, issued a writ for libel, angered because I had written in the book that a captured airman of his force revealed the secret of the H2S airborne radar system to the Germans in February 1943 (Bennett withdrew the writ, as I produced German records showing this was true).
By summer of 1963 my book had yet to become the success that it later did -- even Kurt Vonnegut would refer to it in Slaughterhouse Five. So when Esquire magazine approached Kimber for the rights to publish a one-shot digest of the book in the USA we were very pleased; but the deal never materialized, it just evaporated without explanation.
Imagine my displeasure when this article by Richard Crossman, effectively a digest of my book, based entirely -- and I mean 100 percent -- on the research in my book, appeared in Esquire six months later. It was not plagiarism, he was too clever for that: but it was blatant theft of intellectual property all the same. Crossman was a member of the British Psychological Warfare directorate during the war, a Member of Parliament, and a leading Socialist Cabinet minister afterwards; he was independently wealthy -- and more so after the Esquire article -- and later published his own diaries.
Speaking at the UK/Ireland National Astronomy Meeting in Dublin, a historian who has pored over hundreds of letters from the period says British scientists have taken more credit for the discovery than they deserved.
The planet was found on 23 September 1846 after the French astronomer Urbain Jean-Joseph Le Verrier calculated its likely location, based on perturbations in the orbit of Uranus.
He wrote to German astronomers equipped with a powerful telescope, telling them where to look.
The new planet was discovered at the Berlin Observatory immediately.
Not quite sure
But the find was quickly mired in controversy, with Britain's powerful Astronomer Royal, George Airy, arguing that a young Cornish mathematician John Couch Adams deserved a large share of the credit, having made similar predictions for the likely location of the missing eighth planet in 1845. It was said his predictions had been ignored.
The exact details of the matter have been difficult to establish because crucial British Neptune correspondence (1837-1848) went missing from the Royal Greenwich Observatory.
The documents were found in 1999 in Chile and are being studied by historian Dr Nicholas Kollerstrom of University College London.
He now says the British claims have been exaggerated.
"The British case was largely constructed after the discovery of the planet and we're now discovering that it gave the Brits a bit too much credit," he says.
"Adams had done some calculations but he was rather unsure about quite where he was saying Neptune was."
The burden of blame has traditionally fallen on Airy for failing to act on the mathematician's predictions. But Kollerstrom argues that Airy was largely responsible for Adams being noticed at all.
Ogre and despot
"In order to construct this British maths hero with his wonderful predictions, Airy took a lot of blame for not having acted," says Kollerstrom. "In reality, a more thorough perusal of the documents shows that Adams was rather uncertain and his predictions ranged over as much as 20 degrees."
He says Adams and Le Verrier were doing very similar calculations, but Adams, who was only in his twenties, never had the confidence to say "look there and you will find it".
"He was rather vague and he was vacillating - his predictions kept changing. And I would suggest that's why the British spent six weeks looking for Neptune and not finding it. In contrast, the Germans found it in half an hour."
He describes what follows as "a remarkable British takeover". "They gave themselves far too much of the credit and Adams ended up with much more than was due to him, even though he had done some remarkable calculations," says Kollerstrom.
"Le Verrier has been almost wiped out by history because the Brits were so successful at taking the credit," he adds. "I think he was personally traumatised by what had happened and he ended up as a complete ogre and despot in his later years. I think he was inwardly shattered by having the credit taken from him."
Kollerstrom's conclusions are likely to be controversial, but historians will be able to consider the material for themselves when the complete Neptune Correspondence is published for the first time at the end of this year.
They also possibly helped promote the genes which now appear to protect the vast majority of us from such illnesses, they say.
vCJD and other prion diseases are caused when the introduction of "rogue proteins" into the brain cause other normal prion proteins to misfold, clump together and kill cells.
However, people who have two particular variations of a gene associated with the prion protein appear to be protected from the disease.
The UCL team, led by Professor John Collinge, found that these variant genes were present in humans across the world.
Normally if one variant gene gives a bigger advantage than another, the other will disappear, but the continuing presence of both suggests the coupling offers a distinct evolutionary advantage.
This suggests that, at some point in prehistory, that people who carried them were able to thrive and spread throughout the world when perhaps people who lacked the gene pairing were dying out.
Mr Howard, who was educated at Llanelli Grammar School and Cambridge University, told Mr Blair: "This grammar school boy isn't going to take any lessons from a public school boy on the importance of children from less privileged backgrounds gaining access to university. You seem to have forgotten that we both stood at the last election on manifestoes which promised not to put top-up fees on students. The difference between us is that I am honouring our manifesto pledge and you are breaking yours."
Mr Howard mocked the Prime Minister's "big conversation" with the electorate, challenging him to say whether he would back down over fees if they are rejected by the electorate.
These fire engines are some of the most radioactive objects in all of Chernobyl. The firemen were the first on the scene, and they thought it was an ordinary fire. No one told them, what they were really dealing with. : http://www.angelfire.com/extreme4/kiddofspeed/chapter7.html
The readings on the asphalt paving is 500 -3000 microroentgens, depending upon where you stand. That is 50 to 300 times the radiation of a normal environment. If I step 10 meters forward, geiger counter will run off the scale. If I walk a few hundred meters towards the reactor, the radiation is 3 roentgens per hour - which is 300,000 times normal. If I was to keep walking all the way to the reactor, I would glow in the dark tonight. Maybe this is why they call it magic wood. It is sort of magical when one walks in with biker's leather and walks out like a knight in a shining armor. : http://www.angelfire.com/extreme4/kiddofspeed/chapter10.html
There are many places that not structurally safe, or have collected pockets of intense radiation. There are places where no one dares to go, not even scientists with protective gear. One such place is the Red Wood forest and another is the Ghost Town Cemetary. The relatives of the people who are buried there can not visit, because in addition to people, much of the radioctive graphite nuclear core is buried there. It is one of the most toxic places on earth.
When the town siren went off on Sunday morning, mass panic ensued. With the police evacuting along with everyone else, banks and even jewelry stores went relatively unnoticed, but this shop was emptied out in a matter of an hour. The police began shooting looters in May, when radioactive TV sets began to appear in the pawn shops of Kiev. : http://www.angelfire.com/extreme4/kiddofspeed/chapter13.html
Taking such a walk with no special radiation detecting device is like walking through a minefiled wearing snowshoes.: http://www.angelfire.com/extreme4/kiddofspeed/chapter15.html
All of this happy horseshit was for the May 1st Labor Day parade. : http://www.angelfire.com/extreme4/kiddofspeed/chapter16.html
Every step toward the little cars adds 100 microroentgen to my geiger counter reading.: http://www.angelfire.com/extreme4/kiddofspeed/chapter18.html
From here, the shining cloud above the reactor must have been a staggering sight.
Standing on the roof of the highest building in this empty town brings a feeling of being completely alone in the world - like this whole town is. : http://www.angelfire.com/extreme4/kiddofspeed/chapter22.html
The last photos are of the town kindergarden.
There are hundreds of little gas masks, a teachers diary and a last note saying that their walk on Saturday has been canceled due to some unforeseen contingency.
The remaining photos don't need any comments - they tell the Ghost Town's story in a way that no words can. : http://www.angelfire.com/extreme4/kiddofspeed/chapter25.html
To honor the legacy of the resisters and their hosts, peace activists, including members of the Kootenay chapter of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, are organizing an “Our Way Home” Reunion festival in Nelson in July 2006. (www.ourwayhomereunion.com )
According to Isaac Romano, initiator of the event and the contact person for the Kootenay FOR, the reunion festival will also honor “the contribution made to Canadian life” by those war resisters who went to Canada during the Vietnam War. It will commemorate the courage of Americans and Canadians who assisted them, through an “underground railroad” network of safe houses.
The reunion will bring together, often for the first time, those who resisted the Vietnam War and the courageous Canadians who helped them upon their arrival.
Organizers hope the festival and the build-up to it will also give strength and courage to those men and women who are today resisting militarism in the United States and seeking a safe haven in Canada.
One of their goals is to erect a permanent war resisters monument somewhere in Canada, depicting a man and woman being greeted by a Canadian with outstretched arms. The design for this monument is by Nelson artists Naomi C. Lewis and Denis Kleine, who have also created the Peace Sculpture series to raise funds for the reunion. Click here to view or order.
Since the planned reunion and monument first made the news, the town of Nelson has been targeted by right-wing groups threatening boycotts. However, there has also been positive media response. (See Nov. 21 New York Times article “Greetings from Resisterville”).
Plans for the reunion festival include a concert by artists long associated with the peace movement in the United States and Canada. “A Long Way Home,” the feature-length documentary about U.S. war resisters in Canada by prize-winning filmmaker Michelle Mason, will have its regional debut at the reunion.
The Vietnam War and the widespread war resistance it spurred proved a turning point for Canada, as well as the United States. In an assertion of sovereignty in its post-WWII relationship with the United States, Canada opened its border and provided Americans with an opportunity to oppose the Vietnam War by moving to a new country. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau said at the time: "Those who make the conscientious judgment that they must not participate in this war... have my complete sympathy, and indeed our political approach has been to give them access to Canada. Canada should be a refuge from militarism."
For many of these resisters, it also meant the beginning of new lives.
More than half of those who fled to Canada thirty years ago never returned, despite the amnesty eventually offered. While many found their way to B.C.’s Kootenay region and became part of the 'back to the land' movement, others remain active in Canada’s urban centers, working for the kind of social justice they experienced upon their arrival to this country. Our Way Home National Reunion Weekend is a celebration of their many achievements and the lives they have made in Canada.
The planned reunion has been endorsed by leading peace activists in the United States and Canada. Arun Gandhi, grandson of Mahatma Gandhi and founder and president of the M.K. Gandhi Institute for Nonviolence, lent his support to “Our Way Home” and expressed his thanks to Canadians ”for opening their borders and providing sanctuary and a new home to American war resisters who, out of conscience, opposed the Vietnam War.”
Gandhi went on to urge Canadians to “continue to welcome those who come to Canada out of conscience, and particularly those who come now to resist the conflict in Iraq.”
Event organizers will assist war resisters planning to attend the event in finding those who helped them once they arrived in Canada, or those who assisted them in the US.
Learn more about the “Our Way Home” event at www.ourwayhomereunion.com
Learn about the Kootenay FOR at www.kootenayfor.org
Contributions to “Our Way Home” can be sent to:
“Our Way Home"
P.O. Box 121
Nelson
British Columbia
V1L 5PZ
Canada
Now, it is clear that the decline of a language must ultimately have political and economic causes: it is not due simply to the bad influence of this or that individual writer. But an effect can become a cause, reinforcing the original cause and producing the same effect in an intensified form, and so on indefinitely. A man may take to drink because he feels himself to be a failure, and then fail all the more completely because he drinks. It is rather the same thing that is happening to the English language. It becomes ugly and inaccurate because out thoughts are foolish, but the slovenliness of our language makes it easier for us to have foolish thoughts. The point is that the process is reversible. Modern English, especially written English, is full of bad habits which spread by imitation and which can be avoided if one is willing to take the necessary trouble. If one gets rid of these habits one can think more clearly, and to think clearly is a necessary first step toward political regeneration: so that the fight against bad English is not frivolous and is not the exclusive concern of professional writers. I will come back to this presently, and I hope that by that time the meaning of what I have said here will have become clearer. Meanwhile, here are five specimens of the English language as it is now habitually written.
These five passages have not been picked out because they are especially bad -- I could have quoted far worse if I had chosen -- but because they illustrate various of the mental vices from which we now suffer. They are a little below the average, but are fairly representative examples. I number them so that i can refer back to them when necessary:
1. I am not, indeed, sure whether it is not true to say that the Milton who once seemed not unlike a seventeenth-century Shelley had not become, out of an experience ever more bitter in each year, more alien [sic] to the founder of that Jesuit sect which nothing could induce him to tolerate.
Professor Harold Laski (Essay in Freedom of Expression )
2. Above all, we cannot play ducks and drakes with a native battery of idioms which prescribes egregious collocations of vocables as the Basic put up with for tolerate, or put at a loss for bewilder .
Professor Lancelot Hogben (Interglossia )
3. On the one side we have the free personality: by definition it is not neurotic, for it has neither conflict nor dream. Its desires, such as they are, are transparent, for they are just what institutional approval keeps in the forefront of consciousness; another institutional pattern would alter their number and intensity; there is little in them that is natural, irreducible, or culturally dangerous. But on the other side ,the social bond itself is nothing but the mutual reflection of these self-secure integrities. Recall the definition of love. Is not this the very picture of a small academic? Where is there a place in this hall of mirrors for either personality or fraternity?
Essay on psychology in Politics (New York )
4. All the "best people" from the gentlemen's clubs, and all the frantic fascist captains, united in common hatred of Socialism and bestial horror at the rising tide of the mass revolutionary movement, have turned to acts of provocation, to foul incendiarism, to medieval legends of poisoned wells, to legalize their own destruction of proletarian organizations, and rouse the agitated petty-bourgeoise to chauvinistic fervor on behalf of the fight against the revolutionary way out of the crisis.
Communist pamphlet
5. If a new spirit is to be infused into this old country, there is one thorny and contentious reform which must be tackled, and that is the humanization and galvanization of the B.B.C. Timidity here will bespeak canker and atrophy of the soul. The heart of Britain may be sound and of strong beat, for instance, but the British lion's roar at present is like that of Bottom in Shakespeare's A Midsummer Night's Dream -- as gentle as any sucking dove. A virile new Britain cannot continue indefinitely to be traduced in the eyes or rather ears, of the world by the effete languors of Langham Place, brazenly masquerading as "standard English." When the Voice of Britain is heard at nine o'clock, better far and infinitely less ludicrous to hear aitches honestly dropped than the present priggish, inflated, inhibited, school-ma'amish arch braying of blameless bashful mewing maidens!
Letter in Tribune
Each of these passages has faults of its own, but, quite apart from avoidable ugliness, two qualities are common to all of them. The first is staleness of imagery; the other is lack of precision. The writer either has a meaning and cannot express it, or he inadvertently says something else, or he is almost indifferent as to whether his words mean anything or not. This mixture of vagueness and sheer incompetence is the most marked characteristic of modern English prose, and especially of any kind of political writing. As soon as certain topics are raised, the concrete melts into the abstract and no one seems able to think of turns of speech that are not hackneyed: prose consists less and less of words chosen for the sake of their meaning, and more and more of phrases tacked together like the sections of a prefabricated henhouse. I list below, with notes and examples, various of the tricks by means of which the work of prose construction is habitually dodged:
Dying metaphors. A newly invented metaphor assists thought by evoking a visual image, while on the other hand a metaphor which is technically "dead" (e.g. iron resolution ) has in effect reverted to being an ordinary word and can generally be used without loss of vividness. But in between these two classes there is a huge dump of worn-out metaphors which have lost all evocative power and are merely used because they save people the trouble of inventing phrases for themselves. Examples are: Ring the changes on, take up the cudgel for, toe the line, ride roughshod over, stand shoulder to shoulder with, play into the hands of, no axe to grind, grist to the mill, fishing in troubled waters, on the order of the day, Achilles' heel, swan song, hotbed . Many of these are used without knowledge of their meaning (what is a "rift," for instance?), and incompatible metaphors are frequently mixed, a sure sign that the writer is not interested in what he is saying. Some metaphors now current have been twisted out of their original meaning withouth those who use them even being aware of the fact. For example, toe the line is sometimes written as tow the line . Another example is the hammer and the anvil , now always used with the implication that the anvil gets the worst of it. In real life it is always the anvil that breaks the hammer, never the other way about: a writer who stopped to think what he was saying would avoid perverting the original phrase.
Operators or verbal false limbs. These save the trouble of picking out appropriate verbs and nouns, and at the same time pad each sentence with extra syllables which give it an appearance of symmetry. Characteristic phrases are render inoperative, militate against, make contact with, be subjected to, give rise to, give grounds for, have the effect of, play a leading part (role) in, make itself felt, take effect, exhibit a tendency to, serve the purpose of, etc.,etc . The keynote is the elimination of simple verbs. Instead of being a single word, such as break, stop, spoil, mend, kill , a verb becomes a phrase , made up of a noun or adjective tacked on to some general-purpose verb such as prove, serve, form, play, render . In addition, the passive voice is wherever possible used in preference to the active, and noun constructions are used instead of gerunds (by examination of instead of by examining ). The range of verbs is further cut down by means of the -ize and de- formations, and the banal statements are given an appearance of profundity by means of the not un- formation. Simple conjunctions and prepositions are replaced by such phrases as with respect to, having regard to, the fact that, by dint of, in view of, in the interests of, on the hypothesis that ; and the ends of sentences are saved by anticlimax by such resounding commonplaces as greatly to be desired, cannot be left out of account, a development to be expected in the near future, deserving of serious consideration, brought to a satisfactory conclusion , and so on and so forth.
Pretentious diction. Words like phenomenon, element, individual (as noun), objective, categorical, effective, virtual, basic, primary, promote, constitute, exhibit, exploit, utilize, eliminate, liquidate , are used to dress up a simple statement and give an aire of scientific impartiality to biased judgements. Adjectives like epoch-making, epic, historic, unforgettable, triumphant, age-old, inevitable, inexorable, veritable , are used to dignify the sordid process of international politics, while writing that aims at glorifying war usually takes on an archaic color, its characteristic words being: realm, throne, chariot, mailed fist, trident, sword, shield, buckler, banner, jackboot, clarion . Foreign words and expressions such as cul de sac, ancien r&eacutgime, deus ex machina, mutatis mutandis, status quo, gleichschaltung, weltanschauung , are used to give an air of culture and elegance. Except for the useful abbreviations i.e., e.g. , and etc. , there is no real need for any of the hundreds of foreign phrases now current in the English language. Bad writers, and especially scientific, political, and sociological writers, are nearly always haunted by the notion that Latin or Greek words are grander than Saxon ones, and unnecessary words like expedite, ameliorate, predict, extraneous, deracinated, clandestine, subaqueous , and hundreds of others constantly gain ground from their Anglo-Saxon numbers. The jargon peculiar to Marxist writing (hyena, hangman, cannibal, petty bourgeois, these gentry, lackey, flunkey, mad dog, White Guard , etc.) consists largely of words translated from Russian, German, or French; but the normal way of coining a new word is to use Latin or Greek root with the appropriate affix and, where necessary, the size formation. It is often easier to make up words of this kind (deregionalize, impermissible, extramarital, non-fragmentary and so forth) than to think up the English words that will cover one's meaning. The result, in general, is an increase in slovenliness and vagueness.
Meaningless words. In certain kinds of writing, particularly in art criticism and literary criticism, it is normal to come across long passages which are almost completely lacking in meaning. Words like romantic, plastic, values, human, dead, sentimental, natural, vitality , as used in art criticism, are strictly meaningless, in the sense that they not only do not point to any discoverable object, but are hardly ever expected to do so by the reader. When one critic writes, "The outstanding feature of Mr. X's work is its living quality," while another writes, "The immediately striking thing about Mr. X's work is its peculiar deadness," the reader accepts this as a simple difference opinion. If words like black and white were involved, instead of the jargon words dead and living, he would see at once that language was being used in an improper way. Many political words are similarly abused. The word Fascism has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies "something not desirable." The words democracy, socialism, freedom, patriotic, realistic, justice have each of them several different meanings which cannot be reconciled with one another. In the case of a word like democracy, not only is there no agreed definition, but the attempt to make one is resisted from all sides. It is almost universally felt that when we call a country democratic we are praising it: consequently the defenders of every kind of regime claim that it is a democracy, and fear that they might have to stop using that word if it were tied down to any one meaning. Words of this kind are often used in a consciously dishonest way. That is, the person who uses them has his own private definition, but allows his hearer to think he means something quite different. Statements like Marshal Petain was a true patriot, The Soviet press is the freest in the world, The Catholic Church is opposed to persecution, are almost always made with intent to deceive. Other words used in variable meanings, in most cases more or less dishonestly, are: class, totalitarian, science, progressive, reactionary, bourgeois, equality.
Now that I have made this catalogue of swindles and perversions, let me give another example of the kind of writing that they lead to. This time it must of its nature be an imaginary one. I am going to translate a passage of good English into modern English of the worst sort. Here is a well-known verse from Ecclesiastes:
I returned and saw under the sun, that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, neither yet bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor yet favour to men of skill; but time and chance happeneth to them all.
Here it is in modern English:
Objective considerations of contemporary phenomena compel the conclusion that success or failure in competitive activities exhibits no tendency to be commensurate with innate capacity, but that a considerable element of the unpredictable must invariably be taken into account.
This is a parody, but not a very gross one. Exhibit (3) above, for instance, contains several patches of the same kind of English. It will be seen that I have not made a full translation. The beginning and ending of the sentence follow the original meaning fairly closely, but in the middle the concrete illustrations -- race, battle, bread -- dissolve into the vague phrases "success or failure in competitive activities." This had to be so, because no modern writer of the kind I am discussing -- no one capable of using phrases like "objective considerations of contemporary phenomena" -- would ever tabulate his thoughts in that precise and detailed way. The whole tendency of modern prose is away from concreteness. Now analyze these two sentences a little more closely. The first contains forty-nine words but only sixty syllables, and all its words are those of everyday life. The second contains thirty-eight words of ninety syllables: eighteen of those words are from Latin roots, and one from Greek. The first sentence contains six vivid images, and only one phrase ("time and chance") that could be called vague. The second contains not a single fresh, arresting phrase, and in spite of its ninety syllables it gives only a shortened version of the meaning contained in the first. Yet without a doubt it is the second kind of sentence that is gaining ground in modern English. I do not want to exaggerate. This kind of writing is not yet universal, and outcrops of simplicity will occur here and there in the worst-written page. Still, if you or I were told to write a few lines on the uncertainty of human fortunes, we should probably come much nearer to my imaginary sentence than to the one from Ecclesiastes. As I have tried to show, modern writing at its worst does not consist in picking out words for the sake of their meaning and inventing images in order to make the meaning clearer. It consists in gumming together long strips of words which have already been set in order by someone else, and making the results presentable by sheer humbug. The attraction of this way of writing is that it is easy. It is easier -- even quicker, once you have the habit -- to say In my opinion it is not an unjustifiable assumption that than to say I think. If you use ready-made phrases, you not only don't have to hunt about for the words; you also don't have to bother with the rhythms of your sentences since these phrases are generally so arranged as to be more or less euphonious. When you are composing in a hurry -- when you are dictating to a stenographer, for instance, or making a public speech -- it is natural to fall into a pretentious, Latinized style. Tags like a consideration which we should do well to bear in mind or a conclusion to which all of us would readily assent will save many a sentence from coming down with a bump. By using stale metaphors, similes, and idioms, you save much mental effort, at the cost of leaving your meaning vague, not only for your reader but for yourself. This is the significance of mixed metaphors. The sole aim of a metaphor is to call up a visual image. When these images clash -- as in The Fascist octopus has sung its swan song, the jackboot is thrown into the melting pot -- it can be taken as certain that the writer is not seeing a mental image of the objects he is naming; in other words he is not really thinking. Look again at the examples I gave at the beginning of this essay. Professor Laski (1) uses five negatives in fifty three words. One of these is superfluous, making nonsense of the whole passage, and in addition there is the slip -- alien for akin -- making further nonsense, and several avoidable pieces of clumsiness which increase the general vagueness. Professor Hogben (2) plays ducks and drakes with a battery which is able to write prescriptions, and, while disapproving of the everyday phrase put up with, is unwilling to look egregious up in the dictionary and see what it means; (3), if one takes an uncharitable attitude towards it, is simply meaningless: probably one could work out its intended meaning by reading the whole of the article in which it occurs. In (4), the writer knows more or less what he wants to say, but an accumulation of stale phrases chokes him like tea leaves blocking a sink. In (5), words and meaning have almost parted company. People who write in this manner usually have a general emotional meaning -- they dislike one thing and want to express solidarity with another -- but they are not interested in the detail of what they are saying. A scrupulous writer, in every sentence that he writes, will ask himself at least four questions, thus:
1. What am I trying to say?
2. What words will express it?
3. What image or idiom will make it clearer?
4. Is this image fresh enough to have an effect?
And he will probably ask himself two more:
1. Could I put it more shortly?
2. Have I said anything that is avoidably ugly?
But you are not obliged to go to all this trouble. You can shirk it by simply throwing your mind open and letting the ready-made phrases come crowding in. The will construct your sentences for you -- even think your thoughts for you, to a certain extent -- and at need they will perform the important service of partially concealing your meaning even from yourself. It is at this point that the special connection between politics and the debasement of language becomes clear.
In our time it is broadly true that political writing is bad writing. Where it is not true, it will generally be found that the writer is some kind of rebel, expressing his private opinions and not a "party line." Orthodoxy, of whatever color, seems to demand a lifeless, imitative style. The political dialects to be found in pamphlets, leading articles, manifestoes, White papers and the speeches of undersecretaries do, of course, vary from party to party, but they are all alike in that one almost never finds in them a fresh, vivid, homemade turn of speech. When one watches some tired hack on the platform mechanically repeating the familiar phrases -- bestial, atrocities, iron heel, bloodstained tyranny, free peoples of the world, stand shoulder to shoulder -- one often has a curious feeling that one is not watching a live human being but some kind of dummy: a feeling which suddenly becomes stronger at moments when the light catches the speaker's spectacles and turns them into blank discs which seem to have no eyes behind them. And this is not altogether fanciful. A speaker who uses that kind of phraseology has gone some distance toward turning himself into a machine. The appropriate noises are coming out of his larynx, but his brain is not involved as it would be if he were choosing his words for himself. If the speech he is making is one that he is accustomed to make over and over again, he may be almost unconscious of what he is saying, as one is when one utters the responses in church. And this reduced state of consciousness, if not indispensable, is at any rate favorable to political conformity.
In our time, political speech and writing are largely the defense of the indefensible. Things like the continuance of British rule in India, the Russian purges and deportations, the dropping of the atom bombs on Japan, can indeed be defended, but only by arguments which are too brutal for most people to face, and which do not square with the professed aims of the political parties. Thus political language has to consist largely of euphemism., question-begging and sheer cloudy vagueness. Defenseless villages are bombarded from the air, the inhabitants driven out into the countryside, the cattle machine-gunned, the huts set on fire with incendiary bullets: this is called pacification. Millions of peasants are robbed of their farms and sent trudging along the roads with no more than they can carry: this is called transfer of population or rectification of frontiers. People are imprisoned for years without trial, or shot in the back of the neck or sent to die of scurvy in Arctic lumber camps: this is called elimination of unreliable elements. Such phraseology is needed if one wants to name things without calling up mental pictures of them. Consider for instance some comfortable English professor defending Russian totalitarianism. He cannot say outright, "I believe in killing off your opponents when you can get good results by doing so." Probably, therefore, he will say something like this:
While freely conceding that the Soviet regime exhibits certain features which the humanitarian may be inclined to deplore, we must, I think, agree that a certain curtailment of the right to political opposition is an unavoidable concomitant of transitional periods, and that the rigors which the Russian people have been called upon to undergo have been amply justified in the sphere of concrete achievement.
The inflated style itself is a kind of euphemism. A mass of Latin words falls upon the facts like soft snow, blurring the outline and covering up all the details. The great enemy of clear language is insincerity. When there is a gap between one's real and one's declared aims, one turns as it were instinctively to long words and exhausted idioms, like a cuttlefish spurting out ink. In our age there is no such thing as "keeping out of politics." All issues are political issues, and politics itself is a mass of lies, evasions, folly, hatred, and schizophrenia. When the general atmosphere is bad, language must suffer. I should expect to find -- this is a guess which I have not sufficient knowledge to verify -- that the German, Russian and Italian languages have all deteriorated in the last ten or fifteen years, as a result of dictatorship.
But if thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought. A bad usage can spread by tradition and imitation even among people who should and do know better. The debased language that I have been discussing is in some ways very convenient. Phrases like a not unjustifiable assumption, leaves much to be desired, would serve no good purpose, a consideration which we should do well to bear in mind, are a continuous temptation, a packet of aspirins always at one's elbow. Look back through this essay, and for certain you will find that I have again and again committed the very faults I am protesting against. By this morning's post I have received a pamphlet dealing with conditions in Germany. The author tells me that he "felt impelled" to write it. I open it at random, and here is almost the first sentence I see: "[The Allies] have an opportunity not only of achieving a radical transformation of Germany's social and political structure in such a way as to avoid a nationalistic reaction in Germany itself, but at the same time of laying the foundations of a co-operative and unified Europe." You see, he "feels impelled" to write -- feels, presumably, that he has something new to say -- and yet his words, like cavalry horses answering the bugle, group themselves automatically into the familiar dreary pattern. This invasion of one's mind by ready-made phrases ( lay the foundations, achieve a radical transformation ) can only be prevented if one is constantly on guard against them, and every such phrase anaesthetizes a portion of one's brain.
I said earlier that the decadence of our language is probably curable. Those who deny this would argue, if they produced an argument at all, that language merely reflects existing social conditions, and that we cannot influence its development by any direct tinkering with words and constructions. So far as the general tone or spirit of a language goes, this may be true, but it is not true in detail. Silly words and expressions have often disappeared, not through any evolutionary process but owing to the conscious action of a minority. Two recent examples were explore every avenue and leave no stone unturned , which were killed by the jeers of a few journalists. There is a long list of flyblown metaphors which could similarly be got rid of if enough people would interest themselves in the job; and it should also be possible to laugh the not un- formation out of existence, to reduce the amount of Latin and Greek in the average sentence, to drive out foreign phrases and strayed scientific words, and, in general, to make pretentiousness unfashionable. But all these are minor points. The defense of the English language implies more than this, and perhaps it is best to start by saying what it does not imply.
To begin with it has nothing to do with archaism, with the salvaging of obsolete words and turns of speech, or with the setting up of a "standard English" which must never be departed from. On the contrary, it is especially concerned with the scrapping of every word or idiom which has outworn its usefulness. It has nothing to do with correct grammar and syntax, which are of no importance so long as one makes one's meaning clear, or with the avoidance of Americanisms, or with having what is called a "good prose style." On the other hand, it is not concerned with fake simplicity and the attempt to make written English colloquial. Nor does it even imply in every case preferring the Saxon word to the Latin one, though it does imply using the fewest and shortest words that will cover one's meaning. What is above all needed is to let the meaning choose the word, and not the other way around. In prose, the worst thing one can do with words is surrender to them. When yo think of a concrete object, you think wordlessly, and then, if you want to describe the thing you have been visualizing you probably hunt about until you find the exact words that seem to fit it. When you think of something abstract you are more inclined to use words from the start, and unless you make a conscious effort to prevent it, the existing dialect will come rushing in and do the job for you, at the expense of blurring or even changing your meaning. Probably it is better to put off using words as long as possible and get one's meaning as clear as one can through pictures and sensations. Afterward one can choose -- not simply accept -- the phrases that will best cover the meaning, and then switch round and decide what impressions one's words are likely to mak on another person. This last effort of the mind cuts out all stale or mixed images, all prefabricated phrases, needless repetitions, and humbug and vagueness generally. But one can often be in doubt about the effect of a word or a phrase, and one needs rules that one can rely on when instinct fails. I think the following rules will cover most cases:
1. Never use a metaphor, simile, or other figure of speech which you are used to seeing in print.
2. Never us a long word where a short one will do.
3. If it is possible to cut a word out, always cut it out.
4. Never use the passive where you can use the active.
5. Never use a foreign phrase, a scientific word, or a jargon word if you can think of an everyday English equivalent.
6. Break any of these rules sooner than say anything outright barbarous.
These rules sound elementary, and so they are, but they demand a deep change of attitude in anyone who has grown used to writing in the style now fashionable. One could keep all of them and still write bad English, but one could not write the kind of stuff that I quoted in those five specimens at the beginning of this article.
I have not here been considering the literary use of language, but merely language as an instrument for expressing and not for concealing or preventing thought. Stuart Chase and others have come near to claiming that all abstract words are meaningless, and have used this as a pretext for advocating a kind of political quietism. Since you don't know what Fascism is, how can you struggle against Fascism? One need not swallow such absurdities as this, but one ought to recognize that the present political chaos is connected with the decay of language, and that one can probably bring about some improvement by starting at the verbal end. If you simplify your English, you are freed from the worst follies of orthodoxy. You cannot speak any of the necessary dialects, and when you make a stupid remark its stupidity will be obvious, even to yourself. Political language -- and with variations this is true of all political parties, from Conservatives to Anarchists -- is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind. One cannot change this all in a moment, but one can at least change one's own habits, and from time to time one can even, if one jeers loudly enough, send some worn-out and useless phrase -- some jackboot, Achilles' heel, hotbed, melting pot, acid test, veritable inferno, or other lump of verbal refuse -- into the dustbin, where it belongs.
Mark Barenberg told an opposition Democratic party hearing in the senate that managers of major US corporations operating in China had told him on condition of anonymity that 80 percent of their contractors flouted labour laws.
He said managers told him the contractors "keep double or triple books" to hide the fact that they were not paying minimum wages or overtime and were breaking China's maximum-hour laws.
"In their official statements, however, these same US corporate managers say they're paying minimum wages, and the media and think-tank researchers often take these official statements at face value."
China has among the world's worst records of workplace safety. Workplace fatality figures are far higher than in most industrialized countries, like the United States, where the Bureau of Labor Statistics says 4,900 people were killed in work-related accidents for all of last year.
Going to work or taking to the roads in mainland China can be bad for your health.
Despite huge efforts to improve road and workplace safety, more than 100,000 people die each year on the job or in vehicles. In the first quarter of this year, 31,035 were killed in 258,597 industrial accidents, according to figures released yesterday by the State Administration of Work Safety. The mainland includes traffic accidents in its industrial accidents figures.
The vast majority of 'work-related' deaths came in the form of 173,223 road accidents, which killed 25,395 people in the first quarter, 3.8 per cent less than during the first quarter of last year. The number of road accidents fell 5.5 per cent over the same period.
I. The criminal must be someone mentioned in the early part of the story, but must not be anyone whose thoughts the reader has been allowed to follow;
II. All supernatural or preternatural agencies are ruled out as a matter of course;
III. No more than one secret room or passage is allowable. I would add that a secret passage should not be brought in at all unless the action takes place in the kind of house where such devices might be expected;
IV. No hitherto undiscovered poisons may be used, nor any appliance which will need a long scientific explanation at the end;
V. No Chinaman must figure into the story*;
VI. No accident must ever help the detective, nor must he ever have an unaccountable intuition which proves to be right;
VII. The detective must not, himself, commit the crime;
VIII. The detective must not light on any clues which are not instantly produced for the inspection of the reader;
IX. The stupid friend of the detective, the Watson, must not conceal any thoughts which pass through his mind; his intelligence must be slightly, but only very slightly, below that of the average reader;
X. Twin brothers, and doubles generally, must not appear unless we have been duly prepared for them
*In Msgr. Knox's time, one of the most overused plot mechanisms was the introduction of "a Chinaman" or other foreign, exotic or otherwise unusual character from "another land" as the malefactor. This comment was not intended as a "racist" one, but as a reaction to this plotting mechanism.
To become the financial cornerstone around which Zimbabwe's economic fortunes and developmental aspirations are anchored.
The pursuit of the Bank's vision will express itself through leadership in the formulation, implementation and monitoring of policies and action plans for fighting inflation, stabilisation of the internal and external value of Zimbabwe's currency and of the financial system in a manner that gives pride of achievement to Zimbabweans across the board.
Other labour news in China included the tail end of stories about migrant workers and wages in arrears (a story that dropped off - as expected - after Spring Festival), the travails of Chinese workers overseas (in places as diverse as Namibia and the UK), investment (inward and outward), workplace conditions, strikes and protests, union news, layoffs, and corporate social responsibility.
Industrial accidents: I posted 49 stories covering 20 accidents during February. At times it felt like industrial death was the only labour news published in the Chinese press; a thought that must have occurred to the country's leaders because Wang Xianzheng, director of the State Administration of Work Safety (SAWS), noted at a national conference on public security that the high number of "catastrophic" accidents in early 2004 reflected a rising trend of fatal accidents in public areas. And the month wasn't over.
The worst accident was clearly the tragic fire in the Zhongbai Commercial Plaza in Jilin, which killed 53 people and injured dozens more. Subsequent investigations put the blame on discarded cigarette butt. Yu Hongxin, a 35-year-old male, was detained for interrogation.
The second major industrial accident for the month was the coal mine explosion in Heilongjiang that took the lives of all 37 miners working underground at the time. During the last week of February, newspapers across the country ran stories of what was dubbed in the press as "2.23", with the body count rising every day. One report named every dead miner (they ranged in age from 49 to 22; thirty-five were male; thirty were local residents; and seven were migrant labourers from Sichuan). A picture of the mine head showed a small mine in winter snow, underscoring the difficult conditions in which the attempted rescue took place. It was reported that the local coal mine production safety department had issued an order of closure on the coal mine on 6 February and fined the owner, Wang Shijun, 20,000 yuan (US$ 2,400). Wang - detained by the police after the accident, "confessed he resumed production on 9 February", and was clearly undeterred by the notice and fine.
Earlier in the month, a deliberate explosion in an illegal coal mine in Shanxi killed 29. Twenty-eight miners from Huizu village were killed whilst scrambling for coal after rivals from a nearby village who competed in the same tunnels for resources detonated an explosive charge designed to block a tunnel. One of the men who set the charge was also killed. I provided a summary of a long and interesting investigative piece in the Nanfang zhoumo of the circumstances surrounding the accident (including a discussion on the interests behind illegal coal mining in the area).
The final major industrial accident occurred on 11 February, when 24 miners were killed in an explosion in Guizhou.
Although it occurred on 29 January, a major hydrofluoric acid leak from a factory in Hangzhou was not reported in the national media until early February. With only one person badly injured the incident was important not so much for the human cost but because the factory - like so many other facilities its age - is located close to a residential area. The Nanfang zhoumo again carried an interesting investigative piece about what went wrong and how the plant's proximity to an urban population is representative of a much wider problem confronting city dwellers.
Smaller accidents were reported in the press with alarming frequency throughout the month. A fire in a plastic products factory in Tianjin killed three; 15 women workers were hospitalised with chemical poisoning in a Korean-owned factory producing headwear in Jilin; three coal miners died of carbon monoxide poisoning in Gansu; five family members perished when their electrical appliance maintenance shop in Guangdong was engulfed in fire; six crew of a Chinese cargo vessel died after colliding with a Dutch container ship in the water area around the Yangtze River mouth; a fire in a shoe workshop killed a male and injured five women workers in Guangzhou; five people (all family members) were killed in a fire at a store selling lamps and electrical appliances in Guangdong; six died in Guangdong gypsum mine cave-in; five died and seven injured in a scaffold collapse in Fujian; two died in a fluorite mine in Zhejiang; nine people were killed in a coal mine cave-in accident in Anhui; another four died in the same province (and same area) of suffocation in a bauxite mine; and an explosion in a Hebei chemical factory left at least 10 dead (possibly 13).
The number of deaths reported here is 206, a figure that is surely well short of the total killed during February across China. As mentioned above, my reasoning here is based on government figures released earlier in the month. The key statistic for the purposes of this site is the 17,315 fatalities in industrial and mining enterprises during 2003: or around 1,400 deaths per month. Given that it seems unlikely that Chinese workplaces are experiencing an 85% improvement in workplace deaths, it's fair to assume the number of reported deaths I've found in the Chinese press constitute approximately 15% of the total; a grim and sobering conclusion.
The endless media coverage in February - despite that fact that it's only the tip of the iceberg - has clearly had an effect on the government; even if only to spur key players into making public pronouncements on the appalling state of health and safety provisions. I believe it's fairly clear, however, that a number of senior figures are concerned at what's happening to Chinese workers in specific sectors (mining in and factories in particular). The important thing now is how that concern is translated into action; i.e., can the relevant sections of government deliver on the promise of a safer workplace environment?
To answer that question it's important to know what exactly the government promises. And then with knowledge to observe how the government respond.
In the second week of February, and in response to the blast that took 29 lives in Huizu Village, "Shanxi province launched a three-month campaign ... to crack down on illegal coal mines across the province." Shanxi has been through this before. In November last year the press reported that nearly half of the coal mines in the province had reopened after being closed for safety reasons. In December, the Shanxi Coal Industry Bureau announced that more than 2,700 coal mines had resumed operation after safety checks. It's hard to know what the result of such inspections are, but the carnage continues. There are some clues in the Nanfang zhoumo article on the Huizu Village disaster. In it, journalist Li Liang wrote (note: the following is a summary of the Chinese, not a direct translation):
A Lingshi County cadre told Li Liang that he doesn't know how many enforcement teams the government sends out every year, but they cut off power and water to the mines, seal up mine heads by explosions, fine, detain and jail coal bosses - all of which makes no difference. Bosses pay fines, they move equipment out of mines to avoid detection, and so on. In fact, officials ordered Zhen Yuxiu's mine to cease work [the mine in which 29 miners lost their life], but despite paying fines of around 120,000 yuan (US$14,500) and being detained for 6 days, the pit operated as normal. Coal bosses, informants say, don't care about fines; they have corrupt connections to recoup the costs and can, of course, recoup such money by paying miners a pittance. Moreover, orders from county officials to close mines have been overridden by much more powerful forces.
[On the economics of the illegal coal industry in Shanxi]: Lingshi County has a population of around 240,000. Coal is the backbone of the economy, and accounts for about 70% of revenue. Coal dust is pervasive; it hangs in the air and makes breathing difficult. The ice on the street is black. But despite being dirty, there are many rich people in the area. [Li Liang] notices many private cars on the street - Toyotas and BMWs. And who owns these cars? Overwhelmingly they're owned by coal bosses. And no wonder. Over the last few years the price of coal has risen: a ton can fetch between 150 to 270 yuan. As mentioned earlier in the article, a small mine can extract 100 tons a day, but the cost of extraction, including workers' wages, is only about 38 yuan per ton (a profit of between 112 to 232 yuan per ton).
The solutions are by no means obvious. One official response, however, is to sack officials. The government of Shanxi sacked Jin Jianzhong, former deputy commissioner of the Luliang Prefecture, in early February after coal mine accidents killed 141 and caused millions of yuan in damage in 2002 and 2003. Others have called for more far reaching initiatives. After the Jilin shopping centre fire, the press carried a number of stories where experts called for a reappraisal of strategies aimed at curbing workplace or public disasters.
Professor Luo Yun, a government consultant on public safety issues, said: "People here have in the past been more concerned about filling their stomachs than something vague like public safety." He called for the government to embark on a public education campaign, which he believed would have the most immediate impact, as other measures like tougher enforcement and safety features could take years to implement. Li Geping, vice-secretary of the China Disaster Prevention Association, said that lessons from past disasters were not fully absorbed because too many government agencies were involved. At an official level, Premier Wen Jiabao presided over an executive meeting of the State Council to deploy work on work safety. The State Council said it will "tighten control over work safety by changing supervision measures, and reduce deaths from accidents in 2004 by 2.5 percent." At the same meeting, Wang Xianzheng, director of the State Administration of Work Safety (SAWS), argued that "the quota of reduction in deaths from accidents should be distributed to government departments and related enterprises according to a responsibility system." He also warned that " that those responsible will pay higher compensation for major accidents henceforth." A flurry of activity at the provincial level saw teams in Henan and Shanxi - both major producers of coal - send "special inspection teams to coal mines, chemical plants and factories producing explosives to check for hidden dangers."
A week later, the press reported that the State Administration of Work Safety (SAWS) had "ordered all regions, units and departments to shift their focus from aftermath treatment to prevention." SAWS will release the details of the work safety situation every three months through means of press conferences, governmental publications and news briefings; a development I'll be keeping a close eye on.
SAWS was in the news again after the Heilongjiang mine disaster (where 37 miners were eventually dragged out dead), saying that it would distribute work safety indexes to all organs under the control of the Central Government. The indexes "comprise seven groups of figures concerning work safety, namely the national death toll from accidents, the death rate per 100 million yuan of GDP (gross domestic product), the death rate per 100,000 people, the death toll of industrial enterprises, the death rate per 100,000 people in industrial enterprises, the death toll of mines, and the death rate per one million tons of coal. SAWS will release these figures collected at state and local levels every quarter, in the form of press conferences, government communiques and government briefings."
I couldn't help thinking, though, that health and safety still comes a poor second to other concerns. A story in late February related that officials will inspect the entire Hong Kong Product Plaza - a shopping centre in Guangzhou for high-end clothing stores with licences to sell Hong Kong-made garments duty-free under CEPA - twice daily to ensure shops sell only Hong Kong-made products. After reading all month about the carnage that takes place in the absence of any inspections at all (or owners who ignore inspection reports when they occur), the news of twice daily inspections to nab shifty garment store owners was a little surprising.
Of course, mining deaths will start to drop simply by natural attrition if this story is to be believed: A research report says that 10% of China's 178 mining cities (which account for more than 25 of all of China's officially registered cities) are faced with "exhaustion of resources and are in dire need of transformation."
The Ministry of Labor and Social Security revealed that 370,000 Chinese received industrial injury insurance pay-outs in 2003.
Migrant workers: Stories about migrant workers and wage arrears trailed off after people returned to work after Spring Festival (which took place in the last week of January). If you're interested in seeing the ebb and flow of migrant stories, you can check out this graphic. It's no surprise, but it will be interesting to see if the topic emerges towards the end of the year, especially in the context of government attempts to ensure that migrants receive wages on time.
A new survey showed that the transient population in the Chinese capital topped four million in 2003, a rise of nearly 230,000 over 2002, and that one in every four people on Beijing's streets are from other Chinese provinces. These findings were supplemented by another survey, which investigated 1,000 companies nationwide and found that 57.6 per cent of Chinese workers came from rural areas.
NY TIMES NEWS SERVICE , TAIZHOU, CHINA - Wednesday, Nov 05, 2003,Page 16
The first thing that struck Shen Yunxiang when he descended into the bowels of Hisun Pharmaceutical was the smell, or rather the lack of it. It was as if the sewage system had been scrubbed with ammonia, leaving only a sickly sweet aroma strong enough to overpower the stench of human waste.
In less than a minute, though, he realized that the company had exposed him to something far more noxious than feces. He had been sent, unwittingly, to release chemical runoff that Hisun had collected haphazardly beneath the factory, possibly to avoid paying fees to dispose of toxic waste.
Shen's chest constricted. His breathing grew labored, his head faint. Then Feng Huaping, his brother-in-law and fellow migrant worker, who had climbed down first, gasped, "Grab my hand, get me out," before collapsing in a puddle of muck.
Shen was the lucky one. He emerged with migraines and lung congestion, and doctors are still trying to diagnose the illness that is causing them. Feng died that night. A third migrant worker, Tang Dejun, also died in Hisun's fetid plumbing after he was sent down to finish the job the next day.
Hisun is one of China's leading exporters of pharmaceutical products, certified by the US Food and Drug Administration and the European drug commission to sell lifesaving anti-tumor and cardiovascular medications for prices Western manufacturers cannot match.
But the company may pay more attention to fighting cancer in America than in protecting the health of its own workers and neighbors in Taizhou, a seaside industrial city where the air and water bear Hisun's inky signature.
Hisun declined to answer detailed written questions about the incident, as did the police in Taizhou. But a local government official confirmed the deaths, which occurred in August and said they were the subject of a continuing criminal investigation.
Hisun has sprouted quickly, growing from a tiny state-owned drug maker to a pharmaceutical and chemical conglomerate, with shares listed on the Shanghai Stock Exchange and some powerful foreign partners. But company employees and local residents say that it has never stopped dumping untreated chemical waste around Taizhou and that it has minimized or ignored the harmful effects of poisonous substances on its own workers.
"They were reckless to send us down there without protection," said Shen, now recuperating in a nearby hospital. "To send another guy down the next day is beyond belief. They have no regard for human life."
Such disregard appears all too common as China booms. The country's economy is growing faster than any other. But the air and water in many of its leading cities rank as the dirtiest in the world and the country as a whole has by far the world's highest number of workplace fatalities, reaching 11,500 through the first nine months of this year, up nearly 10 percent from the same period last year.
Much of China's economic boom has stemmed from foreign investment and international partnership. Hisun itself has become partners with the Drug Source Co, a distributor of generic drugs based in Westchester, Illinois.
The American company helped Hisun gain regulatory approval to make ingredients for a variety of drugs, including the top-selling anti-tumor medication doxorubicin, used to treat cancer patients. The drugs sold in the US are Hisun's most profitable product lines and are its fastest growing source of revenue, according to reports it has filed as a publicly listed company.
Drug Source did not answer phone and e-mail messages seeking comment about its relations with the company.
Hisun has undergone seven inspections by the FDA in recent years. They were intended to ensure that the company meets US standards for product safety. Hisun passed the inspections and it is now certified to sell ingredients for at least eight medicines to the US, all distributed by Drug Source.
Eli Lilly & Co has also joined with Hisun to produce Lilly's drug capreomycin, used to fight resistant strains of tuberculosis. Similar alliances have helped Hisun crack the European market for pravastatin sodium, which lowers cholesterol levels in heart patients.
A spokesman for Eli Lilly said the company had no knowledge of environmental or safety problems at Hisun. The FDA declined to answer questions about its inspections of Hisun or its certification process.
Hisun's case suggests that the enormous human and environmental toll of China's rapid development is not just an unintended side effect but also an explicit choice of business executives and officials who tolerate deaths and degradation as the inevitable price of progress.
Taizhou's main industrial area, Yantou, where the Jiaojiang River meets the East China Sea, was historically popular among fisherman, who used the river as a sheltered harbor.
In the mid-1980s, the local government renamed the area the Yantou Pharmaceutical Chemical Industry Zone, with state-owned Hisun as the anchor tenant. The authorities built concrete barricades along the beach to protect factories from the tides, rendering parts of the seashore inaccessible.
Hisun initially focused on the Chinese market and produced anti-parasite medicines used by veterinarians to treat farm animals.
But over the past several years, it has ventured into foreign markets with the help of its powerful North American allies.
Powered by exports, Hisun's sales are on track to hit US$150 million this year and its campus of white-and-blue tiled factories and offices has expanded to cover dozens of acres along the waterfront.
Yet one of Hisun's comparative advantages seems to be that it does not spend much money to treat toxic chemicals that are byproducts of producing these drugs.
Internal reports by local and national environmental investigators have found that each year, Hisun and other nearby companies release 3.6 million tonnes of water laden with organic and inorganic compounds that receive little or no processing.
Yantou's shoreline is edged with sludge. Inland, the air is sulfureous. Fishermen say river water and sea water causes their hands and legs to become ulcerated, in some extreme cases requiring amputation.
Some 1,700 villagers have left the area around Yantou in recent years, according to one national environmental report.
The effect on some of Hisun's own employees has also been severe.
Until recently, Cao Hongshai was a Hisun assembly line worker who made a deworming medicine that the FDA approved for sale in the US.
Cao said she used toluene, a toxic solvent, to produce the active ingredient in the drug. But she wore only a blue cotton uniform and worked in a room that had no special ventilation.
Cao says she has not suffered health problems except for irregular periods. But two years ago she gave birth to a girl who had stubs where eight of her fingers should have been.
Cao and her husband, Lin Jianyong, sued Hisun for damages. A report submitted to the court by the government-run Medical Information Institute in Zhejiang Province found a "clear correlation" between the child's defects and the chemicals used at Hisun. But local courts have consistently supported Hisun, and Lin and Cao have nearly exhausted the family's savings fighting the company.
Cao and Lin named their daughter after Hisun. Lin said they selected the name so that their daughter will always know that her deformity was the company's fault.
Local government officials have recently taken steps to clean up Yantou. Authorities opened a waste-water treatment facility just a short walk from Hisun's campus, and local companies are now required to channel their runoff there and pay for it to be processed.
Beijing has also expressed alarm. After two reporters for the New China News Agency wrote an unpublished internal report revealing Yantou's environment woes, Prime Minister Wen Jiabao (???) ordered environmental and safety agencies to investigate, according to people who say they were told of the prime minister's intervention.
But by the accounts of Hisun employees and some local officials, the company became adept at fending off such inquiries.
On Aug. 14, word spread at Hisun that a central government inspection team was to arrive from Beijing. Employees said their managers became unusually active in seeking to clean up the facility.
Shen, the migrant worker who handled construction jobs for Hisun, noticed people bustling about the factory that day. But it was not until night that he and Feng were recruited to help the company prepare for inspections.
A boss came looking for Feng at the temporary shacks where he and Shen lived, together with their wives and young children, all of them migrants from southwestern Sichuan Province. Hisun's plant is located nearby, across a foul-smelling canal that provides shipping passage to the sea.
The boss explained that Hisun had a problem that needed immediate attention. Feng, who led his own construction brigade, was told to pick a colleague and bring flashlights, a sledgehammer and a drill. Feng roused Shen, his brother-in-law.
Shen said the boss told them what to do. They were to knock down barricades that had been built inside Hisun's sewage system to redirect the flow of liquid waste. He did not explain why.
It seems quite likely, some other employees and local residents said, that the company had diverted waste water to avoid paying fees to have it processed, and that pending inspections prompted the company to restore the flow.
Feng stripped off his shirt and climbed down a manhole. Shen followed a few steps behind. He said he expected to smell human waste, but instead encountered the light chemical odor. He felt dizzy.
Feng had just begun working below when he cried out and reached for help. Shen grabbed his bare arm, wet and slippery, and pulled with all his strength. He tugged so hard that he bit off the tip of his tongue. The shot of pain in his mouth is his last memory that night.
When Shen regained consciousness two days later, blurry and disoriented in the hospital, he asked for Feng. He was told his brother-in-law was dead.
So was Tang, the other migrant construction worker who followed them into the drainage pipes the second night, and a security guard involved in a rescue attempt.
A local government official, Wang, who declined to provide his full name or have his title used, said a deputy general manager of Hisun and a lower-level official in charge of the drainage system were under investigation.
Hisun itself was fined the equivalent of US$5,400, this official said. Relatives of Feng said Hisun paid them US$20,500 compensation.
The local official said Bai Hua, Hisun's chief executive, was also assessed a personal fine. But neither Bai nor his company has said anything publicly about the case.
Bai this week headed his company's delegation to a major pharmaceutical convention in Frankfurt, where it promoted its line of drugs to fight heart disease, certified safe by the European Union
This is pretty much my assessment of the media coverage of the Sars epidemic to date. Could everybody not just calm down for one moment? The Government is failing to act and should be making Sars a notifiable disease like anthrax, say some papers. It's from outer space, says the expert from Sheffield with the suspiciously Viz-like name, Dr Milton Wainwright. Sars could be bigger than Aids and our only hope is to mount an immediate aggressive global response at the highest levels, says Dr Patrick Dixon, an expert in predicting global trends at the London Business School's Centre for Management Development. We're all doomed, says a Walmington-on-Sea based spokesman for the Home Guard.
Please excuse my apparent facetiousness in the face of a serious world health issue. It is, of course, true that some 290 people have died since this problem was identified and at least 4,800 have been infected. There has been a Chernobyl-like cover-up in China. The disease may be caught by casual contact. It has taken a hold in some Western cities. There is no cure or vaccine. But "the first global epidemic of the 21st century"? Hang on, we haven't finished with the old ones yet.
Let us take a cold look at some other figures that might put Sars into perspective. Since you began reading this article several people have died of malaria, probably children; 3,000 more will be dead by tomorrow. Nearly three million more people will have died of tuberculosis by the end of 2003; the progress of resistant disease is unstoppable. Forty million people have died of Aids.
Nor can we in the West be complacent. Ordinary influenza kills between 20,000 and 30,000 in the United States every year, and proportionately similar numbers in the UK. Our neighbours in eastern Europe are undergoing a catastrophic rise in HIV incidence. Hospital-acquired infection with antibiotic-resistant strains of common bacteria has reached epidemic levels in some UK hospitals. Blood-borne infection with resistant bacteria such as MRSA - methicillin-resistant staphylococcus aureus - has an almost identical proportional mortality to smallpox: about 30 per cent.
Doctors who are involved with management of these infections and wish to educate the public about them grow weary of beating the same old drum to the same old indifference from the press. None of this is news these days. Is anyone in Fleet Street interested in World TB Day any more? HIV's almost a non-story nowadays. May I remind you of the Sars figures in Britain to date? Six people have been identified as probable Sars cases. Six. Not 6,000, not 60. Six. None has died. In some countries, the incidence of HIV exceeds 30 per cent, and cases in London are increasing by 10 to 15 per cent per year.
You could reasonably argue that none of the figures for major infective killers, shocking as they are, has any influence on our response to Sars. This is a new disease, an entirely new virus that can be picked up in aeroplanes and affects affluent Westerners rather than penniless African children. Health workers such as doctors and nurses can be infected and some have died. Some say a handshake is enough, or touching a lift button. Nobody has natural immunity to this variety of coronavirus, which makes it a ready candidate for a widespread pandemic. It has a recognised mortality rate, now believed to be about one in 15. I could be wrong - we may be in for a new Black Death, although the evidence so far suggests not, and the agent may not even be as infectious as first thought.
But do we really gain anything by some of the overwrought headlines we have read in the last week? What possible virtue is there in panic? You can make a very short list of the people who benefit from this kind of knicker-twisting. Publicity-hungry "experts" from obscure institutions. Manufacturers of "protective" face masks. (Check out the ads for a respirator offering reliable protection against anthrax, biological agents, Sars and pollution: £9.99. Sorry, guys, but it probably doesn't work.) Journalists who have been kicking their heels since Iraq petered out so disappointingly, and editors with rather forlorn-looking empty front pages. Perhaps we need a constant sump for our free-floating anxiety. Saddam has inconveniently disappeared. What's next? Does anyone remember the thriving market in helmets when Skylab was about to crash to earth?
And have we learnt nothing from the recent past? An entire, proud industry was virtually destroyed in the name of CJD. The country was visited as though by a biblical plague, an already struggling rural economy was kicked in the teeth. I attended a lecture at the Royal College of Physicians at the height of the BSE crisis, given by one of the Government's most senior advisers on CJD, Professor Roy Anderson, who has also recently reported on Sars. He predicted deaths on a large scale from CJD. While I have every sympathy for the victims of this dreadful condition, and their relatives, and do not wish to minimise their suffering, the projected epidemic never came. We are, however in the middle of a separate epidemic - of heart disease caused by our diet, including beef. But that's not news.
Then there was foot and mouth. A complacent government failed to act and yet another plague was visited on our countryside. I wonder if this recent episode is fuelling our hysteria? Hard to know what lessons we can draw for Sars, as that crisis arose because there is no veterinary Health Protection Agency. There is no possibility of ring-vaccination against Sars. Perhaps someone will propose a contiguous cull.
The Government's Chief Medical Officer, Liam Donaldson, has got it right. We should be vigilant but calm. Clinicians up and down the country are alert to the condition - how could they fail to be? Making the disease notifiable is an irrelevant bureaucratic nicety under the circumstances. We have probably the best public health service (recently renamed the Health Protection Agency) in the world. Shouldn't we listen to it? In the words of another spokesman from Walmington-on-Sea: "Don't panic!"
A. Remarkably, this is a question we get asked a lot. Ross Ryan is of the singer-songwriting type genre. He got his start in the early 70's whilst he was working as an audio operator for STW Channel 9 in Perth Western Australia. It was there that he recorded the legendary album "Homemovies" and shortly afterwards he became the superstar that he is today. You can find out more from Coathanger - the official Ross Ryan web site.
I am totally confident not that the world will get better, but that we should not give up the game before all the cards have been played. The metaphor is deliberate; life is a gamble. Not to play is to foreclose any chance of winning. To play, to act, is to create at least a possibility of changing the world.
There is a tendency to think that what we see in the present moment will continue. We forget how often we have been astonished by the sudden crumbling of institutions, by extraordinary changes in people's thoughts, by unexpected eruptions of rebellion against tyrannies, by the quick collapse of systems of power that seemed invincible.
What leaps out from the history of the past hundred years is its utter unpredictability. A revolution to overthrow the czar of Russia, in that most sluggish of semi-feudal empires, not only startled the most advanced imperial powers but took Lenin himself by surprise and sent him rushing by train to Petrograd. Who would have predicted the bizarre shifts of World War II--the Nazi-Soviet pact (those embarrassing photos of von Ribbentrop and Molotov shaking hands), and the German Army rolling through Russia, apparently invincible, causing colossal casualties, being turned back at the gates of Leningrad, on the western edge of Moscow, in the streets of Stalingrad, followed by the defeat of the German army, with Hitler huddled in his Berlin bunker, waiting to die?
And then the postwar world, taking a shape no one could have drawn in advance: The Chinese Communist revolution, the tumultuous and violent Cultural Revolution, and then another turnabout, with post-Mao China renouncing its most fervently held ideas and institutions, making overtures to the West, cuddling up to capitalist enterprise, perplexing everyone.
No one foresaw the disintegration of the old Western empires happening so quickly after the war, or the odd array of societies that would be created in the newly independent nations, from the benign village socialism of Nyerere's Tanzania to the madness of Idi Amin's adjacent Uganda. Spain became an astonishment. I recall a veteran of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade telling me that he could not imagine Spanish Fascism being overthrown without another bloody war. But after Franco was gone, a parliamentary democracy came into being, open to Socialists, Communists, anarchists, everyone.
The end of World War II left two superpowers with their respective spheres of influence and control, vying for military and political power. Yet they were unable to control events, even in those parts of the world considered to be their respective spheres of influence. The failure of the Soviet Union to have its way in Afghanistan, its decision to withdraw after almost a decade of ugly intervention, was the most striking evidence that even the possession of thermonuclear weapons does not guarantee domination over a determined population. The United States has faced the same reality. It waged a full-scale war in lndochina, conducting the most brutal bombardment of a tiny peninsula in world history, and yet was forced to withdraw. In the headlines every day we see other instances of the failure of the presumably powerful over the presumably powerless, as in Brazil, where a grassroots movement of workers and the poor elected a new president pledged to fight destructive corporate power.
Looking at this catalogue of huge surprises, it's clear that the struggle for justice should never be abandoned because of the apparent overwhelming power of those who have the guns and the money and who seem invincible in their determination to hold on to it. That apparent power has, again and again, proved vulnerable to human qualities less measurable than bombs and dollars: moral fervor, determination, unity, organization, sacrifice, wit, ingenuity, courage, patience--whether by blacks in Alabama and South Africa, peasants in El Salvador, Nicaragua and Vietnam, or workers and intellectuals in Poland, Hungary and the Soviet Union itself. No cold calculation of the balance of power need deter people who are persuaded that their cause is just.
I have tried hard to match my friends in their pessimism about the world (is it just my friends?), but I keep encountering people who, in spite of all the evidence of terrible things happening everywhere, give me hope. Especially young people, in whom the future rests. Wherever I go, I find such people. And beyond the handful of activists there seem to be hundreds, thousands, more who are open to unorthodox ideas. But they tend not to know of one another's existence, and so, while they persist, they do so with the desperate patience of Sisyphus endlessly pushing that boulder up the mountain. I try to tell each group that it is not alone, and that the very people who are disheartened by the absence of a national movement are themselves proof of the potential for such a movement.
Revolutionary change does not come as one cataclysmic moment (beware of such moments!) but as an endless succession of surprises, moving zigzag toward a more decent society. We don't have to engage in grand, heroic actions to participate in the process of change. Small acts, when multiplied by millions of people, can transform the world. Even when we don't "win," there is fun and fulfillment in the fact that we have been involved, with other good people, in something worthwhile. We need hope.
An optimist isn't necessarily a blithe, slightly sappy whistler in the dark of our time. To be hopeful in bad times is not just foolishly romantic. It is based on the fact that human history is a history not only of cruelty but also of compassion, sacrifice, courage, kindness. What we choose to emphasize in this complex history will determine our lives. If we see only the worst, it destroys our capacity to do something. If we remember those times and places--and there are so many--where people have behaved magnificently, this gives us the energy to act, and at least the possibility of sending this spinning top of a world in a different direction. And if we do act, in however small a way, we don't have to wait for some grand utopian future. The future is an infinite succession of presents, and to live now as we think human beings should live, in defiance of all that is bad around us, is itself a marvelous victory.
They're not governing now for the whole of Britain. No, the purpose of government now is to promote Labour values (togetherness, principally).
These values include revulsion of Tories. The great, tribal therapy is back on public view. We will always put working people first, one said. Another referred to the callous, vicious, deliberate Tory policy to get rid of 100,000 jobs in Bradford. The Tories systematically destroyed our economy, another claimed, and found no dissent.
Another speaker, even in the act of excoriating the Tory record in manufacturing, told us that manufacturing jobs under Labour had been disappearing at the rate of 100,000 a year for four years. Twice as fast now, you might say, as under the baby-torturing, Satan-worshipping, prole-abusing cannibals that form the official Opposition.
Afterword: In the matter of devolution of powers to local government. Councillor Dame Sally Powell got up to demand more financial freedom for Hammersmith Council. The last time Hammersmith Council had financial freedom, they bet fantastic sums of ratepayers' money on an interest-rate swap and lost it all when the bet went the wrong way."
"Influence is power is prosperity." Influence is prosperity, then? What economic textbook this came out of is hard to know, unless it was the one co-authored by Richard Desmond, Bernie Ecclestone, Lakshmi Mittal and PowderJect.
No, it was almost as vacuous as his most revealing thought for the day: "Reform is a word," he said. "It has no meaning in itself." Quite. So very like all the other words in his political vocabulary. Fairness. Justice.
Poverty. Trains. Five. They have no meaning in themselves, they mean only what he wants them to mean. What else? The imperial temptations are not always resisted: "Our values aren't Western values. They're human values, and anywhere, anytime people are given the chance, they embrace them." Tell that, if can get anywhere near them, to the Yanomami. The Bushmen aren't that keen on them either. Nor are the Tories.
But on those occasions when you could check his claims against reality, he was found wanting. "We should value our public servants" for instance. The one thing that public servants overwhelmingly feel is that they aren't valued by their political masters. The street crime initiative - has it led to a crime reduction? It has led to an increase in crime outside the initiative. If our education system is so good, where do our seven million illiterates come from? That's Tory pessimism."
a reference
"Good practice in scientific and engineering research"
A document issued by the UK Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council February 1999.
quote.
. 1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Progress in scientific and engineering research depends on the honest reporting of genuine results....
..unquote
Have you ever wondered why the scientific revolution started in Western Europe? and, will it continue there?
Experimental and observational science.
Aristotle is reported to have maintained that men have more teeth in their mouths than do women, assuming both have full sets.
He could have counted the teeth in his wife's mouth and compared the number with a count of his own teeth.
He did not do this; or, if he did, she was deficient in number of teeth and he didn't bother to look at a larger sample of ladies. (The author's wife and father-in-law each have their bottom two canines missing from birth....) He was a thinker rather than an observational scientist. Alternatively, he may have done this, and decided for reasons best known to himself to misreport the observation.
In any case, he was running a risk of credibility, as anyone else could have made this observation. But because he was a respected philosopher, I suppose no-one thought to question his statement. We can all identify "respected experts" in our own time who make pronouncements without checking on the facts.
Science really took off at about the time of Kepler, Copernicus, and Galileo, who dared to question the accepted beliefs of the Church of the time, the members of which had been raised on Aristotelean philosophy, with verifiable experimental observations.
Thus a cornerstone of Western Science was the willingness to make disinterested experimental observations, and to report these accurately even in the face of a sceptical and hostile audience.
Truth in reporting observations and experiments
In the Middle Ages, many people tried to follow the quest of the alchemists; to turn base metals into gold. Clearly there was power and prestige to be had in convincing some wealthy patron that you could actually do this, despite the fact that no experiment you had performed gave any indication that the process was possible.
What distinguishes the alchemist from the true experimental scientist is the honesty of the scientist in reporting the results of experiments, unsatisfactory as well as satisfactory.
The Western cultures had one advantage in Christianity; there was within their teaching, an onus on telling the truth, or on "not bearing false witness". This gave the early experimentalists confidence in confronting the authority of the Church.
Whilst there is nothing wrong in students seeking assistance with project report writing and thesis writing, such assistance MUST be acknowledged in order for the process to fall within the requirements of honesty. Therefore, it is surprising to find institutionalised dishonesty available within the community. The only reason that this may escape detection is if, in a mass education system, students are not known to their tutors at all closely. This also leads to debasement of the degree-awarding process and to the devaluation of the worth, and the pecuniary worth, of the piece of paper called a "degree certificate". For those people who really would like to purchase a degree certificate of zero worth, there are good sites including a famous site offering degrees in subjects such as "post-feminist needlework".
Wolf-crying.
Politicians in the UK have a long track record of making "positively definitive statements" about issues in the public domain. An example from recent years is the issuing of statements about the safety of BSE-infected beef, and again about the safety of salmonella-infected eggs, or more recently the financial probity and even the veracity and basic honesty of various political figures who need not be named here.
They have brought the considered opinion of genuine experts into disrepute, particularly when it transpires that they have "spun" the opinions of the experts for their own political ends. This is another example of the negative effects of deliberate dishonesty in public life. Now, nobody can offer a sound scientific opinion, for example about the relative safety of mobile phone base stations when compared to the hazards of the handsets, without being disbelieved and discounted by the Public.
For this reason, we observe a general decoupling of public opinion from the posturing of politicians and the political process in general, and also from the unquestioning acceptance of genuine scientific opinion even when there are no other recourses available. This has harmed the progress of life on the planet. The mendacity of politicians has also in the past led to avoidable war and international conflict. People are correct in their distrust of politicians and statesmen.
Business cash skews science
Excerpt from "The Times Higher Education Supplement", London, 28th March 2003.
The academic integrity of UK research is at risk as the government tries to wean researchers off state support in favour of commercial income, the Royal Society said this week.
.... Patrick Bateson, the society's vice-president, said that commercial opportunities were already affecting the choice of research topics. He said that scientists were leaning towards projects with short-term financial benefits instead of concentrating on long-term public need.
... Professor Bateson said that many scientists were not aware of the potential pitfalls of corporate funding and that the effects of commercial influence on research could be subtle.
The Politics Of Publication.
Extract from "Nature" March 2003.
The decision about publication of a paper is the result of interaction between authors, editors and reviewers. Scientists are increasingly desperate to publish in a few top journals and are wasting time and energy manipulating their manuscripts and courting editors. As a result, the objective presentation of work, the accessibility of articles and the quality of research itself are being compromised. Managers are stealing power from scientists and building an accountability culture that "aims at ever more perfect administrative control of institutional and professional life".
The Politics Of Publication, Peter A. Lawrence, Nature 422, 259 - 261 (2003);
Some breaking of the strong link biased towards "payment by results" is needed for scientific research activity. Regulation by formal bureaucracy will not work when the organisations employing the scientists have vested interests at stake. Who believes any of the research put about by scientists employed by tobacco companies, for example?
The social cost of this is to arrange a system in order to support more scientists doing research whose utility is not immediately apparent. For most academic organisations the utility of their academics may be measured by the quantity of their publications in what are regarded as "quality refereed journals". However, the cohorts of referees are self serving, in that they are subject to the very same pressures.
So, the libraries of the planet are clogging up with work which is worse than useless, as it diverts people from studying the properly conducted activities which may not emphasise quantity for the research output measures. Much of the trouble has originated in the more capitalist countries of the West, where, charitably, the best that can be said is that many competing organisations have been trying to ratchet themselves up in the credibility stakes. The result is obfuscation rather than clarification; mathematics rather than simple testable models; computer simulation rather than honest experiment.
It is very difficult to convince a member of the public that a negative result is as strong and valid a result of an investigation as is a positive outcome. One of the classic negative result experiments was the Michelson-Morley experiment which showed that the velocity of light did not depend on the direction of travel, thus disproving the "ether" theory and laying the foundations for special relativity.
Here is a summary in Physics World of why neglecting the publication of negative or unwanted results is hindering scientific advance...
* Filing cabinets hamper scientific research!: (4 Oct) In 500 BC shipwrecked Greek sailors washed ashore on the Isle of Samothrace painted portraits celebrating their survival in a local temple. This was proof that the gods intervene in human affairs said the priests. But where, asked Diagoras of Melos, were the portraits of those who had drowned? These paintings are the first recorded evidence of a 'publication bias' producing a positive result. This "file-drawer effect" - the habit of not publishing negative results, thereby leaving a large amount of unpublished data hidden in filing cabinets - is a "severe impediment to combining the statistical results of studies collected from the literature" according to Jeffrey Scargle, an astrophysicist at NASA's Ames Research Center. [ http://PhysicsWeb.org/article/news/3/10/6 ]
HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES SEEKS SCIENCE ADVICE TO MATCH BUSH VIEWS
from The Washington Post
The Bush administration has begun a broad restructuring of the scientific advisory committees that guide federal policy in areas such as patients' rights and public health, eliminating some committees that were coming to conclusions at odds with the president's views and in other cases replacing members with hand-picked choices.
In the past few weeks, the Department of Health and Human Services has retired two expert committees before their work was complete. One had recommended that the Food and Drug Administration expand its regulation of the increasingly lucrative genetic testing industry, which has so far been free of such oversight. The other committee, which was rethinking federal protections for human research subjects, had drawn the ire of administration supporters on the religious right, according to government sources.
A third committee, which had been assessing the effects of environmental chemicals on human health, has been told that nearly all of its members will be replaced -- in several instances by people with links to the industries that make those chemicals. One new member is a California scientist who helped defend Pacific Gas and Electric Co. against the real-life Erin Brockovich.
The changes are among the first in a gradual restructuring of the system that funnels expert advice to Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy G. Thompson.
Washington Post article 16th Sept 2002
According to Sextus Empiricus he became an atheist when an enemy of his perjured himself in court and got away with it. There are some variations in other sources to this anecdote, though not changing its moral content – immorality seems to go unpunished, so how can there be any gods in the sense of watchers over human virtue?
He is said to have been a student of Democritus, who may have initiated his disbelief in the existence of the gods, and was expelled from Athens in 411 BC for his attacks on religion. Other sources claim that he was bought from slavery by Democritus in 411 BC, when Melos was captured by Alcibiades, and then became his student.
15: If a brother or sister be naked, and destitute of daily food,
16: And one of you say unto them, Depart in peace, be ye warmed and filled; notwithstanding ye give them not those things which are needful to the body; what doth it profit?
17: Even so faith, if it hath not works, is dead, being alone.
18: Yea, a man may say, Thou hast faith, and I have works: shew me thy faith without thy works, and I will shew thee my faith by my works.
19: Thou believest that there is one God; thou doest well: the devils also believe, and tremble.
20: But wilt thou know, O vain man, that faith without works is dead?
… All along the north and north-west frontiers of India lie the Himalayas, the greatest disturbance of the earth's surface that the convulsions of chaotic periods have produced. Nearly four hundred miles in breadth and more than sixteen hundred in length, this mountainous region divides the great plains of the south from those of Central Asia, and parts as a channel separates opposing shores, the Eastern Empire of Great Britain from that of Russia. The western end of this tumult of ground is formed by the peaks of the Hindu Kush, to the south of which is the scene of the story these pages contain. The Himalayas are not a line, but a great country of mountains. By one who stands on some lofty pass or commanding point in Dir, Swat or Bajaur, range after range is seen as the long surges of an Atlantic swell, and in the distance some glittering snow peak suggests a white-crested roller, higher than the rest. The drenching rains which fall each year have washed the soil from the sides of the hills until they have become strangely grooved by numberless water-courses, and the black primeval rock is everywhere exposed. The silt and sediment have filled the valleys which lie between, and made their surface sandy, level and broad. Again the rain has cut wide, deep and constantly-changing channels through this soft deposit; great gutters, which are sometimes seventy feet deep and two or three hundred yards across. These are the nullahs. Usually the smaller ones are dry, and the larger occupied only by streams; but in the season of the rains, abundant water pours down all, and in a few hours the brook has become an impassable torrent, and the river swelled into a rolling flood which caves the banks round which it swirls, and cuts the channel deeper year by year.
From the level plain of the valleys the hills rise abruptly. Their steep and rugged slopes are thickly strewn with great rocks, and covered with coarse, rank grass. Scattered pines grow on the higher ridges. In the water-courses the chenar, the beautiful eastern variety of the plane tree of the London squares and Paris boulevards, is occasionally found, and when found, is, for its pleasant shade, regarded with grateful respect. Reaching far up the sides of the hills are tiers of narrow terraces, chiefly the work of long-forgotten peoples, which catch the soil that the rain brings down, and support crops of barley and maize. The rice fields along both banks of the stream display a broad, winding strip of vivid green, which gives the eye its only relief from the sombre colours of the mountains.
In the spring, indeed, the valleys are brightened by many flowers -- wild tulips, peonies, crocuses and several kinds of polyanthus; and among the fruits the water melon, some small grapes and mulberries are excellent, although in their production, nature is unaided by culture. But during the campaign, which these pages describe, the hot sun of the summer had burnt up all the flowers, and only a few splendid butterflies, whose wings of blue and green change colour in the light, like shot silk, contrasted with the sternness of the landscape. …
Over all is a bright blue sky and powerful sun. Such is the scenery of the theatre of war.
The inhabitants of these wild but wealthy valleys are of many tribes, but of similar character and condition. The abundant crops which a warm sun and copious rains raise from a fertile soil, support a numerous population in a state of warlike leisure. Except at the times of sowing and of harvest, a continual state of feud and strife prevails throughout the land. Tribe wars with tribe. The people of one valley fight with those of the next. To the quarrels of communities are added the combats of individuals. Khan assails khan, each supported by his retainers. Every tribesman has a blood feud with his neighbor. Every man's hand is against the other, and all against the stranger.
Nor are these struggles conducted with the weapons which usually belong to the races of such development. To the ferocity of the Zulu are added the craft of the Redskin and the marksmanship of the Boer. The world is presented with that grim spectacle, "the strength of civilisation without its mercy." At a thousand yards the traveller falls wounded by the well-aimed bullet of a breech-loading rifle. His assailant, approaching, hacks him to death with the ferocity of a South-Sea Islander. The weapons of the nineteenth century are in the hands of the savages of the Stone Age.
Every influence, every motive, that provokes the spirit of murder among men, impels these mountaineers to deeds of treachery and violence. The strong aboriginal propensity to kill, inherit in all human beings, has in these valleys been preserved in unexampled strength and vigour. That religion, which above all others was founded and propagated by the sword -- the tenets and principles of which are instinct with incentives to slaughter and which in three continents has produced fighting breeds of men -- stimulates a wild and merciless fanaticism. The love of plunder, always a characteristic of hill tribes, is fostered by the spectacle of opulence and luxury which, to their eyes, the cities and plains of the south display. A code of honour not less punctilious than that of old Spain, is supported by vendettas as implacable as those of Corsica.
In such a state of society, all property is held directly by main force. Every man is a soldier. Either he is the retainer of some khan -- the man-at-arms of some feudal baron as it were -- or he is a unit in the armed force of his village -- the burgher of mediaeval history. In such surroundings we may without difficulty trace the rise and fall of an ambitious Pathan. At first he toils with zeal and thrift as an agriculturist on that plot of ground which his family have held since they expelled some former owner. He accumulates in secret a sum of money. With this he buys a rifle from some daring thief, who has risked his life to snatch it from a frontier guard-house. He becomes a man to be feared. Then he builds a tower to his house and overawes those around him in the village. Gradually they submit to his authority. He might now rule the village; but he aspires still higher. He persuades or compels his neighbors to join him in an attack on the castle of a local khan. The attack succeeds. The khan flies or is killed; the castle captured. The retainers make terms with the conqueror. The land tenure is feudal. In return for their acres they follow their new chief to war. Were he to treat them worse than the other khans treated their servants, they would sell their strong arms elsewhere. He treats them well. Others resort to him. He buys more rifles. He conquers two or three neighboring khans. He has now become a power.
Many, perhaps all, states have been founded in a similar way, and it is by such steps that civilisation painfully stumbles through her earlier stages. But in these valleys the warlike nature of the people and their hatred of control, arrest the further progress of development. We have watched a man, able, thrifty, brave, fighting his way to power, absorbing, amalgamating, laying the foundations of a more complex and interdependent state of society. He has so far succeeded. But his success is now his ruin. A combination is formed against him. The surrounding chiefs and their adherents are assisted by the village populations. The ambitious Pathan, oppressed by numbers, is destroyed. The victors quarrel over the spoil, and the story closes, as it began, in bloodshed and strife.
The conditions of existence, that have been thus indicated, have naturally led to the dwelling-places of these tribes being fortified. If they are in the valley, they are protected by towers and walls loopholed for musketry. If in the hollows of the hills, they are strong by their natural position. In either case they are guarded by a hardy and martial people, well armed, brave, and trained by constant war.
This state of continual tumult has produced a habit of mind which recks little of injuries, holds life cheap and embarks on war with careless levity, and the tribesmen of the Afghan border afford the spectacle of a people, who fight without passion, and kill one another without loss of temper. Such a disposition, combined with an absolute lack of reverence for all forms of law and authority, and a complete assurance of equality, is the cause of their frequent quarrels with the British power. A trifle rouses their animosity. They make a sudden attack on some frontier post. They are repulsed. From their point of view the incident is closed. There has been a fair fight in which they have had the worst fortune. What puzzles them is that "the Sirkar" should regard so small an affair in a serious light. Thus the Mohmands cross the frontier and the action of Shabkadr is fought. They are surprised and aggrieved that the Government are not content with the victory, but must needs invade their territories, and impose punishment. Or again, the Mamunds, because a village has been burnt, assail the camp of the Second Brigade by night. It is a drawn game. They are astounded that the troops do not take it in good part.
They, when they fight among themselves, bear little malice, and the combatants not infrequently make friends over the corpses of their comrades or suspend operations for a festival or a horse race. At the end of the contest cordial relations are at once re-established. And yet so full of contradictions is their character, that all this is without prejudice to what has been written of their family vendettas and private blood feuds. Their system of ethics, which regards treachery and violence as virtues rather than vices, has produced a code of honour so strange and inconsistent, that it is incomprehensible to a logical mind. I have been told that if a white man could grasp it fully, and were to understand their mental impulses -- if he knew, when it was their honour to stand by him, and when it was their honour to betray him; when they were bound to protect and when to kill him--he might, by judging his times and opportunities, pass safely from one end of the mountains to the other. But a civilised European is as little able to accomplish this, as to appreciate the feelings of those strange creatures, which, when a drop of water is examined under a microscope, are revealed amiably gobbling each other up, and being themselves complacently devoured.
… Truth is unknown among them. A single typical incident displays the standpoint from which they regard an oath. In any dispute about a field boundary, it is customary for both claimants to walk round the boundary he claims, with a Koran in his hand, swearing that all the time he is walking on his own land. To meet the difficulty of a false oath, while he is walking over his neighbor's land, he puts a little dust from his own field into his shoes. As both sides are acquainted with the trick, the dismal farce of swearing is usually soon abandoned, in favor of an appeal to force.
All are held in the grip of miserable superstition. The power of the ziarat, or sacred tomb, is wonderful. Sick children are carried on the backs of buffaloes, sometimes sixty or seventy miles, to be deposited in front of such a shrine, after which they are carried back -- if they survive the journey -- in the same way. It is painful even to think of what the wretched child suffers in being thus jolted over the cattle tracks. But the tribesmen consider the treatment much more efficacious than any infidel prescription. To go to a ziarat and put a stick in the ground is sufficient to ensure the fulfillment of a wish. To sit swinging a stone or coloured glass ball, suspended by a string from a tree, and tied there by some fakir, is a sure method of securing a fine male heir. To make a cow give good milk, a little should be plastered on some favorite stone near the tomb of a holy man. These are but a few instances; but they may suffice to reveal a state of mental development at which civilisation hardly knows whether to laugh or weep.
Their superstition exposes them to the rapacity and tyranny of a numerous priesthood -- "Mullahs," "Sahibzadas," "Akhundzadas," "Fakirs," -- and a host of wandering Talib-ul-ilms, who correspond with the theological students in Turkey, and live free at the expense of the people. More than this, they enjoy a sort of "droit du seigneur," and no man's wife or daughter is safe from them. Of some of their manners and morals it is impossible to write. As Macaulay has said of Wycherley's plays, "they are protected against the critics as a skunk is protected against the hunters." They are "safe, because they are too filthy to handle, and too noisome even to approach."
Yet the life even of these barbarous people is not without moments when the lover of the picturesque might sympathise with their hopes and fears. In the cool of the evening, when the sun has sunk behind the mountains of Afghanistan, and the valleys are filled with a delicious twilight, the elders of the village lead the way to the chenar trees by the water's side, and there, while the men are cleaning their rifles, or smoking their hookas, and the women are making rude ornaments from beads, and cloves, and nuts, the Mullah drones the evening prayer. Few white men have seen, and returned to tell the tale. But we may imagine the conversation passing from the prices of arms and cattle, the prospects of the harvest, or the village gossip, to the great Power, that lies to the southward, and comes nearer year by year. Perhaps some former Sepoy, of Beluchis or Pathans, will recount his adventures in the bazaars of Peshawar, or tell of the white officers he has followed and fought for in the past. He will speak of their careless bravery and their strange sports; of the far-reaching power of the Government, that never forgets to send his pension regularly as the months pass by; and he may even predict to the listening circle the day when their valleys will be involved in the comprehensive grasp of that great machine, and judges, collectors and commissioners shall ride to sessions at Ambeyla, or value the land tax on the soil of Nawagai. Then the Mullah will raise his voice and remind them of other days when the sons of the prophet drove the infidel from the plains of India, and ruled at Delhi, as wide an Empire as the Kafir holds to-day: when the true religion strode proudly through the earth and scorned to lie hidden and neglected among the hills: when mighty princes ruled in Bagdad, and all men knew that there was one God, and Mahomet was His prophet. And the young men hearing these things will grip their Martinis, and pray to Allah, that one day He will bring some Sahib -- best prize of all -- across their line of sight at seven hundred yards so that, at least, they may strike a blow for insulted and threatened Islam. …
Keith Hellawell, the newly appointed drugs tsar, took to the rostrum to outline a 10-year strategy to "stifle the availability" of drugs and enable young people and former drug users to live "healthy and crime-free lives".
The showbiz atmosphere and the spectacular nature of the claims provoked a sceptical response from many of the experts present. Less than five years on, the cynics have been proved right. The tsar has been deposed and is engaged in a bitter feud with ministers responsible for drugs policy.
Mr Hellawell's strategy aimed to drive down drug- related crime, reduce the overall availability of drugs, educate young people on the dangers of substance misuse and increase the number of users receiving treatment. But instead of communities safe from drugs, crack houses and street gun battles have become part of Britain's urban landscape and heroin addiction has spread from cities to the countryside. Availability of all illegal drugs is widespread and cocaine use, in particular, has risen to recordlevels.
Drug prices are now lower than ever before, and a strategy that was largely based on the education of youngsters has coincided with an estimated one million people taking ecstasy every weekend and deep confusion over the legal status of cannabis, the drug most widely used by teenagers.
Faced with the might of the global traffickers and the expendability of street dealers, the Government announced a new tack yesterday of concentrating on "middle-market" dealers.
It also ripped up three of the four "key performance targets" of the Tackling Drugs to Build a Better Britain plan and replaced them with new ones described as "achievable".
Instead of 10-year objectives that aimed to cut by half the numbers of young people using heroin and cocaine and to reduce by 50 per cent the levels of repeat offending by drug users, the strategy now looks for any downward trend in these areas by 2008.
And instead of having to cut by 50 per cent the availability of heroin and cocaine, the Government has now pledged itself simply to increase the level of drug seizures and step up attempts to help Afghanistan reduce the cultivation of poppies, with the aim of eliminating the crop within 10 years.
"Let's be totally up front," said Bob Ainsworth, the Home Office's drugs minister. "We had no strategy at all in 1998. There was no evidence base."
Mr Ainsworth claimed the "direction" of the Home Office's Updated Drug Strategy 2002 was "exactly the same" as the one launched by Mr Hellawell four years earlier.
But that was not how the former drugs tsar saw it.
Still apparently enraged by the decision of the Home Secretary, David Blunkett, to downgrade the classification of cannabis, he said policy in relation to that drug was "a dog's dinner". He accused ministers of confusing both police officers and young people on cannabis use.
Of the four original Hellawell targets, only one has survived.
Hazel Blears, a Health minister, said that the number of hard-drug users being brought in for treatment was increasing by 8 per cent a year. She said plans were on course to double by 2008 the 118,500 drug users who were being treated in 1998.
Treatment services are to be expanded, with a major increase in the availability of heroin on prescription for users who have problems with methadone-substitute programmes. Hundreds of new drug support workers, detoxification workers and residential care staff will be recruited, including some who have themselves overcome problems of substance abuse. The issuing by courts of drug treatment and testing orders will double by March 2005.
But many drug users will be concerned that the only way they have of gaining access services is to commit crimes.
The Government published findings by researchers at the University of York who concluded that the economic and social costs of class A drug use in England and Wales had risen to £22.7bn a year, and that the average annual cost of a problem drug user was £45,858.
The 250,000 users with the most severe problems are responsible for 99 per cent of the costs of drug misuse, the Home Office said.
The sheer scale of modern-day drug use shows how the Government - and its immediate predecessors - have failed to get to grips with the issue. Danny Kushlick, of the radical Transform Drug Policy Institute, pointed out yesterday that the 1,000 registered drug users of 1971 had grown to 250,000.
In its revised strategy, the Home Office said four million people used illicit drugs a year and one million used class A substances. The York study suggests this might be a considerable underestimate, and that there may be up to 3,486,000 class A users, of which up to 506,000 might be "problem users".
The relaunch of the drug strategy attempted to find evidence of what officials term the "green shoots" of progress. It cited self-reporting surveys which showed that since 1998 the proportion of 16 to 24-year-olds using class A drugs was stable at 8 per cent. The proportion of 16 to 19-year-olds using drugs in the past year fell from 34 per cent in 1994 to 28 per cent in 2001-02.
But the positive nature of the last statistic was tempered by the warning that "within the same group there has been a worrying increase in the use of cocaine". At the forefront of government concerns is the growing use of the cocaine derivative crack. Official figures published yesterday showed that 85,000 people in England and Wales might have used the drug in the past year.
Treatment facilities have in the past concentrated largely on opiate users and there is a dearth of support for those addicted to crack. Mr Blunkett admitted yesterday that provision of drug treatment as a whole was "patchy and variable".
The Government launched a National Crack Action Plan yesterday, with fast-track crack treatment programmes in badly affected neighbourhoods and "crack-specific education" for all children.
Next spring, the Government will, once again, launch a communications campaign "driving home the risks of class A drugs". It will include the repackaging of the failing National Drugs Helpline, which Mr Ainsworth conceded was "not widely known among young people".
The Government insists the past four years had not been wasted. Mr Ainsworth said: "We have learnt an awful lot over four years about what works and what does not work." "
In these circumstances, there are a number of things that you should know. Most people in the world understood that Saddam Hussein was a tyrannical dictator who had killed and debased significant numbers of people who lived under his rule. However, most people throughout the world also understood that the method the US government chose to remove Saddam was without international sanction, was informed by other less lofty motivations, and has resulted in the killing of significant numbers of innocent people. There were more pacific alternatives.
Should particular military actions, or the over all conduct of the occupation, strike you as being of questionable legality, you also have other options. Following the analysis by Telford Taylor, chief US counsel at the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunals following World War II, that according to the standards developed at Nuremberg, members of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff might be guilty of war crimes in Vietnam, one of us, along with other US junior officers, requested that the Secretary of Defense convene a Military Court of Inquiry to determine if the Joint Chiefs qualified as war criminals. We asked for this under Article 135 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice. Article 135 provides a legal mechanism that allows those subject to military law who believe that other military personnel have violated the Uniform Code to be formally investigated and ultimately brought to justice. Your superiors won't like it, to say the least, but it's perfectly legal and will encourage them to insure that their behavior does not descend further into the moral quagmire that has emerged in Iraq.
The Concerned Officers Movement which sponsored these ads was short-lived: most of its members were soon forced to resign their commissions or otherwise leave the military.
Nevertheless, some students of the peace movement count the group as one of the most potent examples of public military protest in this period.
The idea that someone could be fired for refusing to sign a loyalty oath came as a surprise to many Californians who were unaware that public employees are still required to sign it. The pledge was added to the state Constitution in 1952 at the height of anti-Communist hysteria and has remained a prerequisite for public employment ever since. All state, city, county, public school, community college and public university employees are required to sign the 86-word oath. Noncitizens are exempt.
Each time, when asked to "swear (or affirm)" that she would "support and defend" the U.S. and state Constitutions "against all enemies, foreign and domestic," Kearney-Brown inserted revisions: She wrote "nonviolently" in front of the word "support," crossed out "swear," and circled "affirm." All were to conform with her Quaker beliefs, she said...
Modifying the oath "is very clearly not permissible," the university's attorney, Eunice Chan, said, citing various laws. "It's an unfortunate situation. If she'd just signed the oath, the campus would have been more than willing to continue her employment."...
"All they care about is my name on an unaltered loyalty oath. They don't care if I meant it, and it didn't seem connected to the spirit of the oath. Nothing else mattered. My teaching didn't matter. Nothing."
Tilman Walterfang, 47, was works director at the concrete company, miles from the sea in Germany. Now he presides over a multimillion-dollar haul of Chinese treasure discovered in the seas of south-east Asia.
Mr Walterfang's fascination with submerged wrecks began when an Indonesian employee described the translucent, reef-strewn waters of his native island of Belitung, between Borneo and Sumatra. Treasure, he said, lay under the waves.
The stories were irresistible. Mr Walterfang packed his scuba gear and flew to Indonesia with his employee. The trip was intended to be only a summer holiday diving adventure but it changed Mr Walterfang's life.
He chucked in his job and moved to Indonesia. Swapping central Germany's grim industrial landscape for white, palm-fringed beaches and the azure blue Java sea, he lived in a waterfront villa that belonged to an former Indonesian government minister.
Mr Walterfang read intensively about the rich maritime history of the region, for centuries among the world's major ocean thoroughfares, which is still infested with pirates. He made friends with fishermen, divers so poor they use improvised breathing-masks fed with air pumped from the surface through garden hoses, instead of gas bottles, to reach the ocean's depths. Above all, Mr Walterfang dived too.
He followed a lead provided by his fishermen friends who had presented him with a handful of broken pottery they had gathered during a dive. Donning his black, neoprene wet-suit and diving bottle he plunged 50ft down to a reef off Belitung.
"I landed on what looked like an ordinary section of coral reef," Mr Walterfang told Germany's Der Spiegel magazine. "But it was actually an underwater mound the size of a small hill that was built almost entirely of tens of thousands of pieces of well-preserved ceramic pottery."
That was six years ago. His discovery was the second of three wrecks - the third being the Tang - which has turned out to be an undersea treasure trove of such massive historical significance that Shanghai, Singapore and Doha in Qatar are vying with each other to buy the cargo. The 60,000 pieces Mr Walterfang collected from the seabed, include porcelain ceramic wine jugs, and tea bowls, embossed golden and silver chalices and plates found to be 1,200 years old.
The treasure was part of a huge cargo of eighth-century porcelain that traders from the Chinese Tang dynasty had put aboard an Arab dhow for export to Malaysia, India and what is now Saudi Arabia. The dhow's remains, found among the treasure, suggest the ship was wrecked on the treacherous underwater reefs of Indonesia's Karimata straits on its outward voyage through the Java sea.
Until Mr Walterfang's find, archeologists had assumed that 1,200 years ago, China was a relatively backward country which relied primarily on agriculture to survive. They had little notion that the Tang dynasty of the period, had already started to set up maritime trading routes that were to establish China as the first great sea power, 200 years before the Spanish, Portuguese and British had theirs.
Yet the "Batu Hitam wreck", as Mr Walterfang's find is described, has forced them to alter their perception of ninth-century China radically. John Guy, curator of the Indian and South-east Asian section of the Victoria & Albert Museum said: "Sometimes things happen which dramatically broaden the limits of our knowledge. The discovery of the Tang period wreck is such an event."
Archeologists say the Batu Hitam wreck provides incontrovertible evidence that, 1,200 years ago, China had started sea trade as an alternative to the then well-established Silk Road that extended from China through Asia to the Arab world. The overland route was fraught with problems: in the eighth century the Chinese had not yet developed the skills to bake pottery to present levels of durability, so many of their exports arrived at their destinations shattered and broken.
Export by sea became the logical alternative. Yet, as the Batu Hitam wreck has established, the Chinese were at first forced to rely on the expertise of Arab seamen who had perfected the dhow as an ocean-going vessel, to export their goods. But the wealth China created through its maritime exports enabled the country to build its own navy. By 1237, China was the predominant global sea power, with 52,000 seamen manning a vast fleet.
Tilman Walterfang's collection including blue, and green and white porcelain pieces, 22 silver and seven gold chalices and plates is now stacked in a closely-monitored aircraft hangar in New Zealand. The banks of shelves containing the priceless objects are 15ft high.
The first clues to the age of the treasure were provided by inscription on the bottom of two glazed bowls recovered from the wreck which dated them as being from the "16th day of the seventh month of the second year of the reign of Emperor Yingsong", which established 826 as the date.
A second clue came from the remains of an aniseed and raisin concoction that had been hermetically sealed from the ravages of time and water in an earthenware jug. Radio carbon analysis in New Zealand showed that the contents dated from between 680 and 890.
A third clue was an inscription under the heavily corroded metal of a bronze mirror which established the item had been smelted "100 times" in the city of Yangzhou on the Yangtze river in December, 758.
Evidence that the cargo played a key part in China's eighth-century global export drive was provided by a chemical analysis of the wreck, which showed that the 90ft vessel was built of Indian and African wood as an Arab dhow.
Michael Flecker, the Australian archeologist who worked on the wreck said: "We can assume the ship was manned by Arabs and Indians who had intended to sail back from Yangzhou to one of the caliphates of the Arab world when they were wrecked in a storm off Belitung."
Final proof that the treasure was authentic was provided by 81-year-old Professor Doc Geng Baochang, the deputy director of Peking's Forbidden city and China's foremost expert on antique ceramics. He believes the treasure belongs to China.
Yet Shanghai is the only Chinese city bidding for the collection. Archaeologists hope the eventual buyer of the treasure, which is now in the final stages of desalination, will showcase the collection in its own museum to display the unique time capsule from China's golden age.
It was atone of the interminable events in his honour that the President of Turkmenistan, Saparmurat Niyazov, turned to the young student from an agricultural university reading an address praising her President and told her to get her gold teeth removed and replaced with white ones. "Here's the health minister, himself a dentist," he told the unfortunate woman. "He will give you white teeth."
The great dictator did not stop there. He had some remarkable advice for the people of his former Soviet republic on how to avoid losing their teeth. "I watched young dogs when I was young," he said. "They were given bones to gnaw. Those of you whose teeth have fallen out did not gnaw on bones. This is my advice."
Gold teeth are popular in the desert country where, despite the health minister's credentials, dentistry standards are poor and many lose their teeth young. But they are expected to disappear in coming weeks: tips from Mr Niyazov are regarded as law.
This sort of eccentricity is becoming the norm under Mr Niyazov, who prefers to be known as Turkmenbashi, "Leader of the Turkmens". In many ways he is the classic dictator. Turkmenistan is littered with gold statues of him, including a giant revolving one in the capital, Ashgabat. He has appointed himself "president for life", and his rule is absolute.
But in Mr Niyazov's case this has meant his country of five million isforced to live under some of the weirdest laws of our times. Two months ago he used another television appearance to ban beards and long hair for men. Opera and ballet are not allowed, because Mr Niyazov decided they were unnecessary. He has changed street names in Ashgabat to numbers, and forced his ministers to take part in a 36km "health walk".
Surreally, he has followed in the footsteps of the fictional dictator in Woody Allen's movie Bananas, to redefine the ages of his citizens. Adolescence now lasts until 25, youth doesn't end until 37, and old age starts at 85.
Last year Mr Niyazov instituted a holiday in honour of the muskmelon, a relative of the watermelon, complete with lavish festivities, and ordered that everybody take part. "This godsend has a glorious history," national television announced. "Our great leader, who has a great love of his nation, has brought the name of the tasty melons to the level of a national holiday."
Behind the craziness, say human rights groups, lurks a deeply disturbing state. "Turkmenistan only makes the news because of these zany stories, but it is also an extremely repressive country," John MacLeod, of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting, said.
The United Nations Human Rights Commission is due to vote this week on a resolution condemning Mr Niyazov, saying his rule is based "on the repression of all opposition political activities". It expresses grave concern over "arbitrary detention and imprisonment ... suppression of independent media ... restrictions on the exercise of freedom of thought ... discrimination against ethnic Russian, Uzbek and other minorities".
His regime did not just prevent dissent, Mr MacLeod said, it demanded constant loyalty. Schoolchildren were forced to study the Ruhnama, a weird stream-of-consciousness book by Mr Niyazov, full of disjointed pseudo-philosophy and slogans.
The apparatchik was in charge of the central Asian republic from the mid-1980s under communist rule, and easily took power when the country became independent in 1991. Since then he has ruthlessly removed potential rivals, to the extent that observers say he is without competent advisers, isolated from reality. He has visited the same fate upon his country, maintaining wary relations at best with neighbours and regional powers.
Mr Niyazov has also mismanaged the economy to the extent that it remains mired in poverty despite vast reserves of natural gas. But while the West has long been prepared to turn a blind eye to Mr Niyazov's excesses as companies compete for a planned pipeline to export gas through Afghanistan, observers say Mr Niyazov may have overreached himself in turning on the Russian minority, banning dual citizenship. Moscow is believed to be irritated.
... citizens of a technocracy knew that science and technology did not provide philosophies by which to live and they clung to the philosophies of their fathers...
... they continued to believe that for all their dependence on machinery, tools ought still to be their servants, not their masters. They would allow their tools to be presumptuous, aggressive, audacious, impudent servants, but that tools should rise above their servile station was an appalling thought. And though technocracy found no clear place for the human soul, its citizens held to the belief that no increase in material wealth would compensate them for a culture that insulted their self-respect. And so two opposing world view--the technological and the traditional -- coexisted in tension. The technological was the stronger, of course, but the traditional was still there -- still functional, still exerting influence, still too much to ignore .... in a word, two distinct thought worlds were rubbing against each other in 19th century America.
With the rise of Technopoly, one of these thought worlds disappears. Technopoly eliminates alternatives to itself in precisely the way Aldous Huxley outline in Brave New World. It does not make them illegal. It does not make them immoral.. It does not even make them unpopular. It makes them invisible and therefore irrelevant. And it does so by redefining what we mean by religion, by art, by family, by politics, by history, by truth, by privacy, by intelligence so that our defination fits its new requirements. Technopoly in other words is a totalitarian technocracy.
In a technopoly there is not transcendent sense of purpose or meaning, no cultural coherence. Information is dangerous when it has no place to go, when there is no theory to which it applies, no pattern in which it fits, when there is no higher purpose that it serves.
The result was a secondary finding. According to the study abstract we found on the internet:
The aim of this study was to investigate the effect of vitamin C mg/day) and vitamin E (400 i.u./day) supplementation in normal individuals in terms of lymphocyte levels of the base-lesion 7, 8-di hydro 8-oxo-2-deoxyguanosine (8-oxoG)which is recognized as a specific marker of ROS induced damage, in vivo.
However, their conclusion states:
Levels of 8-oxodG were unaffected by placebo, but were significantly reduced by approximately 50% by both vitamin C and vitamin E.
The vitamin E measurements were omitted from the NATURE report.
The DNA extraction methods the team employed (that seemed to show damage) are unknown, but since a new method was the purpose of the study (and the new method showed great benefit to vitamin C) we must assume the older method was measured for comparison. Only the comparison measurements showed damage. According to the author's earlier research, the newer methods are needed because the old methods may not be reliable. (As in all science, these results will have to be replicated by other researchers before they can be taken seriously.)
It is uncertain how accurate any of these arcane "damage" measurements are. In other words, there may in-fact be no RNA/DNA damage what-so-ever.
The researchers mention a strong "anti oxidant" affect of Vitamin C at the same time coupled with a profound "pro oxidant" affect. (Vitamin C is already known to have both these properties. Since this property was unknown to the authors, this property may have affected the experiment.)
It does not make sense that a "6 week" study of low dose ascorbate in humans (several weeks on placebo) could isolate DNA/RNA damage to the vitamin C supplement. (Especially if turns out that the same "damage" could be caused by an extra onion or two on a hamburger...)
Any theory of "Vitamin C causes DNA damage" must explain that lack of any clinical or epidemiological evidence in the great many people taking far greater amounts of vitamin C than the RDA. In fact, these study results, if born out, may call into question the value of these so-called "8-oxodA markers" that are "recognized as specific for free radical induced damage."
One would hope that preliminary work in guinea pigs, one of the few species that does not make its own vitamin C, had been done before a story like this gets publicity. (Brody mentioned mice. Mice make their own vitamin C so any research with mice is useless.)
There is nothing in the study that indicates 500 mg has any special significance -- other than that is the amount they chose to investigate. Yet, the Brody article makes 500 mg into a significant "finding."
If a theory is postulated that vitamin C in large amounts causes "arthritis and cancer" then it would have to explain why this process does not appear to be present in animals.
Most animals must obtain the various vitamins and minerals in their diet to survive. Vitamin C is an exception. Unlike humans, most animals make their own vitamin C in their bodies in very large amounts. This vitamin C, adjusted for body weight, averages 9,000 to 12,000 mg and goes directly into the blood stream. (We humans would have to ingest some 18,000 to 24,000 mg by mouth to get this much in our blood stream and tissues.)
So why did this study get so much press? (That's what we'd like to know.)
BOTTOM LINE: There isn't a single shred of hard evidence to back up the speculative health claims published by Jane Brody in the New York Times, i.e. that doses of Vitamin C above the RDA may be harmful in any way, shape or form. We doubt these results will be repeated, but even if they are and the known "pro-oxidant" property of Vitamin C is being measured by this experiment, it does not follow by logic that Vitamin C is harmful, nor would the serious postulated consequences necessarily follow. These fears are pure speculation. (There is no epidemiological or other evidence that high vitamin C plays a role in the formation of chronic disease. If fact, as we will begin to publish in MEGASCORBATE THERAPIES, a massive body of evidence exists that supports the opposite conclusion. That so-called high amounts of supplement ascorbate (Vitamin C) are in fact PROTECTIVE of these diseases.)
Any trainer will tell you bad technique leaves you vulnerable to injury. Assess data with a healthy dose of skepticism, or you might pull a conceptual hamstring.
Spot the Junk: Words are powerful. Know how to use them correctly -- and how to recognize jargon abuse.
Relative vs. Absolute Risk
In 1995 thousands of women shunned oral contraceptives altogether after a study showed users of a recently introduced form of "the pill" were twice as likely to develop blood clots as were women taking older versions. Yet though the relative risk had indeed doubled, the increase in absolute risk was still tiny: Mortality reportedly climbed from 1.5 to 3 women per million. Meanwhile, in the months following the "pill scare," pregnancy rates in England and Wales jumped 7 percent over those for the same period the previous year.
Who's an Expert?
Though a Ph.D. doth a doctor make, it doesn't always make an expert. Someone with a degree in oceanography is not automatically an authority on other topics. If people were more aware of the distinction, Nobel Prize?winning chemist Linus Pauling might not have gotten so much attention for recommending massive (and, it turns out, unhealthy) doses of vitamin C to treat everything from the common cold to cancer.
Theories
A disclaimer appeared in the biology textbooks of Cobb County, Georgia, in 2002: "Evolution is a theory, not a fact, regarding the origin of living things." In an absolute sense, this is true: Theories are proposed or accepted explanations based on assembled evidence. But in science, many theories -- the theory of gravity, for example -- enjoy near universal acceptance, based on the preponderance of evidence and the success of the model. The term "theory" does not imply doubts about a phenomenon's fundamental existence.
Nano-This, Nano-That
The boom in nanotechnology has led to a corresponding boom in nano-babble, rendering the prefix virtually meaningless. Take the recent fad of "nano-reefs" for small home aquariums: If they were actually sized in nano- meters (billionths of a meter, or 10-9), they'd be invisible to fish and their owners. What's next, pico-reefs? (Pico: 10-12.)
Nature vs. Nurture
Is human behavior genetically predetermined or is it a result of environmental influences? Dogmatism on both sides of this "debate" has led to innumerable wrong turns, such as social Darwinism on one side and Soviet-era training programs on the other. The correct answer: We are products of both genes and environment, and understanding their complex interactions remains beyond our limited ken.
The Uncertainty Principle
Werner Heisenberg's uncertainty principle, formulated in 1927, states that a small bit of matter -- an electron, for example -- cannot have both a well-defined position and a well-defined momentum at the same time. What's more, measuring one of those properties inexorably disturbs it -- you can never know what an electron's position was before you measured it, because the act of measurement changes its position. Dime-store philosophers have had a field day with this concept, using it to explain all manner of things. Pundits have been known to maintain, for example, that since the presence of a reporter exerts an influence on the people being observed, the journalistic endeavor is an example of the uncertainty principle. But in practice, Heisenberg's principle only applies to the subatomic world.
Clean Your Filters: Adhere to these basic principles at all times.
Falsifiability
In the 1930s Viennese philosopher Karl Popper stated that for a claim to be considered scientific, it must be conceivable to prove it wrong by observation or experiment. For instance, the statement "All elephants are gray" would be falsified by a single sighting of a pink elephant.
Occam's Razor
When choosing between two competing theories to describe a phenomenon, medieval philosopher William Occam said, the simplest explanation is the best. Sure, maybe dachshunds exist on Earth not because of selective breeding but because aliens brought them here, but why make more assumptions than necessary?
Sample Sufficiency
The smaller the sample size, the less believable the findings. It's not enough to know that one in 10 study subjects developed adverse reactions to a medication; you must find out how large the pool was. If there were just 10 subjects and one fell ill, the significance is unclear. But if 100 out of 1,000 people got sick, you should avoid that pill.
Paradigm-Shift Principle
Philosopher of science Thomas Kuhn coined the phrase "paradigm shift" to describe rare, profound shifts in the way the world is understood by science: Earth at center of universe, Earth not at center of universe, for example. Paradigm shifts are rare, but use of the phrase to pump up an idea's importance is frequent. When a theory is trumpeted as revolutionary, part of a paradigm shift, this is usually a red flag for half-baked ideas; be skeptical. Everyday science is more evolutionary than revolutionary; established ideas are upended less often than media reports would have you believe.
Don't Be a Carrier: Five misconceptions even you (yes, you) have been known to spread.
False: Toilets and bathtubs drain counterclockwise in the Northern Hemisphere, clockwise in the Southern Hemisphere. The Coriolis effect, caused by the rotation of the Earth, can be seen in the spin direction of weather systems such as hurricanes and cyclones. But in the short-lived flush of a toilet, the force is far too weak to have an impact; the direction of the water's rotation depends on the toilet's design.
False: No two snowflakes are alike. Snowflakes are six-sided crystals composed of about 1018 water molecules, giving them unimaginable -- but not infinite -- potential for variation. In 1988, Nancy Knight, a meteorologist at the National Center for Atmospheric Research, discovered two identical snowflakes that had been collected from clouds above Wisconsin. The snowflakes apparently formed as conjoined twins.
False: Humans use just 10 percent of their brains. MRI and PET scans show that a much larger portion of the brain is engaged during complex thought processes. And biologists scoff at the idea that we would evolve such an oversize brain -- it eats up 19 percent of the fuel in our bloodstream -- only to use but a fraction of it.
False: A penny dropped from the Empire State Building would kill someone below. A few calculations tell us that a penny falling edge-on from the 1,050-foot-high observation deck on Floor 86 of the 102-story skyscraper would fall 500 feet before reaching maximum velocity: 57 miles an hour. This is about 1/10 the speed of a low-caliber handgun bullet -- fast enough to hurt but, except in freak circumstances, not to kill. It's a moot point anyway: Thanks to updrafts, coins tossed from the observation deck generally land on the setback roof of Floor 80.
False: The Moon appears larger when it's on the horizon because it's magnified by the atmosphere. This is an optical illusion. You can confirm that fact by taking photographs of the Moon as it tracks across the sky: It will appear the same size on the negatives, no matter where it is. The cause of the illusion is the subject of considerable debate, but the leading theory is that it's a classic Ponzo illusion: The brain mentally magnifies objects near the horizon because it interprets them as far away; thus the Moon appears larger to us when it is closer to the horizon.
The Therac-25 operator controls the machine with a DEC VT100 terminal. In the general case, the operator positions the patient on the treatment table, manually sets the treatment field sizes and gantry rotation, and attaches accessories to the machine. Leaving the treatment room, the operator returns to the VT100 console to enter the patient identification, treatment prescription (including mode, energy level, dose, dose rate, and time), field sizing, gantry rotation, and accessory data. The system then compares the manually set values with those entered at the console. If they match, a "verified" message is displayed and treatment is permitted. If they do not match, treatment is not allowed to proceed until the mismatch is corrected. Figure A shows the screen layout.
When the system was first built, operators complained that it took too long to enter the treatment plan. In response, the manufacturer modified the software before the first unit was installed so that, instead of reentering the data at the keyboard, operators could use a carriage return to merely copy the treatment site data.[1] A quick series of carriage returns would thus complete data entry. This interface modification was to figure in several accidents.
The Therac-25 could shut down in two ways after it detected an error condition. One was a treatment suspend, which required a complete machine reset to restart. The other, not so serious, was a treatment pause, which required only a single-key command to restart the machine. If a treatment pause occurred, the operator could press the "P" key to "proceed" and resume treatment quickly and conveniently. The previous treatment parameters remained in effect, and no reset was required. This convenient and simple feature could be invoked a maximum of five times before the machine automatically suspended treatment and required the operator to perform a system reset.
Error messages provided to the operator were cryptic, and some merely consisted of the word "malfunction" followed by a number from 1 to 64 denoting an analog/digital channel number. According to an FDA memorandum written after one accident
The operator's manual supplied with the machine does not explain nor even address the malfunction codes. The [Maintenance] Manual lists the various malfunction numbers but gives no explanation. The materials provided give no indication that these malfunctions could place a patient at risk.
The program does not advise the operator if a situation exists wherein the ion chambers used to monitor the patient are saturated, thus are beyond the measurement limits of the instrument. This software package does not appear to contain a safety system to prevent parameters being entered and intermixed that would result in excessive radiation being delivered to the patient under treatment.
An operator involved in an overdose accident testified that she had become insensitive to machine malfunctions. Malfunction messages were commonplace Ñ most did not involve patient safety. Service technicians would fix the problems or the hospital physicist would realign the machine and make it operable again. She said, "It was not out of the ordinary for something to stop the machine. . . It would often give a low dose rate in which you would turn the machine back on. . . They would give messages of low dose rate, V-tilt, H-tilt, and other things; I canÕt remember all the reasons it would stop, but there [were] a lot of them." The operator further testified that during instruction she had been taught that there were "so many safety mechanisms" that she understood it was virtually impossible to overdose a patient.
A radiation therapist at another clinic reported an average of 40 dose-rate malfunctions, attributed to underdoses, occurred on some days.
Above all, Troy - inspired by rather than strictly an adaptation of The Iliad - is a story of combat between strapping, hairy-legged men. Greek culture and all that, you'll say, but Troy is not remotely as homoerotic as it sounds - certainly not with the sense of fun that might imply. By the end, you'll know Brad's oiled flanks like the back of your hand, but Petersen simply wants to be authentically Hellenic, to sing with his camera the praises of heroes and their sinews. And of course, he knows where the box-office appeal lies.
This version of the Trojan war tries - in the way of the stolid Fifties Hollywood epics from which it's descended - to provide something for everyone. There are spectacular battle sequences; there's political drama, with Brian Cox's Agamemnon as the cynically manipulative tyrant using Helen's elopement as an excuse to attack Troy; and there's pallid romance between Helen and Trojan prince Paris, supplemented with raunchier tussles between Achilles and his captive Briseis (Rose Byrne), who succumbs to his rough embrace in a classical-age equivalent of Stockholm Syndrome.
The main reason for resuscitating a fossilised genre is that computer imagery can create ever-grander vistas to overwhelm the eye: Troy makes Cecil B de Mille's follies look like chamber pieces. Petersen can raise the ramparts of Ilium and fill the screen with armies so multitudinous that it seems he's enlisted the entire population of Asia Minor. But as so often with digital firepower, a terrible literalness sets in. The line about "the face that launched a thousand ships" is echoed in Odysseus's (Sean Bean) wince-inducing announcement, "We're sending the largest fleet that ever sailed. A thousand ships," and then, lo, an armada as far as the eye can see, stretching out across the Aegean in what looks like a vast digital version of Cowes Week.
The film's most engaging insight is to have Achilles - a "gifted killer" who "can't be controlled", a Grecian lethal weapon, as it were - reflect Brad Pitt's own gilded status. In his feud with Agamemnon, Achilles comes across like a spoilt movie star sulking in his tent - read, his trailer. Further underlining the parallels between the Greek champions and their modern-day equivalent, his look - long blond hair, sarong-like skirt and designer boxing boots - have a distinct touch of Beckham. All this doesn't stop Pitt's Achilles coming across as petulant, wooden and boorish.
Removing the machinations of the gods, so central to The Iliad, may make the story more comprehensible today, but turning the Trojan war into a strictly human conflict levels the drama to an earthbound banality. The only divine here is Julie Christie as Achilles's sea-nymph mother, wading in the surf in ocean-blue tie-dyes. And because we never understand Achilles's semi-divine origins, we never quite understand his ability to conquer any enemy, notwithstanding his slo-mo leaps and swishing sword sound effects.
The real conflict in Petersen's story is less between Greeks and Trojans than between youth and grizzled age: we're asked to root for Pitt, Bloom and Eric Bana's moody, gimlet-eyed Hector against Agamemnon and Menelaus (Brian Cox and Brendan Gleeson, resembling a pair of shaggy primeval buffalo). But in terms of performances, age wins hands down. Cox is a strikingly feral thug of a warlord, while Peter O'Toole's imperiously bouffanted Priam steals the show in a scene of wonderful pathos, throwing himself at Achilles's mercy. Rheumy-eyed and desiccated, he's about the most powerful, most human presence in sight.
The film's fatal dead spot, however, is Helen, played by Diane Kruger, a golden-shouldered German ex-model who doesn't rise above a blank gaze; beautiful, yes, but still you can't help thinking, "Is this the face...?" For both sex appeal and emotive power, she's far eclipsed by Rose Byrne's vibrant Briseis: expect to see more of this Australian actress.
As far as the dialogue goes, you can see the logic in writer David Benioff's eschewing of costume-drama fustian; his characters speak like moderns, but with a flatness that's often farcical. "You shouldn't be here," says Helen as Paris walks into her bedchamber. "That's what you said last night," he replies. There's far, far worse: if there's a script award in the Golden Raspberries, Benioff's is a shoo-in. But most damaging is the dogged insistence with which the script presses its main theme. This is a saga of a people obsessed with carving a place in history: "This war will never be forgotten... They will write stories about your victories for thousands of years." "They'll be talking about this war for a thousand years." And so on ad nauseam, as they say in the classics. The clunking irony is that a film which so harps on posterity will barely be remembered a year from now. In Troy, ancient Greek really is a dead language.
But the island - the most beautiful of the sub-tropical Golden Isles off the Georgia coast - is in one of the most polluted areas of the American South. Glynn County, which contains Sea Island - the site of next month's G8 summit - is home to 16 hazardous waste plants.
A nearby polluting paper mill is being closed down while the leaders of the world's richest countries, including Tony Blair, are in the neighbourhood.
Their admission casts a blight over a visit to Japan by the Energy minister, Stephen Timms, which starts today. Mr Timms is attempting to rescue the plant, built at Sellafield at a cost to the taxpayer of hundreds of millions of pounds.
The plant, designed to produce nuclear fuel made of mixed uranium and plutonium, is central to the viability of the controversial Cumbrian nuclear complex. Environmentalists have long attacked it as a waste of money and a terrorist target, since it will cause plutonium - which could be intercepted and used to make nuclear bombs - to be shipped around the world. Japan was meant to be the plant's main customer, hence Mr Timms' visit.
A top BNFL source said yesterday: "Despite everyone's best efforts, the bloody thing does not work." He said its design was so complex that it kept breaking down.
Tony Blair personally pushed through the go-ahead for the plant in 2001, against entrenched opposition from Michael Meacher, his then Environment minister. In an attempt to make it viable, the Government wrote off the entire £470m cost to the taxpayer of building the plant before giving it the green light. However, it still looks like being a financial catastrophe.
Martin Forwood, of Cumbrians Opposed to a Radioactive Environment, said: "The kindest thing would be to put the plant out of its misery and close it."
In a statement, BNFL admitted progress had been "disappointing" but said that delays were to be expected when commissioning a complex plant, and customers were being kept "informed".
But the government condemned Panorama's programme as "irresponsible" and refused any co-operation.
Taking morning coffee to discuss terrorism with the mandarins of government is, I accept, a rather unusual entry in anyone's diary.
On a cold day before last Christmas, we assembled in a small dark room in Whitehall.
No paintings on the walls, no windows to gaze through but compensation courtesy of an abundance of chocolate biscuits on a china plate; Panorama on one side, the normally faceless bureaucrats on the other.
We had contacted the Cabinet Office and the Home Office and explained that we were producing a rather unusual Panorama, designed to assess the state of preparedness for a terrorist attack. Will
ing to help
We said that the programme would be built around a fictional scenario and we asked to come and meet them to talk about it.
The Cabinet Office hosted an on-the-record meeting and the Home Office sent its representative.
On the face of it the Cabinet Office seemed willing to help - provided we agreed to organise our terrorist attack in a way that was acceptable to them.
This means car bombs are top of the list, with hostage or hijack coming in second.
We said we did not believe car bombs, hijacks or hostages reflected accurately the terrorist threat prevailing in the UK.
Not because we wanted to be difficult but because all our research suggested these were remnants of a bygone era of terrorism.
They were also events the emergency services had good experience of, would deal with admirably and would be unlikely to warrant major incident plans being put in place.
Co-operation refused
We said that a fictional terrorist attack warranted "thinking out of the box" and that it would be a good thing to examine the civil contingency efforts of government since the shocking events of 9/11.
Our scenario centred on a series of suicide bombs on the London Underground followed by a chlorine tanker exploding in the east end of London.
However, they said they were unlikely to help us if we insisted on this "irresponsible" scenario.
They said it would give ideas to the terrorists because terrorists watch television.
But they said they would need to talk to their bosses - the politicians - to gauge their view but that it was unlikely their view would be markedly different.
Nothing irresponsible
We tried to assure them that, as the BBC's flagship current affairs programme, we were far from irresponsible and took the matter very seriously indeed.
They would not be moved. We agreed to go away and review our scenario in light of their reservations and we left.
To strengthen our case, we prepared a meticulous document which outlined the reasons why we had elected to pursue this particular scenario.
We got in touch with the Cabinet Office and arranged a second meeting where we hoped we could raise some of our research with them to show that there was nothing irresponsible about our actions.
On the morning of the meeting, I received a phone call from the Cabinet Office to say that, given that we were refusing to move from our proposed scenario, there was no purpose to the meeting.
I demurred and said the research was valuable and deserved proper debate. They were not persuaded.
The New Year dawned and we continued our research. Although we never had a second meeting and we had no further contact of any note, we were constantly aware of the presence of the Cabinet Office.
Wall of silence
It was fairly straightforward, really. We would call the press office of any one of the myriad organisations officially involved with civil contingencies.
As soon as we identified ourselves, the conversation came to a close.
The manner of termination varied from the polite promise to call back, referral to a colleague who would decline to comment and finally the downright rude.
One or two of the less discreet officials in these organisations revealed that their lack of participation was not their decision but resulted from an e-mail sent by "senior government officials".
They were thorough. No matter where we turned for advice or information, our way was barred.
Support withdrawn
At the same time, a number of people we had asked to take part in the programme pulled out.
Our original plan to create a realistic COBRA-style (emergency cabinet) meeting to respond to the fictional scenario fell by the wayside.
They withdrew their support, some in a vague fashion, others more honestly. Again the word 'irresponsible' occurred. Again those "senior government officials" were mentioned.
We did of course continue to test out our so-called 'irresponsible' scenario with experts, former police officers, former intelligence officers, politicians, emergency planning officers and terrorism experts both here and in the US.
No-one else used the word 'irresponsible'.
Chemical threat
A number told us that an exploding chemical tanker had been discussed within government and that it would be a real test of our ability to cope.
Everybody took what we were saying very seriously and agreed that it was a worthwhile project.
Several officials, banned from talking to us, were keen to assess for themselves how 'irresponsible' we really were.
Unofficially they asked us straight out what scenario we had created. When we explained, they were astounded we had been dubbed 'irresponsible.'
As people in the front line of emergency planning and organisation, they believed it was plausible. As a consequence, some of them ignored the ban and helped.
Naturally the lack of official co-operation made our research more complicated but it failed to stop us. Enough people officially and unofficially wanted to help.
They talked to us, shared concerns, showed us documents and told us where the gaps are.
In early March, we went back to the Home Office with a list of questions, based on the Home Secretary's update on civil contingency issues.
Request declined
Our questions were not answered. We said they were legitimate journalistic questions based on a document in the public domain.
We were told that since the programme was 'irresponsible' there would be no answers.
As the dates for final filming drew closer, several more people withdrew from the programme, feeling "under pressure".
Unbidden, the Cabinet Office did call to try to find out who was taking part in the programme and if the scenario had changed.
Although there was still no government co-operation, we decided to submit an early request for an interview with the Home Secretary.
We wanted the Home Secretary to be able to respond to issues raised by the programme.
The Home Office replied by saying that the request would be put to Mr Blunkett if a number of conditions could be satisfied.
Warnings
These included having a full list of participants, having a rough cut of the programme plus a guarantee that nobody else would be interviewed after the Home Secretary.
We pointed out that these are not procedures normally adopted by programme makers at the BBC. Our request for an interview was declined by the Home Secretary "on behalf of the government".
In the end Panorama has produced a programme which uses a different format to address a subject which we know is in the minds of many.
During the time of production, there have been many documents and reports produced relating to terrorism.
Terrorist suspects have been arrested across England, senior officials have continued to warn about a potential attack and other countries have suffered at the hands of terrorists.
Life and death?
Sadly, a terrorist attack in the UK and notably in London, remains a strong possibility.
We did not set out to do battle with this government.
Our aim was to engage with them and the many others involved in preparing for a terrorist attack to show the strengths and weaknesses of emergency planning.
Never has the public been more entitled to know what might happen if we are attacked.
In programme making, we sometimes fool ourselves that important stories are matters of life and death.
This time, it's true. Simply wanting to tell that story cannot be 'irresponsible.'
The oil extracted from the juices of ground and pressed olives has been used to heal wounds for ages. It has also been used to moisturize skin and strengthen fingernails. And after extensive research on its therapeutic effects, olive oil has been determined to promote digestion, stimulate metabolism, and lower cholesterol levels.
The monounsaturated fatty acids present in olive oil helps reduce bad cholesterol, and therefore lowers the risk of cardiovascular diseases. These fats and the vegetable mucilage in the oil also help in digestion and relieves stomach disorders, including flatulence, heartburn, and constipation.
Olive oil is also rich in vitamin E, an antioxidant that combats the free radicals that damage body cells and tissues.
Here are some ways to use olive oil as a natural remedy:
To help lower cholesterol levels: Use olive oil instead of butter or vegetable oil in preparing salads, sandwiches, and foods that require cooking oil.
To relieve upset stomach and stimulate digestion: Drink 1 tbsp. of olive oil before eating.
To relieve constipation: Drink a mixture of 1 tsp. of olive oil and the juice of 1 lemon and drink before breakfast.
To soothe dry skin: Apply to affected areas daily.
Even people who consume high-fat diets (along with significant amounts of olive oil added) have lessened rates of heart disease. Olive oil contains monounsaturated fat. When damaging saturated fat is replaced by monounsaturated fat, LDL cholesterol is lowered. Reducing meat in the diet and replacing it with more vegetables and legumes seasoned with olive oils has the effect of lowering saturated fat consumption, thus reducing cholesterol. Olive oil also contains substances called polyphenols, which are powerful antioxidants. Polyphenols attack free radicals that can cause artery damage and reduce the ability of LDL cholesterol to adhere to artery walls.
The most effective type of olive oil from a health standpoint is the "extra-virgin" variety. Extra-virgin olive oil contains the highest density of polyphenols. It is made from the first pressing of perfectly ripe olives. This is the type most valued by food connoisseurs for its purity and taste. It is usually used in foods as a flavoring rather than as a cooking oil.
Two other types of olive oil, both of which contain high monounsaturated fats but lower levels of polyphenols, are "pure" and "light" olive oils. Pure olive oil is lighter in color than extra virgin and mostly used to cook foods at medium heat. Light olive oil has a less pronounced taste than the others and is used for cooking foods at high heat. Olive oil should be stored in a cool, dark place. Refrigeration of olive oil can cause it to thicken and darken but bringing it to room temperature will restore its color and fluidity. Prolonged unrefrigerated storage will cause olive oil to lose its taste and protective qualities.
Title: Health benefits of olive oil
Description: Olive oil, as part of a healthy diet, is known to be instrumental in reducing the risk of heart disease and is believed to reduce the risk of breast cancer as well.
If the taste of olive oil is a problem, or if you are frying or sautéing food, then you should consider coconut oil. Many nutritionally misinformed people would consider this unwise due to coconut oil's nearly exclusive content of saturated fat. However, this is just not the case. Because it has mostly saturated fat, it is much less dangerous to heat. The heat will not tend to cause the oil to transition into dangerous trans fatty acids.
In 1999, Olivina margarine was reformulated to make improve its health benefits. The new improved formula is:
Lower in saturated fats (saturated fats raise blood cholesterol)
Cholesterol free (a diet low in cholesterol can reduce the risk of heart disease)
Non-hydrogenated and hence contains less saturated fat (vs. fully or partially hydrogenated margarines) and no trans fatty acids (which raise blood cholesterol).
Intake in the UK between 1980-1990 was about 7g/person/day; by 1995 this had fallen to 5g/person/day. Intakes in the US have remained constant at about 8g/person/day since the 1970s. Trans fats are formed during the hydrogenation process (uses heat and chemicals) of liquid oils; the fatty acid molecules straighten out which then allows them to stack closer together to form solid fats with more desirable textural and functional properties. For example, oleic acid (cis fatty acid) and elaidic acid (trans counterpart) have melting points of 16.2 and 43.7 C, respectively. Hydrogenated vegetable oils are also less susceptible to oxidation, have improved flavour stability and are spreadable. Hydrogenation also results in the saturation of some double bonds; i.e. converts polyunsaturated fats into less healthy saturated fats. Levels vary from 5% in margarines to 40% in commercial frying fats. Stick/hard margarines contain 16-36% and some soft margarines can contain 10-30% trans fats. Butter contains 2-9%. Non hydrogenated vegetable oils do not have any trans fats. Many margarines have been reformulated in the 1990s & 2000 containing only trace quantities of trans fats (e.g. I can't believe it's not butter).
The National Heart Foundation gives the ‘tick’ to margarines if they contain less than 28% saturated + trans fatty acids of the total fat content. However, the food industry still uses hydrogenated vegetable fats high in trans fats for frying and processed foods. Even if a margarine is low in trans fatty acids there is some evidence to suggest that cooking with margarine is not ideal since trans fatty acids can form when margarine melts.
Experimental evidence shows that trans fats can increase LDL and lipoprotein-a (important risk indicator for CHD) and reduce HDL. The carefully performed metabolic study of Mensink and Katan (NEJM 1990; 323: 439-45) found that trans fatty acids behave unlike any other type of fat as they raise LDL and depress HDL. The negative impact of trans fats on the total cholesterol/HDL ratio was almost twice as great as that of saturated fat. Several studies have confirmed that trans fats are worse than saturated fats with respect to total/HDL ratio. In the Nurses Health Study the women with the highest intakes of trans fatty acids had a 50% higher risk of CHD than women with low intakes of trans fats and there was a highly significant dose response relationship.
Lichtenstein et al (NEJM 1999; 340 (25): 1933-7) studied 18 men and women consuming 6 diets with increasing quantities of trans fatty acids from soy bean oil, semiliquid margarine, soft margarine, vegetable shortening, stick margarine, or butter. Although all butter substitutes reduced the level of LDL, the trans fatty acids sometimes drove down the HDL cholesterol. The stick margarine resulted in a worse blood lipid profile than butter because of its higher content of trans fats. None of this argues for a return to an all-butter diet since soft margarines still lower LDL cholesterol and butter does not. They found that consumption of fats low in trans fats and saturated fats had a beneficial effect on blood lipids.
Margarines need to disclose their trans fat content, but so too should fried fast foods like French fries, which account for up to 75% of the trans fats consumed in the US.
At face value you could argue that they have a more adverse effect than saturated fats, but it must be remembered that the level of saturated fat in our diets remain substantially higher than the amount of trans fat.
I could go on, but it gets amazingly technical from there, and I think I've made my point. It's your decision as always. But when Dr. Atkins states in his book that "margarine is not included in this diet - - not because it contains any carbohydrates, but because it's a health hazard", now you see why. I stick to "real butter" as much as possible, because on a low carbohydrate diet, butter (or any animal fat) does not cause an elevation of my LDL cholesterol.
The two best are OLIVINA and BECEL. They taste as good as traditional "high end" margarines and they perform well when baking or even frying. This means they can be used in high heat situations where regular butter would burn. If you can get to Canada and pick these up, I recommend them!
In the United States, an uneasy electorate keeps its distance from all of this. Polls show that most Americans maintain faith in the Bush administration's handling of the war, while others greet reports of the disasters more with resignation than passionate opposition. To the mounting horror of the world, the United States of America is relentlessly bringing about the systematic destruction of a small, unthreatening nation for no good reason. Why has this not gripped the conscience of this country?
The answer goes beyond Bush to the 60-year history of an accidental readiness to destroy the earth, a legacy with which we Americans have yet to reckon. The punitive terror bombing that marked the end of World War II hardly registered with us. Then we passively accepted our government's mad embrace of thermonuclear weapons. While we demonized our Soviet enemy, we hardly noticed that almost every major escalation of the arms race was initiated by our side -- a race that would still be running if Mikhail Gorbachev had not dropped out of it.
In 1968, we elected Richard Nixon to end the war in Vietnam, then blithely acquiesced when he kept it going for years more. When Ronald Reagan made a joke of wiping out Moscow, we gathered a million strong to demand a nuclear "freeze," but then accepted the promise of "reduction," and took no offense when the promise was broken.
We did not think it odd that America's immediate response to the nonviolent fall of the Berlin Wall was an invasion of Panama. We celebrated the first Gulf War uncritically, even though that display of unchecked American power made Iran and North Korea redouble efforts to build a nuclear weapon, while prompting Osama bin Laden's jihad. The Clinton administration affirmed the permanence of American nukes as a "hedge" against unnamed fears, and we accepted it. We shrugged when the US Senate refused to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, with predictable results in India and Pakistan. We bought the expansion of NATO, the abrogation of the ABM Treaty, the embrace of National Missile Defense -- all measures that inevitably pushed other nations toward defensive escalation.
The war policy of George W. Bush -- "preventive war," unilateralism, contempt for Geneva -- breaks with tradition, but there is nothing new about the American population's refusal to face what is being done in our name. This is a sad, old story. It leaves us ill-equipped to deal with a pointless, illegal war. The Bush war in Iraq, in fact, is only the latest in a chain of irresponsible acts of a warrior government, going back to the firebombing of Tokyo. In comparison to that, the fire from our helicopter gunships above the cities of Iraq this week is benign. Is that why we take no offense?
Something deeply shameful has us in its grip. We carefully nurture a spirit of detachment toward the wars we pay for. But that means we cloak ourselves in cold indifference to the unnecessary suffering of others -- even when we cause it. We don't look at any of this directly because the consequent guilt would violate our sense of ourselves as nice people. Meaning no harm, how could we inflict such harm?
In this political season, the momentous issue of American-sponsored death is an inch below the surface, not quite hidden -- making the election a matter of transcendent importance. George W. Bush is proud of the disgraceful history that has paralyzed the national conscience on the question of war. He does not recognize it for what it is -- an American Tragedy. The American tragedy. John Kerry, by contrast, is attuned to the ethical complexity of this war narrative. We see that reflected in the complexity not only of his responses, but of his character -- and no wonder it puts people off. Kerry's problem, so far unresolved, is how to tell us what we cannot bear to know about ourselves. How to tell us the truth of our great moral squandering. The truth of what we are doing today in Iraq.
s
Facing the Skull Beneath the Skin of Life
by George Will
There is a large laguna in the nation's current conversation about medical matters. Unless we talk about something we flinch from facing--death--we will aggravate some problems of modern medicine, for two reasons. Enormous costs are incurred in the final months of patients' lives. And society's stance toward death shapes its stance toward life. Unless we think more clearly than modern medical prowess inclines us to think about dying, we shall not understand something strange.
At a moment when medicine has brought us blessings beyond our grandparents' dreams, a sour aroma of disappointment surrounds the healing arts. Indeed, the medical and political professions are now akin: The more omniprovident government is, the lower it sinks in public esteem and the more impatient, demanding and crabby its beneficiaries become. Roy Porter, medical historian, says medicine is suffering a malaise that is partly "the price of progress and its attendant unrealistic expectations."
Medicine has become a prisoner of its success. As the Western world becomes healthier, it craves more medicine until, Porter says, medicine's mandate becomes muddled. "Medical maximization" becomes a patient's right and a doctor's duty. "Anxieties and interventions spiral upwards in a double helix" as "medicine-mongering" leads to "gung ho, can-do, must-do technological perfectibilism: everyone has something wrong with them, everyone can be cured." But there is a law of diminishing returns in medicine, pointing to an ignominious destiny- medicine bestowing meager increments of unenjoyed life, the result of disproportionate investments of resources, comparable to athletes taking steroids to shave milliseconds from sprint records.
The subject of medicine is deeply, even metaphysically, disturbing because it reminds us that death is coming and could come with the next tick of the clock. Furthermore, progress regarding medicine's timeless aspirations -- longer life, better health -- has whetted appetites for unlimited progress toward retarding senescence and preserving youthfulness. Concerning such yearnings, Sherwin B. Nuland says, briskly: Too bad. Medicine has a job to do, but nature does too, and will do it, medicine be damned. Nature's job is to send us packing so that subsequent generations can flourish. And medicine that does not respect limits set by nature can make death unnecessarily unpleasant, and can distort life too.
Nuland is a surgeon and a surgical writer -- precise, incisive, unsentimental. In his harrowing new book, How We Die: Reflections on Life's Final Chapter , he says that life's final flickerings are, more often than not, messy and agonizing and devoid of dignity. Life is dappled with periods of pain, but in dying there often is only the affliction. And medicine -- or, more exactly, the wrong kind of doctoring -- can make matters worse.
Eighty-five percent of the aging population will succumb to one of seven ailments -- atherosclerosis, hypertension, adult-onset diabetes, obesity, Alzheimer's and other dementias, cancer and decreased resistance to infections. Nuland's purpose in "trooping some of the army of the horsemen of death across the field of our vision" is to "demythologize the process of dying." He does. Do not pick up his book at bedtime. Its unsparing detail about the incremental debilitation of our tissues and organs is almost assaultive. Did you know -- do you want to know -- that in every decade after age 50 your brain loses 2 percent of its weight? Nuland's explanation of a heart attack is enough to cause one, but his description of one is less searing than what he has to say about AIDS.
He pummels his readers with their mortality in order to get them to face the skull beneath the skin of life. In the Western world in less than 100 years the life expectancy of a child at birth has more than doubled. This has incited the hope that there is no species-determined limit to life span. But Nuland believes there are "natural inherent limits. When those limits are reached, the taper of life, even in the absence of any specific disease or accident, simply sputters out." And a good thing that is, says Nuland, noting that, in medicine and elsewhere, two world views are in tension. One view recognizes nature's inexorable tides. The other believes that science's task is to throw all available resources into resisting those tides, even though those tides, by constantly renewing the species, stabilize our social environment and make possible civilization's progress.
Every doctor who understands, as Nuland does, that medicine is an art as well as a science is apt also to be a moralist who understands that medicine's fight against illness can be fierce without being disproportionate. An obsession with longevity distracts us from our duty to live well. Acceptance of death is a prerequisite for rising above concern for mere bodily continuance. Biology confirms what philosophy teaches: We are social creatures whose lives point beyond themselves, toward children. Children, says Leon Kass, another philosophical doctor, are "life's answer to mortality, and their presence in one's home is a constant reminder that one no longer belongs to the frontier generation."
Mortality gives life symmetry, and an urgency about getting on with good works. But accepting limits goes against the grain of medicine, which Nuland calls the "most egocentric of professions" and "the one most likely to attract people with high personal anxieties about dying." Medicine is especially susceptible to modern science's "fantasy of controlling nature." Medicine, he says, has lost the humility proper in the presence of nature's power. That fact is related to this one: Today 80 percent of Americans die in hospitals, too often tangled in webs of wires and tubes in intensive care units which are, Nuland says, "the purest form of our society's denial of the naturalness, and even the necessity, of death."
"Between the lines of this book," he says in his epilogue, "lies an unspoken plea for the resurrection of the family doctor. Each of us needs a guide who knows us as well as he knows the pathways by which we can approach death...... At such times, it is not the kindness of strangers we need, but the understanding of a longtime medical friend. Health care reformers, please note
Dr Durodie is among experts who believe levels of anxiety over terrorism in Britain do not match the risk. They describe the reaction to Mr Badat's arrest, especially by the Home Secretary, David Blunkett, as alarmist, and put the risk of being injured or killed by terrorism as "minuscule".
"I'm not saying an attack will not happen, but we are doing al-Qa'ida's job for them," said Dr Durodie. "I do think the risk is very low. The elite of al-Qa'ida has gone, ... . Those underneath are not organised enough to pull off anything on the scale of 11 September.
"While we've been worrying about weapons of mass destruction, their actions tell us that what they have are surface-to-air missiles and car bombs. There hasn't been an attack in western Europe. The pattern, apart from 11 September, is that attacks have been restricted to the Middle East, South-east Asia and Pakistan.
"By highlighting how vulnerable we are, we are encouraging lonely cranks and all types of people to have a pop, because they can make the news. Richard Reid, the shoe bomber, wasn't a high flyer in the world of terror."
Dr Durodie, who is halfway through a two-year research programme called the Domestic Management of Terrorist Attacks, accused politicians of being alarmist. "When we see the Home Secretary saying 'this individual poses a threat to the life and liberty of this country' - when does one individual threaten 60 million people? It's ludicrous.
"I don't think that whatever amount of explosives that person [in Gloucester] may have had, is a threat to the UK that is alarmist. Since when does one raid need the evacuation of 100 houses? I think somehow the operation got turned into a public relations exercise, and that endangers the counter-terrorism effort in the UK. The most important thing is to deal with the exaggerated perception of terrorism. It really is destructive."
Dr Durodie's views were supported by Dr Magnus Ranstorp, director of the Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence at St Andrew's University. He said anxiety levels were so high that terrorists did not have to achieve a great deal to have a large impact.
"The state of alert is realistic," he said. "And we have been extraordinarily successful in reacting pre-emptively. But talking about the terrorist threat itself may create a disproportionate sense of vulnerability. The chance of being caught up in a terrorist event is minuscule compared to the chances of being run over by a car.
"But psychologically, if something did occur here, it would cause maximum social disruption. Killing even a small number of individuals in a spectacular way, such as a suicide bomb, would have a huge impact on our society, on tourism and business, and we would have to spend an enormous amount on security measures.
"With the IRA there was predictability... . Now there is a great deal of uncertainty. The enemy is invisible and adopting measures ... contrary to our value system. That may have a much more profound effect."
An experienced border commander troubled by the devastation and interminable suffering about him, Wang Chen sought a possible solution in the Tao Te Ching’s insights, though from a decidedly jaded, Confucian perspective. Even though his meditations constitute a book in themselves, to facilitate understanding his vision we have also translated the Tao Te Ching according to his interpretations -- virtually creating a second book within it which might well be called The Martial Tao Te Ching -- and appended contextual commentary, rather than footnotes, to each of the eighty-one chapters.
"The latest offering from Ralph D. Sawyer, the distinguished translator of the Seven Military Classics and several other Chinese military treatises of the ancient and imperial periods. . . In his introduction and commentary, Sawyer ... disagrees with Wang’s Confucian take on the Tao Te Ching so often as to make one wonder why he even bothered to devote his impressive talent to this particular text. In the opinion of this reviewer, however, his effort was not wasted. Wang Chen’s ostensibly Taoist work provides a fascinating glimpse of the syncretic element in medieval Chinese thought." Journal of Military History
"This is perhaps the best of all the translations I have seen of Chinese military philosophy; the real value of the work is that it gives a clear, graphic and dramatic idea of the difference between that thought and the western way of war." Military and Naval History Journal
"Having a 1983 Chinese language edition of this work, this reviewer, after a random critique of some of Sawyer’s translation, found his rendition of the original Chinese text not only insightful but impeccable." War in History
"Unorthodox Strategies presents an insightful, easy to read translation . . . Each of the book’s 100 short sections considers a different strategic or tactical concept, includes a historical illustration from the original, and contains Sawyer’s thought provoking commentary. Much like a modern military “book of days,” it can be taken as a whole or read at random with equal coherence and utility. Sawyer’s commentary, written in language understandable to both soldiers and businessmen, is useful beyond its application to the study of military theory. In some chapters Sawyer adds depth and color to the historical illustration; in others he compares the book’s underlying concepts to those of Sun-tzu and other classic writers. Readers will find this translation and interpretation enjoyable and enlightening." Military Review
Accordingly Sun-tzu stated:
If it is not advantageous, do not move. If objectives cannot be attained, do not employ the army. Unless endangered do not engage in warfare. The ruler cannot mobilize the army out of personal anger. The general cannot engage in battle because of personal frustration. When it is advantageous, move; when not advantageous, stop. Anger can revert to happiness, annoyance can revert to joy, but a vanquished state cannot be revived, the dead cannot be brought back to life
Man’s nature is evil; goodness is the result of conscious activity. The nature of man is such that he is born with a fondness for profit. If he indulges this fondness, it will lead him into wrangling and strife, and all sense of courtesy and humility will disappear. He is born with feelings of envy and hate, and if he indulges these, they will lead him into violence and crime, and all sense of loyalty and good faith will disappear.Man is born with the desires of the eyes and ears, and with a fondness for beautiful sights and sounds. If he indulges these, they will lead him into licentiousness and wantonness, and all ritual principles and correct forms will be lost.
Hence, any man who follow his nature and indulges his emotions will inevitably become involved in wrangling and strife, will violate the forms and rules of society, and will end as a criminal
It is the business of the benevolent man to try to promote what is beneficial to the world and to eliminate what is harmful. Now at the present time, what brings the greatest harm to the world ? Great states attacking small ones, great families overthrowing small ones, the strong oppressing the weak, the many harrying the few, the cunning deceiving the stupid, the eminent lording it over the humble—these are harmful to the world. So too are rulers who are not generous, ministers who are not loyal, fathers who are without kindness, and sons who are unfilial, as well as those mean men who, with weapons, knives, poison, fire, and water, seek to injure and undo each other.When we inquire into the cause of these various harms, what do we find has produced them? Do they come about from loving others and trying to benefit them? Surely not ! They come rather from hating others and trying to injure them. And when we set out to classify and describe those men who hate and injure others, shall we say that their actions are motivated by universality or partiality? Surely we must answer, by partiality, and it is this partiality in their dealings with one another that gives rise to all the great harms in the world. Therefore we know that partiality is wrong.
Mo-tzu also attempted to shatter the conceptual blindness that prevented men from recognizing the evilness of warfare:
If someone kills one man, he is condemned as unrighteous and must pay for his crime with his own life. According to this reasoning, if someone kills ten men, then he is ten times as unrighteous and should pay for his crime with ten lives, or if he kills a hundred men he is a hundred times as unrighteous and should pay for his crime with a hundred lives. Now all the gentlemen in the world know enough to condemn such crimes and brand them as unrighteous. And yet when it comes to the even greater unrighteousness of offensive warfare against other states, they do not know enough to condemn it. On the contrary, they praise it and call it righteous. Truly they do not know what unrighteousness is
In general, the method for employing the military is this: Preserving the enemy’s state capital is best, destroying their state capital second-best. Preserving their army is best, destroying their army second-best. Preserving their battalions is best, destroying their battalions second-best. Preserving their companies is best, destroying their companies second-best. Preserving their squads is best, destroying their squads second-best.For this reason attaining one hundred victories in one hundred battles is not the pinnacle of excellence. Subjugating the enemy’s army without fighting is the true pinnacle of excellence.
Thus the highest realization of warfare is to attack the enemy’s plans; next is to attack their alliances; next to attack their army; and the lowest is to attack their fortified cities.
Thus one who excels at employing the military subjugates other people’s armies without engaging in battle, captures other people’s fortified cities without attacking them, and destroys others people’s states without prolonged fighting. He must fight under Heaven with the paramount aim of “preservation.” Thus his weapons will not become dull, and the gains can be preserved. This is the strategy for planning offensives.
When you enter the offender’s territory do not do violence to his gods; do not hunt his wild animals; do not destroy earthworks; do not set fire to buildings; do not cut down forests; do not take the six domesticated animals, grains, or implements.When you see their elderly or very young return them without harming them. Even if you encounter adults, unless they engage you in combat, do not treat them as enemies. If an enemy has been wounded, provide medical attention and return him.
However, shortly thereafter Mo-tzu was compelled to decry the current state of affairs thusly:
The rulers and feudal lords of today are not like this. They all set about to examine the relative merits of their soldiers, who are their teeth and claws, arrange their boat and chariot forces, and then, clad in strong armor and bearing sharp weapons, they set off to attack some innocent state. As soon as they enter the borders of the state, they begin cutting down the grain crops, felling trees, razing walls and fortifications, filling up moats and ponds, slaughtering the sacrificial animals, firing the ancestral temples of the state, massacring its subjects, trampling down its aged and weak, and carrying off its vessels and treasures. The soldiers are urged forward into battle by being told, “To die in the cause of duty is the highest honor, to kill a large number of the enemy is the next highest, and to be wounded is next. But as for breaking ranks and fleeing in defeat— the penalty for that is death without hope of pardon!” So the soldiers are filled with fear
Apart from combat related losses, undertaking extensive military campaigns was thought, at least by the military theorists, to economically ravage one’s own state. In a passage that could equally well have been a comment on the Vietnam debacle or the horrors of World War I, Sun-tzu described the enervating effects of prolonged warfare:35
When employing a campaign army of a hundred thousand in battle, a victory that is long in coming will blunt their weapons and dampen their ardor. If you attack cities, their strength will be exhausted. If you expose the army to a prolonged campaign, the state’s resources will be inadequate.When the weapons have grown dull and spirits depressed, when our strength has been expended and resources consumed, then the feudal lords will take advantage of our exhaustion to arise. Even though you have wise generals, they will not be able to achieve a good result.
Thus in military campaigns I have heard of awkward speed but have never seen any skill in lengthy campaigns. No country has ever profited from protracted warfare.
It is because arms are instruments of ill omen and there are Things that detest them that one who has the way does not abide by their use. When one is compelled to use them, it is best to do so without relish. There is no glory in victory; and to glorify it despite this is to exult in the killing of men. One who exults in the killing of men will never have his way in the empire. When great numbers of people are killed, one should weep over them with sorrow. When victorious in war, one should observe the rites of mourning
Numerous battles will exhaust the warriors, many victories will make a ruler arrogant. An arrogant ruler employing an exhausted populace will endanger the state. The apex of warfare is not to engage in combat; next best is to conquer with but a single battle
I have heard that in antiquity those who excelled in employing the army could bear to kill half their officers and soldiers. The next could kill thirty percent, and the lowest ten percent. The awesomeness of one who could sacrifice half of his troops affected all within the Four Seas. The strength of one who could sacrifice thirty percent could be applied to the feudal lords. The orders of one who could sacrifice ten percent would be implemented among his officers and troops
If one heads a state of ten thousand war chariots, then his might and authority will naturally command respect, his fame will be widespread, and his enemies will submit. It will be within the power of the ruler himself, not men of other states, to regulate his safety and goodness. It will be within the power of the ruler himself, not other men, to decide whether he will become a king or a dictator, whether he will choose preservation or destruction.But if his might and authority are not sufficient to intimidate his neighbors and his fame is not the kind to spread throughout the world, then he does not yet have the power to stand alone, so how can he hope to escape difficulties? Threatened by the power of some evil neighbor state, he and the rulers of other states may have to ally themselves with it and be forced to do things they do not wish to do.
He who is in a flourishing condition may stand upon what is right, showing no favoritism to any side but conducting all his affairs as he wishes; he may keep his armies at home and sit back and watch while the evil and violent nations of the world fall upon each other.
When it comes to weapons and military supplies, his war-loving enemies will day by day be smashing and destroying theirs and leaving them strewn over the plains of battle, while he polishes and mends his and stacks them away in his arsenals.
Unfortunately, in its later centuries China often failed to heed Hsün-tzu’s words, neglected the essentials of government and the martial, disparaged the military, and frequently but ineffectually kept all but the central forces weak to prevent rebellion. Coupled with an expensive policy of appeasing the steppe peoples rather than expending their funds on frontier defenses and military training, China became easy prey for its enemies in the Sung and Ch’ing. For this, Mencius deserves the condemnation of millions who died consequent to the myth of the benevolent having no enemies under the Heaven.
30 November 2003
A Briton held in Guantanamo Bay has claimed that he took part in an al-Qa'ida plot to attack the House of Commons with anthrax in an attempt to kill Tony Blair.
The confession by Moazzam Begg, 35, one of nine Britons being held at the US base in Cuba, was disclosed to The Independent on Sunday by his lawyer, who says it was obtained under duress and is completely implausible. Clive Stafford Smith, a British lawyer based in New Orleans, Louisiana, said his client's admission was secured after months of interrogation and segregation in Camp Delta at Guantanamo Bay.
Mr Stafford Smith said Mr Begg, who now faces prosecution by a US military tribunal, was put under intense pressure to plead guilty because the White House wants to stage quick and successful trials in the run-up to next year's presidential elections.
"Moazzam has agreed to plead guilty to this absurd story that allegedly he was part of an al-Qa'ida plot to get a drone - an unmanned aircraft - and fly it from Suffolk over London to drop anthrax over the House of Commons," said the lawyer. "The Americans must think we're incredibly stupid."
The plot was "laughable" because unmanned aircraft sophisticated enough for such an attack were tightly controlled by the armed forces, and cost at least $5m each. Getting hold of anthrax capable of being dropped from an aircraft was even less feasible.
Meanwhile, British authorities released a terrorism suspect held in Birmingham on Thursday, though searches continued. Turkey announced that it was holding a suspect over two synagogue bombings in Istanbul which preceded an attack on British targetsless than a week later. The suspect was said to have tried to cross into Iran using false identity papers. Yesterday the British embassy in Saudi Arabia warned terrorist attacks might be imminent there.
Experts discovered that the bills had been produced on an ink-jet printer, which had not been invented in 1934, the year they were supposedly made. Another clue was the inclusion of postcodes - which the US did not introduce until 1963.
One of the UN inspectors, it's now stated - a man appointed at the behest of the State Department - is involved with pornography. Another senior official, we're now told - again appointed at the urging of the State Department - was previously fired from his job as head of a nuclear safety agency. Why, I wonder, did the Americans want these men on the inspection team? So they could trash it later?
Actually, the official drubbing of the UN inspectors began way back in September when The New York Times announced, over Judith Miller's by-line, that the original inspections team may be on a "mission impossible". The source was "some officials (sic) and former inspectors". Now President George Bush is banging on again about the Iraqi anti-aircraft defences firing at American and British pilots - even though the no-fly zones have nothing to do with the UN inspections nor, indeed, anything to do with the UN at all. The inspections appear to be going unhindered in Baghdad. And what does George Bush tell us? "So far the signs are not encouraging."
What does this mean? Simply that America plans to go to war whatever the UN inspectors find. The New York Times - which is now little more than a mouthpiece for scores of anonymous US "officials" - has persuaded itself that Iraq's Arab neighbours "seem prepared to support an American military campaign". Despite all the warnings from Arab leaders, repeated over and over again, month after month, urging America not to go to war, this is the kind of nonsense being peddled in the United States.
And now the British government has come up with another of its famous "dossiers"on Saddam's human rights abuses. Yes, again, we all know how vicious Saddam is. We knew about his raping rooms and his executions and his torture when we eagerly supported his invasion of Iran in 1980. So why is it being regurgitated all over again?
Just take one little point in the latest British "dossier". It reveals that a certain Aziz Saleh Ahmed, a "fighter in the popular army", held a position as "violator of women's honour". Now I happen to remember that name. Was this not the same Aziz Saleh Ahmed who turned up on page 287 of a book published back in 1993 by Kanan Makiya, who formerly called himself Samir al-Khalil? Why, indeed it was. Aziz Saleh Ahmed is listed as a "fighter in the popular army" and - you've guessed it - "violator of women's honour".
There was a controversy about the translation back at the time, but I've no doubt that there are raping rooms in Saddam's Iraq. I went inside one in the northern city of Dohuk in 1991, women's underclothes still lying on the floor. But the point is, what are we doing rehashing the Aziz Saleh Ahmad story all over again as if we've just discovered it when it's at least eight years old and - according to Makiya - was first seen more than a decade ago?
And yet again, the Americans are trying to establish links between Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein in a desperate attempt to hitch the "war on terror" to the war for oil (which is what, of course, the Iraqi "crisis" is all about). Vice President Cheney has been parroting all the same nonsense about "terror" leaders and Saddam, even though Bin Laden loathes the Iraqi leader. No one - absolutely no one - has produced the slightest evidence that Saddam had anything to do with the international crimes against humanity of 11 September. But still we are forced to listen to this trash.
Before Christmas or afterwards? I don't know. I do believe that the US 1st Infantry Division will cross the Tigris bridges into Baghdad within one week of an invasion. The first photos will show Iraqis making V for victory signs at the American tanks. The second batch of pictures will show Baath party members strung up from lamp-posts by the population they have suppressed for so many years.
We will presumably use depleted uranium munitions against Iraqi armour - the same depleted uranium that was used 11 years ago in the deserts of southern Iraq, where children are now ravaged by strange and unexplained cancers. And we will not - repeat this one hundred times - we will not mention oil.
The most the Iraqi army will do in response to an invasion - always assuming they don't have nuclear or chemical weapons - will be to score a stray hit on a Stealth bomber. Who, it is worth asking, knows the name today of Sgt Zoltan Bercik, the Yugoslav Hungarian from Vojvodina who single-handedly fired a liquid-fuelled Neva missile at an American Stealth bomber over Serbia on 27 March 1999? The only man to bring down a Stealth - and still his name remains unpublished, his story unknown. But that's remembering another war in which the cause of the conflict - the ethnic cleansing of the Kosovo Albanians - subtly changed shape once the war had begun and the ethnic cleansing was under way."
Mr Blair said there was a link in that there was a link between weapons of mass destruction and terrorism, and if there wasn't a link now they could very likely be linked in the future.
Tam Dalyell, the Grandfather of the House, is a bit of a rhino and more often than not pointing his horn in the wrong direction. Yesterday, he went straight and over the Prime Minister. He noted that the Blair dossier on Saddam's terror regime included the charge that the Iraqi football team were caned on the soles of their feet for losing a World Cup qualifier match.
Fifa had investigated this claim, Mr Dalyell said, and shown it to be absolutely baseless. "Does the Prime Minister say he knows more than Fifa about this footballing matter?" No, er, no the Prime Minister wouldn't say that.
Mr Blair paused helplessly, Then came up with this Parliament's first great catchphrase: "Leave that aside for a moment," he said. Leave that aside for the moment!"
The glasses could help the billion people around the world who are deprived of spectacles but suffer from long or near sight. Joshua Silver's simple invention could in theory help to eradicate adult illiteracy in developing countries.
Professor Silver's "adaptive glasses" look like ordinary ones except for the two knobs on either side of the frame that can adjust the curvature of the lens. It means that in countries where opticians are scarce, wearers can simply alter the focus as their eyesight deteriorates over time.
Uncorrected poor vision is considered among the most serious problems in the developing world, holding back economies by forcing educated classes to retire early with failing eyesight. The World Health Organisation (WHO) estimates one billion people worldwide need but do not have access to spectacles.
The lenses are filled with silicon oil, controlled via a small pump on the frame. This alters the curvature of the lens, allowing the wearer to see clearly with the simple turn of a knob. Through a deal with the WHO and the World Bank, Prof Silver plans to sell up to 400,000 adaptive glasses in Ghana with another deal for 9.3 million pairs in South Africa also in the pipeline. The glasses are sold at about £6 through his company Adaptive Eyecare, based in Oxford, but cost less than that to make. With just 50 opticians in Ghana out of a population of almost 20 million, glasses that last a lifetime will prove a boon.
"It would take on average about 200 years to be seen by an optometrist in Ghana," explained Prof Silver. "But adaptive glasses obviate the need for a trip at all."
The professor began work on his invention 17 years ago - although the technique of using liquid in lenses dates back to the 18th century. "When I first started working with variable power lenses, it was simply to see if they could be made," he said. "Then I realised that if I could build something with the potential to help millions of people, I ought to just go out and give it a go."
The lack of optometry has undermined Ghana's £19m World Bank-funded adult literacy programme. A recent study found that 74 per cent of those on the programme needed glasses. Dr Kweku Ghartey, one of Ghana's leading eye surgeons, is backing the invention. "People can't be taught unless they can see what is put before them," he said.
Trials which have been under way in Ghana since 1996 have already proved successful. "There was one girl who didn't know trees have leaves," said Dr Ghartey. "You should have seen the smile on her face when she understood that the leaves she found on the ground came from the trees." "
As the prisoners begin to struggle home from the American concentration camp at Guantanamo Bay (except for two Australians, deserted by their government), the scale of the crime is emerging. We now know that the British military command virtually refused to send troops to Iraq until Blair gave them a guarantee they would not be prosecuted by the newly constituted International Criminal Court. Blair's guarantee was worthless. And that frightens the British establishment, and the Australian establishment, too. Unlike the United States, Britain and Australia are signatories to the ICC.
A 10-year campaign to introduce basic workers' rights has barely begun to improve the shabby treatment of the girls, new research shows.
"The Chinese toy factory workers are more exploited than before," said May Wong of the Asia Monitor Resource Centre who investigated the toy industry, with the Hong Kong Christian Industrial Committee. Another investigator, Monina Wong, author of a soon-to- be-published report for the Hong Kong Coalition for the Charter on the Safe Production of Toys, said: "Wages have actually gone down, there is so much surplus labour. Conditions have improved a little, especially in overtime because big buyers are putting pressure on sub-contractors."
But workers still have no contracts or unions, and little protection from owners who sometimes withhold part or even all of the wages due.
China makes 70 per cent of the world's toys and its exports, now worth $7.5bn (£4.7bn) annually, have doubled in eight years. In addition, China exports nearly $1bn of plastic Christmas trees, ornaments and lights, tinsel, plastic angels and bells, Santa suits, framed pictures of Jesus and Bible scenes. Hong Kong and Taiwanese companies that make goods for the likes of Hasbro (whose brands include Action Man and Bob the Builder), Mattel (makers of Barbie) and Disney have shifted production to the Chinese mainland, lured by the plentiful supply of cheap, unregulated labour.
China has 6,000 manufacturers, largely funded by foreign companies and clustered in the Pearl river delta, or Zhejiang and Jiangsu provinces.
Dr Anita Chan, an expert on Chinese labour issues at the Austrian National University, said: "People who buy toys should care, [because] conditions in the toy sector are probably worse than other factories." Sixty per cent of the toy workers are women between 17 and 23 who live in cramped company dormitories, 15 to a room, earning 30 cents an hour painting colours with a brush or spraying, or clipping the pieces together. Most get only two days off a month.
Inhaling the spray paints, glue fumes and toxic dust is a health hazard, causing dizziness, headaches and rashes. Over time, it can be fatal. The case of 19-year-old Li Chunmei, who fainted on the production line and died hours later, was reported by The Washington Post this year and taken up by trade unions in America. But such deaths are common in the Pearl river delta. This year, China introduced laws on health and safety but campaigners say these make the workers responsible for compliance and are hard to enforce. "
The state had money to burn, and it built new schools, reduced class sizes, expanded public health facilities, approved new roads and added about 40,000 public service employees to the state payroll.
That was then. Now, like a drunk waking up in a bleary haze after a heavy late-night binge, the picture suddenly looks very different. California is not just suffering the cruel blows of a nationwide recession. It is, in a word, broke.
Quite how broke is a matter of some speculation. According to the official legislative analyst, the state is about $21bn (£13bn) in the red for this budgetary year, and is likely to see annual deficits of $12-15bn for the foreseeable future, whether or not the economy improves. But even that grim assessment may be over-optimistic.
California's recently re-elected governor, Gray Davis, has said the true figure for this year may be as high as $30bn. Some economists are putting it higher still, at about $36bn.
What do those figures mean? As Herb Wesson, the speaker of the state assembly, put it: "That's a hole so deep and so vast that even if we fired every single person on the state payroll -- every park ranger, every college professor and every Highway Patrol officer -- we would still be more than $6bn short."
It is often said that California has the fifth biggest economy in the world, bigger than France's, bigger than Italy's. Unlike France or Italy, though, it is not its own country, which means it doesn't print currency or exercise absolute taxing authority.
That, in turn, means that it can't run budget deficits. In fact, deficit-spending is prohibited under the state constitution. And that, in turn, means some very painful decision-making.
California's schools, already so woefully underfunded that they rank 38th among American states for per capita spending, are likely to be devastated, with the worst impact felt in under-resourced inner city areas like South Central Los Angeles and Oakland. There is talk of firing up to 35,000 teachers.
As many as a million people could lose their health insurance benefits as California narrows the eligibility criteria for a state coverage programme known as Medi-Cal. Hospitals have already begun closing in impoverished areas dependent on state aid.
The simple reason for this calamity is the economy. Until the tech boom started to turn to bust in March 2000, California was merrily raking in corporate taxes from countless internet, telecommunications, computer hardware and software companies, many of them based in Silicon Valley and the greater San Francisco area. As an added boon, it was earning revenue on every stock option issued to employees - real money created out of what turned out to be little more than a useful illusion.
Now many of those firms are gone. In San Francisco alone, almost 30 per cent of office space lies vacant. State revenue from capital gains and stock option taxes has fallen over the past two years from $17bn to an estimated $5bn, accounting for roughly half of the current deficit all by itself.
There are also more complex reasons why the state budget has see-sawed so wildly. Being a liberal-minded state, California has an unusually progressive tax structure, which means that the top 10 per cent of earners pay 75 per cent of the income tax. When the dot.coms went up in smoke, pushing tens of thousands of well-paid programmers and marketing executives out of work, it dealt a very tangible blow to the state pocketbook.
Moreover, the budget has become particularly vulnerable to the general economic cycle because of specific restrictions on its powers of taxation. A successful anti-tax revolt in the late 1970s permanently capped the state's ability to raise property taxes - a calamitous move, in the opinion of most economists, that sabotaged one of America's most successful school systems and slashed social services. The property tax cap also removed a vital element of fiscal stability, since it made the state disproportionately dependent on income tax.
The crisis has, of course, been creeping up gradually, but during the long campaign leading up to the November elections, Mr Davis did his best to pretend the problem did not exist. The deficits were artfully concealed, thanks to one-off debt-restructuring tricks and money borrowed from anticipated future revenues, notably from the 1998 settlement between all US states and the tobacco companies, worth more than $200bn across the board.
Over the weekend, Governor Davis at last prepared the electorate for the painful times ahead with an initial round of mid-year budget cuts worth more than $10bn. Since education accounts for roughly half of the budgetary general fund, that is where the most painful cuts will be made. The University of California stands to lose $75m, the state's public schools almost $2bn.
Even in affluent school districts, principals have been asked to put 25 per cent of their teaching staff in the firing line. The cleaners, gardeners, nursing staff and psychological counsellors have, in many cases, been given their marching orders already. Parents at many schools have been told to put a toilet roll in their children's backpacks, because schools will not be providing their own any more.
If anyone is enjoying California's pain, it is the Bush administration and the Republican Party, which is in the minority in the state assembly and does not hold a single executive position at state level. Republican state lawmakers are refusing to offer their support for general tax increases, which require a two thirds majority under California's constitution.
The federal government, meanwhile, is playing hardball on everything, from education funding to transport infrastructure to programmes to help poorer children.
That has been offset partly by money for weapons research at California laboratories and some assiduous courting of the remaining hi-tech giants in Silicon Valley. That, though, won't help the bulk of Californians, who either depend on the state for their day-to-day services or else turn to rich local residents - if they have any - to volunteer their own money, especially for schools. "Investment is desperately needed in many areas, like education, which is now crumbling," Kent Sims, a prominent San Francisco economist, said. "If you're a rich district, you still have options. If you are poor, you don't."
The round-ups in Los Angeles, San Diego and suburban Orange County were part of a counter-terrorism initiative by the Bush administration, requiring men and teenagers from specific countries to register with the immigration authorities and have their fingerprints taken. Several thousand citizens of Iran, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Sudan - many of them accompanied by lawyers - willingly came forward across southern California to meet Monday's deadline.
However, as many as a quarter of them - estimates vary between 500 and 1,000 people - were arrested on the basis of apparently minor visa violations and herded into jail cells under threat of deportation.
Lawyers reported that some detainees were forced to stand up all night for lack of room, that some were placed in shackles, and others were hosed down with cold water before being thrown into unheated cells. They said the numbers were so high that authorities were talking about transferring several hundred detainees to Arizona to await immigration hearings and deportation orders.
Both the lawyers and the southern California chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union denounced the round-up as an outrage that did not advance the fight against terrorism one inch and very possibly hindered it. At a public demonstration in Los Angeles on Wednesday, at least 3,000 protesters waved signs saying "What next? Concentration camps?" and "Detain terrorists, not innocent immigrants".
"All of our fundamental civil rights have been violated by these actions," one lawyer, Ban al-Wardi, told the Los Angeles Times after 14 of her 20 clients were arrested during the registration process. "I don't know how far this is going to go before people start speaking up. This is a very dangerous precedent we are setting. What's to stop Americans from being treated like this when they travel overseas?"
In one case, a 16-year-old boy was ripped from his mother's arms and told he would never return home. The mother is a legal resident married to an American citizen. Many of the detainees came from Los Angeles' large Iranian Jewish population and are highly unlikely to have any link to militant Islamic guerrilla groups.
Immigration officials said they would not discuss numbers but did not dispute one report putting the number of detainees at between 500 and 700. They acknowledged anyone with a slight visa irregularity was subject to arrest, regardless of personal histories. The detainees' lawyers challenged the government to produce any evidence of criminal behaviour among their clients, let alone a link to international terrorist groups.
The registration scheme was conceived by President Bush's ultra-conservative Attorney General, John Ashcroft, and had already come under criticism for what opponents call blatant discrimination."
The reaction to 9/11 is beyond anything Osama bin Laden could have hoped for in his nastiest dreams. As in McCarthy times, the freedoms that have made America the envy of the world are being systematically eroded. The combination of compliant US media and vested corporate interests is once more ensuring that a debate that should be ringing out in every town square is confined to the loftier columns of the East Coast press.
The imminent war was planned years before bin Laden struck, but it was he who made it possible. Without bin Laden, the Bush junta would still be trying to explain such tricky matters as how it came to be elected in the first place; Enron; its shameless favouring of the already-too-rich; its reckless disregard for the world’s poor, the ecology and a raft of unilaterally abrogated international treaties. They might also have to be telling us why they support Israel in its continuing disregard for UN resolutions.
But bin Laden conveniently swept all that under the carpet. The Bushies are riding high. Now 88 per cent of Americans want the war, we are told. The US defence budget has been raised by another $60 billion to around $360 billion. A splendid new generation of nuclear weapons is in the pipeline, so we can all breathe easy. Quite what war 88 per cent of Americans think they are supporting is a lot less clear. A war for how long, please? At what cost in American lives? At what cost to the American taxpayer’s pocket? At what cost — because most of those 88 per cent are thoroughly decent and humane people — in Iraqi lives?
How Bush and his junta succeeded in deflecting America’s anger from bin Laden to Saddam Hussein is one of the great public relations conjuring tricks of history. But they swung it. A recent poll tells us that one in two Americans now believe Saddam was responsible for the attack on the World Trade Centre. But the American public is not merely being misled. It is being browbeaten and kept in a state of ignorance and fear. The carefully orchestrated neurosis should carry Bush and his fellow conspirators nicely into the next election.
Those who are not with Mr Bush are against him. Worse, they are with the enemy. Which is odd, because I’m dead against Bush, but I would love to see Saddam’s downfall — just not on Bush’s terms and not by his methods. And not under the banner of such outrageous hypocrisy.
The religious cant that will send American troops into battle is perhaps the most sickening aspect of this surreal war-to-be. Bush has an arm-lock on God. And God has very particular political opinions. God appointed America to save the world in any way that suits America. God appointed Israel to be the nexus of America’s Middle Eastern policy, and anyone who wants to mess with that idea is a) anti-Semitic, b) anti-American, c) with the enemy, and d) a terrorist.
God also has pretty scary connections. In America, where all men are equal in His sight, if not in one another’s, the Bush family numbers one President, one ex-President, one ex-head of the CIA, the Governor of Florida and the ex-Governor of Texas.
Care for a few pointers? George W. Bush, 1978-84: senior executive, Arbusto Energy/Bush Exploration, an oil company; 1986-90: senior executive of the Harken oil company. Dick Cheney, 1995-2000: chief executive of the Halliburton oil company. Condoleezza Rice, 1991-2000: senior executive with the Chevron oil company, which named an oil tanker after her. And so on. But none of these trifling associations affects the integrity of God’s work.
In 1993, while ex-President George Bush was visiting the ever-democratic Kingdom of Kuwait to receive thanks for liberating them, somebody tried to kill him. The CIA believes that "somebody" was Saddam. Hence Bush Jr’s cry: "That man tried to kill my Daddy." But it’s still not personal, this war. It’s still necessary. It’s still God’s work. It’s still about bringing freedom and democracy to oppressed Iraqi people.
To be a member of the team you must also believe in Absolute Good and Absolute Evil, and Bush, with a lot of help from his friends, family and God, is there to tell us which is which. What Bush won’t tell us is the truth about why we’re going to war. What is at stake is not an Axis of Evil — but oil, money and people’s lives. Saddam’s misfortune is to sit on the second biggest oilfield in the world. Bush wants it, and who helps him get it will receive a piece of the cake. And who doesn’t, won’t.
If Saddam didn’t have the oil, he could torture his citizens to his heart’s content. Other leaders do it every day — think Saudi Arabia, think Pakistan, think Turkey, think Syria, think Egypt.
Baghdad represents no clear and present danger to its neighbours, and none to the US or Britain. Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction, if he’s still got them, will be peanuts by comparison with the stuff Israel or America could hurl at him at five minutes’ notice. What is at stake is not an imminent military or terrorist threat, but the economic imperative of US growth. What is at stake is America’s need to demonstrate its military power to all of us — to Europe and Russia and China, and poor mad little North Korea, as well as the Middle East; to show who rules America at home, and who is to be ruled by America abroad.
The most charitable interpretation of Tony Blair’s part in all this is that he believed that, by riding the tiger, he could steer it. He can’t. Instead, he gave it a phoney legitimacy, and a smooth voice. Now I fear, the same tiger has him penned into a corner, and he can’t get out.
It is utterly laughable that, at a time when Blair has talked himself against the ropes, neither of Britain’s opposition leaders can lay a glove on him. But that’s Britain’s tragedy, as it is America’s: as our Governments spin, lie and lose their credibility, the electorate simply shrugs and looks the other way. Blair’s best chance of personal survival must be that, at the eleventh hour, world protest and an improbably emboldened UN will force Bush to put his gun back in his holster unfired. But what happens when the world’s greatest cowboy rides back into town without a tyrant’s head to wave at the boys?
Blair’s worst chance is that, with or without the UN, he will drag us into a war that, if the will to negotiate energetically had ever been there, could have been avoided; a war that has been no more democratically debated in Britain than it has in America or at the UN. By doing so, Blair will have set back our relations with Europe and the Middle East for decades to come. He will have helped to provoke unforeseeable retaliation, great domestic unrest, and regional chaos in the Middle East. Welcome to the party of the ethical foreign policy.
There is a middle way, but it’s a tough one: Bush dives in without UN approval and Blair stays on the bank. Goodbye to the special relationship.
I cringe when I hear my Prime Minister lend his head prefect’s sophistries to this colonialist adventure. His very real anxieties about terror are shared by all sane men. What he can’t explain is how he reconciles a global assault on al-Qaeda with a territorial assault on Iraq. We are in this war, if it takes place, to secure the fig leaf of our special relationship, to grab our share of the oil pot, and because, after all the public hand-holding in Washington and Camp David, Blair has to show up at the altar.
"But will we win, Daddy?"
"Of course, child. It will all be over while you’re still in bed."
"Why?"
"Because otherwise Mr Bush’s voters will get terribly impatient and may decide not to vote for him."
"But will people be killed, Daddy?"
"Nobody you know, darling. Just foreign people."
"Can I watch it on television?"
"Only if Mr Bush says you can."
"And afterwards, will everything be normal again? Nobody will do anything horrid any more?"
"Hush child, and go to sleep."
Last Friday a friend of mine in California drove to his local supermarket with a sticker on his car saying: "Peace is also Patriotic". It was gone by the time he’d finished shopping.
The author has also contributed to an openDemocracy debate on Iraq at www.openDemocracy.net "
At the centre of the inquiry are the bolts holding the motors on to the undersides of the train, four to each carriage. After an incident involving one of the motors becoming loose in the line depot six months ago, the trains were modified and checks are now made every five days. The last check on the train involved was two days before the accident.
London Underground said the inquiry would examine reports that another driver had notified the line control at Leytonstone, several stops earlier, that he had heard a noise coming from under the train that crashed. Passengers also spoke about a "grinding, clanking noise" coming from underneath the train.
According to the train drivers' union Aslef, the driver in the train behind, which stopped in the tunnel, tried to use special "circuit clips'' to cut off the power to the tracks, but found they did not work because the curvature of the track meant that they did not fit. The driver also found his door was broken so that it could not be used as a ramp for passengers to use when getting off the train; additionally, the train's batteries failed and the passengers found themselves in darkness.
The crash site was being inspected yesterday by Health and Safety Executive officials, who were checking the extent of structural damage, including whether any potentially lethal asbestos had been disturbed.
A union leader called for a public inquiry yesterday and said all safety work under the controversial public-private partnership should be suspended. Mick Rix, the general secretary of the drivers' union Aslef, said: "There is no public confidence that safety procedures have been properly followed during the run-up to PPP. Management have been given repeated and specific warnings from Aslef about ... the motors on Central line trains but these warnings have been ignored.""
For since the Afghan war is the "successful" role model for America's forthcoming imperial adventure across the Middle East, the near-collapse of peace in this savage land and the steady erosion of US forces in Afghanistan - the nightly attacks on American and other international troops, the anarchy in the cities outside Kabul, the warlordism and drug trafficking and steadily increasing toll of murders - are unmentionables, a narrative constantly erased from the consciousness of Americans who are now sending their young men and women by the tens of thousands to stage another "success" story.
This article is written in President George Bush's home state of Texas, where the flags fly at half-staff for the Columbia crew, where the dispatch to the Middle East of further troops of the 108th Air Defence Artillery Brigade from Fort Bliss and the imminent deployment from Holloman Air Force Base in neighbouring New Mexico of undisclosed numbers of F-117 Nighthawk stealth bombers earned a mere 78-word down-page inside "nib" report in the local Austin newspaper.
Only in New York and Washington do the neo-conservative pundits suggest - obscenely - that the death of the Columbia crew may well have heightened America's resolve and "unity" to support the Bush adventure in Iraq. A few months ago, we would still have been asked to believe that the post-war "success" in Afghanistan augured well for the post-war success in Iraq.
So let's break through the curtain for a while and peer into the fastness of the land that both President Bush and Prime Minister Blair promised not to forget. Hands up those who know that al-Qa'ida has a radio station operating inside Afghanistan which calls for a holy war against America? It's true. Hands up again anyone who can guess how many of the daily weapons caches discovered by US troops in the country have been brought into Afghanistan since America's "successful" war? Answer: up to 25 per cent.
Have any US troops retreated from their positions along the Afghan-Pakistan border? None, you may say. And you would be wrong. At least five positions, according to Pakistani sources on the other side of the frontier, only one of which has been admitted by US forces. On 11 December, US troops abandoned their military outpost at Lwara after nightly rocket attacks which destroyed several American military vehicles. Their Afghan allies were driven out only days later and al-Qa'ida fighters then stormed the US compound and burnt it to the ground.
It's a sign of just how seriously America's mission in Afghanistan is collapsing that the majestically conservative Wall Street Journal - normally a beacon of imperial and Israeli policy in the Middle East and South-west Asia - has devoted a long and intriguing article to the American retreat, though of course that's not what the paper calls it.
"Soldiers still confront an invisible enemy,'' is the title of Marc Kaufman's first-class investigation, a headline almost identical to one which appeared over a Fisk story a year or so after Russia's invasion of Afghanistan in 1979-80. The soldiers in my dispatch, of course, were Russian. Indeed, just as I recall the Soviet officer who told us all at Bagram air base that the "mujahedin terrorism remnants" were all that was left of the West's conspiracy against peace-loving (and Communist) Afghans, so I observed the American spokesmen - yes, at the very same Bagram air base - who today cheerfully assert that al-Qa'ida "remnants" are all that are left of Bin Laden's legions.
Training camps have been set up inside Afghanistan again, not - as the Americans think - by the recalcitrant forces of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's anti-American Afghans, but by Arabs. The latest battle between US forces and enemy "remnants" near Spin Boldak in Kandahar provinceinvolved further Arab fighters, as my colleague Phil Reeves reported. Hekmatyar's Hezb-i-Islami forces have been "forging ties" with al-Qa'ida and the Taliban; which is exactly what the mujahedin "terrorist remnants" did among themselves in the winter of 1980, a year after the Soviet invasion.
An American killed by a newly placed landmine in Khost; 16 civilians blown up by another newly placed mine outside Kandahar; grenades tossed at Americans or international troops in Kabul; further reports of rape and female classroom burnings in the north of Afghanistan - all these events are now acquiring the stale status of yesterday's war.
So be sure that Colin Powell will not be boasting to the Security Council today of America's success in the intelligence war in Afghanistan. It's one thing to claim that satellite pictures show chemicals being transported around Iraq, or that telephone intercepts prove Iraqi scientists are still at their dirty work; quite another to explain how all the "communications chatter" intercepts which the US supposedly picked up in Afghanistan proved nothing. As far as Afghanistan is concerned, you can quote Basil Fawlty: "Whatever you do, don't mention the war.''"
Yet two small but revealing weathervanes return to our television screens in the next week. The West Wing and 24 both launch new seasons, and they tell us a great deal about our Stateside cousins.
The West Wing has been derided in the States as preposterously liberal; it is often referred to as "the left wing". It follows the presidency of Jeb Bartlett, a former governor of New Hampshire and the most left-leaning president since Kennedy (or even Roosevelt).
On domestic policy, it is impossible for lefties like me not to be stirred to tears by the show, as Bartlett and the crew of saints who man his West Wing stand up to Christian fundamentalists, protect social security, fight child poverty and fend off the incursions of the US's especially rabid right-wing.
The extent to which this White House is so completely different to Bush's - which has just delivered a massive tax cut, 45 per cent of which goes to the richest 1 per cent of US citizens - is underlined by the fact that Bartlett's Republican opponent for the presidency is so obviously based on Dubya. He is a dumb, folksy southern governor who is told by Bartlett, "I don't mind that you don't know much, but you've turned knowing nothing into a kind of Zen thing." One of the most depressing experiences in life is getting to the end of an episode of the show feeling a warm glow, and then realising that George Junior is still sitting in the real Oval Office.
Yet look at what has happened to The West Wing's depiction of US foreign policy. Even a fictional character who is seen as so left-wing that he is unelectable spouts a chilling, implicitly racist foreign policy. In the last episode of the third series, Barlett has to authorise the assassination of a pro-terrorist figure in an Arab government. He agonises for days, and then, when he is finally called upon to give the order, he asks gravely, "But doesn't this make us just like all the other nations?"
The fact that even a sophisticated, liberal American audience can hear this without either gasping or bursting into laughter is a sign of how blinkered Americans still are about their foreign policy legacy. Bartlett is meant to be a Nobel-prize winning economist. He would know that the US intervened in Iran in 1953 to overthrow the democratically elected, popular and reformist leader Mohammed Mossadeq and install the undemocratic and unpopular Shah, Reza Pahlavi. This set in train events that led to the rise of the Ayatollah Khomeini. He would know that the US intervened in Chile in 1973 to overthrow the democratically elected Salvador Allende and install the fascist Augusto Pinochet. He would know about Vietnam, for God's sake. He would know that the US to this day gives free rein to Ariel Sharon to murder Palestinian civilians.
The mindset which unconsciously informs Bartlett's actions, just as much as the current administration's, is what Edward Said has identified as "American fundamentalism": the equation of what is good for America axiomatically with what is good for the world. It is captured in a line from the musical Miss Saigon, which is meant to be ironic but which I have heard applauded by US audiences post-11 September: "But I'm an American/ I can't do wrong." It is the implicit belief that the US - because its collective identity is based on universal values embodied in the Constitution, not any concept of race or inherent belonging - will always act morally in its external affairs.
The West Wing shows the worrying extent to which American imperialism is based not only on a genuine desire to help other countries (and, yes, many decent Americans do actually believe this, and they are sometimes right; they are not all isolationist hicks) but also on a sense of essential superiority.
In an episode called "A Proportional Response", Bartlett finds out that his personal physician, amongst others, has been murdered on a trip to the Middle East. His security chiefs recommend "a proportionate response" to the American deaths, but Bartlett shouts that he wants "a disproportionate response". He explains, "Under the Roman empire, a Roman citizen could go anywhere he wanted in the world, because all over the world people knew that if they touched a citizen of Rome, the wrath of the entire Empire would rain down upon them. That is how Americans should feel."
So he decides, basically, to bomb the hell out of the Middle East, until he is finally talked round. Remember: this mindset is prevalent even in the Democratic Party.
Both The West Wing and 24 also reveal a view of US politics so naïve and romantic that it is scarcely a development on Frank Capra's Mr Smith Goes to Washington. David Palmer, the Democratic senator who is running for President in the first series of 24 (he has been elected in time for the second series), is also a Bartlett-like saint.
He is amazed when the people who bankrolled his campaign want something back from him, just as Bartlett decides, absurdly, that he cannot adopt a certain policy simply on the grounds that it would benefit a campaign contributor! The implication is that the problem with US politics is merely that its politicians have shown insufficient moral rectitude, and that if they were simply good men like Palmer and Bartlett (both of whom eschew spin-doctors, who are depicted as sleazy and evil), the problems would disappear.
In fact, US politics is, as the brave Republican senator John McCain has argued for years, systematically corrupt. Bill Clinton complained in 1995, justly, that he had to spend so much time raising money for his next presidential bid that neither he nor Al Gore had any time to actually do any governing. McCain has just piloted reforms into US law that limit the power of big money; its role in determining the US policy agenda is still breathtaking. Nobody even seems surprised any more when their President tours the country and addresses not crowds of citizens but only fund-raising meetings with massive entrance fees. It is unsurprising that politicians who owe their position to millionaires and who speak almost exclusively to millionaires end up governing in the interests of millionaires.
This does not mean that we must adopt a knee-jerk position in opposition to everything the US does. Many writers - from John Pilger, who recently described the US as akin to the Third Reich, to Harold Pinter, who says Blair acted in Kosovo because "he loves to drop a few bombs, it gives him, I think, great excitement" - have adopted the inverse of American fundamentalism. They see everything that the US does as simply evil, and therefore ignore, for example, the fact that the Iraqi people loathe Saddam Hussein and desperately want the US's help in liberating them from this tyrant. Even when I support the US - as I will in the coming months over Iraq - it doesn't mean that I am so naïve or credulous that I think the US is perfect or even especially good. Even if Bartlett were President, it would still be a deeply flawed and frightening country."
The original USA Patriot Act, passed in the autumn of 2001, granted sweeping powers to the FBI and police to use information gathered from intelligence agencies to monitor and spy on US citizens suspected of subversive activities.
Proposals being drafted would expand those powers by authorising secret arrests, compiling a new DNA data-base, extending the death penalty to more offences, scrapping judicial oversight of police surveillance and removing citizenship from those people who support groups not favoured by the authorities.
Drafts of the proposals, entitled the Domestic Security Enhancement Act of 2003, have been circulating within the upper echelons of the Bush administration for some weeks though they have not yet been formally released.
Enough information has emerged to trigger concern among civil libertarians. David Cole, a professor of law at Georgetown University and author of Terrorism and the Constitution, has seen the draft legislation. He said it "raises a lot of serious concerns. It's troubling that they have gotten this far along and they've been telling people there is nothing in the works.
"By seeking to overturn court-approved limits against police spying on political and religious activities, allowing for increased government surveillance and the ability to wiretap without going to court, the latest proposal would do serious harm to civil liberties in America."
Critics say John Ashcroft, the Attorney General, would, in effect, be handed powers normally reserved for wartime. Gregory Nojeim, the associate director of the American Civil Liberties Union said: "The initial Patriot Act undercut many of the checks and balances on government power - the new proposal threatens to fundamentally alter the constitutional protections that allow us to be both safe and free."
The Justice Department insisted no decisions had been made. A spokesman said: "It would be premature to speculate on future decisions, particularly ideas that are still being discussed at staff levels.""
No wonder, then, that Hans Blix's blunt refutation of America's "intelligence" at the UN yesterday warmed so many hearts. Suddenly, the Hans Blixes of this world could show up the Americans for the untrustworthy "allies" they have become.
The British don't like Hussein any more than they liked Nasser. But millions of Britons remember, as Blair does not, the Second World War; they are not conned by childish parables of Hitler, Churchill, Chamberlain and appeasement. They do not like being lectured and whined at by men whose experience of war is Hollywood and television.
Still less do they wish to embark on endless wars with a Texas governor-executioner who dodged the Vietnam draft and who, with his oil buddies, is now sending America's poor to destroy a Muslim nation that has nothing at all to do with the crimes against humanity of 11 September. Jack Straw, the public school Trot-turned-warrior, ignores all this, with Blair. He brays at us about the dangers of nuclear weapons that Iraq does not have, of the torture and aggression of a dictatorship that America and Britain sustained when Saddam was "one of ours". But he and Blair cannot discuss the dark political agenda behind George Bush's government, nor the "sinister men" (the words of a very senior UN official) around the President.
Those who oppose war are not cowards. Brits rather like fighting; they've biffed Arabs, Afghans, Muslims, Nazis, Italian Fascists and Japanese imperialists for generations, Iraqis included - though we play down the RAF's use of gas on Kurdish rebels in the 1930s. But when the British are asked to go to war, patriotism is not enough. Faced with the horror stories, Britons - and many Americans - are a lot braver than Blair and Bush. They do not like, as Thomas More told Cromwell in A Man for All Seasons, tales to frighten children.
Perhaps Henry VIII's exasperation in that play better expresses the British view of Blair and Bush: "Do they take me for a simpleton?" The British, like other Europeans, are an educated people. Ironically, their opposition to this obscene war may make them feel more, not less, European."
Actually, The Hours didn't really seem all that boring to me, or only boring in that nervous, immaculate way of American good taste, like a room full of Shaker furniture. Perhaps I had already accepted that any film based on the work or life of Virginia Woolf or her friends - Orlando and Carrington spring grimly to mind - is always going to be very tedious. But perhaps it's also because, as a connoisseur of the extremely boring film, this seemed half-hearted in its tedium. It just wasn't nearly boring enough.
I've probably had more excruciatingly boring experiences in the cinema than anywhere else. Other art forms can be equally boring, of course. I've been reduced to a boredom that approached a kind of physical pain by the first act of Siegfried, and, in a Goldoni farce, have offered up prayers to heaven for something, anything - a fire, a bomb alert, an outbreak of mumps among the cast - to stop the thing in its tracks. But cinema has probably been the most consistent producer of epics of ennui.
The reason must be that, like the theatre, but unlike art or literature, you have to sit through it and endure it at a pace of its own dictation, whether you are interested or not. It is even worse than live theatre, though, since it lacks the slightly indecent fascination of something that at any moment could go disastrously wrong. I've never been seriously bored at the ballet, since it always seems all too likely that someone is about to fall over; on the other hand, you know that nobody in a film is going to forget their lines or drop a prop.
God, the hours of raw suffering exacted by the cinema. The first time I saw Jacques Rivette's Celine and Julie Go Boating, that appallingly repetitious film, somebody in the audience, goaded beyond endurance, shouted "Oh, Christ, not again" when it went back to the beginning of the story for the eighth time.
There are some terrible repeat offenders; after Paris, Texas and Wings of Desire, I found that I nursed for Wim Wenders a deeply personal loathing. Sometimes, in a really unacceptable Godard (Passion sticks in the mind), you pass so quickly from incredulity to confusion to dumb, passive endurance that by the end you have gone into a realm of Zen-like indifference to suffering, bursting into tears at the blessed release of the final credits.
The odd thing is that though, in some cases, you detest film-makers who bore you to such a degree, as in the case of Wim Wenders and Gus van Sant, in others the extreme boredom seems ultimately quite powerful and even rather beguiling. Celine and Julie Go Boating has never lost its excruciatingly boring quality, but for some reason I've come to love its circling, monumental rhythm and its excruciatingly embarrassing quality.
Werner Herzog, too, is regularly capable of inflicting both ruthless tedium and excruciating embarrassment on audiences; and sometimes I think Even Dwarves Started Small, absolutely the worst offender in this respect, is my favourite film in the world.
The list of agonisingly boring film directors is strangely close to a serious list of the greatest practitioners of the art. Tarkovsky, Fellini, Bergman, Antonioni, Godard, Wenders, Fassbinder, Rivette; and then there are those, like Powell and Pressburger, who are only really good when they are bold enough to be boring. It shouldn't be surprising; after all, everyone secretly knows that half the great writers in English, from Langland to Henry James, are as boring as Belgium. The truth is that boredom, dropping from The Faerie Queene or Tarkovsky's Solaris like the gentle rain from heaven, is an important and powerful part of the works' designs on the audience.
The two absolutely sincere, unfakable responses to a work of art are, I think, boredom and embarrassment. You can pretend to be amused; you can pretend to be moved; and even if your response is genuine, there's an element of consent involved. Boredom and embarrassment, on the other hand, are so powerful because they are completely involuntary, absolutely sincere aesthetic responses, which no one would choose to have.
A really canny operator will exploit the sincerity of that kind of response, and break down the audience's resistance with emotions they have no control over. The overwhelming effect of the closing sequences of Tarkovsky's Nostalgia, or the last pages of Gotterdammerung, or the seance near the end of The Magic Mountain depend on the willingness to inflict long stretches of agonising boredom on the audience.
By the end of many a movie by Rossellini, what were once tears of boredom have become tears of abject emotion. It is sadistic; and, somehow, when it is done well, it persuades us into the role of masochist. The Hours is a half-hearted sadist; next to these rampaging monsters of tedium, it hardly dares to bore us at all. But with the disappearance of serious boredom and monotony, something important has gone from the cinema: ambition."
The tale of Bush's transformation is well known, but no less remarkable for that: the feckless near-alcoholic who rediscovered his Christianity after a long conversation with the evangelist Billy Graham in 1986, and went on to become a teetotaller , the Governor of Texas, and finally one of the most relentlessly disciplined presidents in history.
At one level, Bush's conversion should not surprise. America is far and away the most religious country in the developed world. More than 90 per cent of Americans believe in God, according to recent polls and 80 per cent believe in miracles - indeed four out of 10 say they "personally experienced or witnessed" one.
Almost half of the population attend church on a weekly basis - a higher proportion than before the Second World War - and 53 per cent say religion is very important in their lives, compared with just 16 per cent in Britain, 14 per cent in France and 13 per cent in Germany. The reasons are many, stretching back to the pilgrim origins of the country. America is still relatively young and still steeped in idealism. Yes, the US has experienced calamities: 11 September; Pearl Harbor; and a civil war that took 600,000 lives. But it has not suffered the catastrophes that test national faith: mass famine; plague; sustained wartime bombardment; or occupation of its territory by a foreign foe. Indeed, America's very success, its emergence as unchallenged master of the planet, only heightens a sense that the Almighty has singled it out for special favours.
Every recent president has been a practising Christian. Good East Coast gentleman that he was, the elder Bush was an Episcopalian. Bill Clinton was raised a southern Baptist, though as President he attended his wife's Methodist church in Washington.
None was more devout than Jimmy Carter. His victorious 1976 campaign had a strong evangelical strain and to this day Carter remains a church deacon and Sunday school teacher - even though he left the southern Baptist denomination three years ago because of its conservative stance. But once in office, he rarely advertised his Christianity."
That's the trouble with purely intellectual argument, you never know which way it's going to take you. Normally you know what you think by the people you don't like. If the marches were simply anti-American it would be clear what to think, if they were simply anti-Blair, that too would help. But when Matthew Parris is on the same side as death-to-Jews Islamomaniacs, I simply don't know what to think. The pro arguments against the war include invading to lower the price of oil, and bombing Baghdad to debilitate international terrorism. There's also a con argument for the war in the Neville Chamberlain quote that has the power to shame peace protesters: "How horrible, fantastic, incredible it is that we should be digging trenches and trying on gas masks here because of a quarrel in a faraway country between people of which we know nothing." A version of this is a con argument against the war. It was made by Sydney Smith in 1823 in a letter to Mrs Meynell: "I am afraid we shall go to war; I am sorry for it. I see every day in the world a thousand acts of oppression which I should like to resent but I cannot afford to play the Quixote ... Ask Mr Meynell how many persons are there within 15 miles of him who deserve to be horsewhipped and would be very much improved by such a process. But every man knows he must keep down his feelings and endure the spectacle of triumphant folly and tyranny.''
But finally, the pro argument against the war which makes me want to dress in white feathers: Tony Blair's assertion that it is our national destiny to march shoulder to shoulder into Iraq, that being the "blood price we have to pay'' for our relationship with America. There's only two words to say to that. Ker-rrrikey. How much blood, exactly, makes up that blood price? To the nearest cubic foot, say?
As the Tudors knew, France will always win
Another sweet piece of rhetoric has been stripped of its gloss in the past few weeks. Britain at the heart of Europe. It's comical how we went in at one ventricle and out of the other with only a moment in the middle.
We should be used to it. Another young, glamorous leader had difficult relations with Europe. In his early days, Henry VIII set out to make a splash in Europe. The Pope was promising to make him King of France if he could defeat King Louis. At the very least he could get back some of the territory England had lost in the Hundred Years' War, from those days when English possession went from Scotland to Biarritz.
Henry signed into a phalanx of allies to humble King Louis. His father-in-law and ally, King Ferdinand of Spain, was to meet the army with horses and ordnance to invade the Aquitaine from the south. But no, Ferdinand was only interested in conquering Navarre (an old quarrel over a goat, it is thought) and when the English wouldn't help, he did it himself and went home complaining he'd been exposed to very great danger by the unco-operative English. It was only fair, he said, that he sign a peace treaty with France.
The following year Henry went back to the alliance and offered to pay Spain to conquer the Aquitaine for England. He also paid the Emperor Maximilian to sign up and enlisted the Pope for a four-way attack on France. What a triumph it would have been for English power and influence, if only French Louis hadn't got Ferdinand (again) to sign another peace treaty. Maximilian didn't turn up with much in the way of manpower, so Henry not only had to subsidise the emperor's campaign but fight it himself. He took a couple of towns, ate all their livestock, and arranged for his sister to marry his ally's grandson.
That didn't happen either. And whom did Mary end up marrying? The King of France, of course. And then France signed a peace treaty with Rome, with a new pope demanded the dismantling of the anti-French league, and Ferdinand was bought off (yet again) and he signed a treaty with France in Henry's name, so Henry signed a treaty with France to attack Spain, except that quite shortly Ferdinand got Henry to sign a treaty to attack France with the Swiss at the same time as England attacked Scotland, but the Swiss invaded Italy instead, and Maximilian signed a treaty in return for 60,000 florins and a French bride. With whom did he sign the treaty? With France, naturally.
The rule to be taken out of all this is that you can't beat the French. Though they be outnumbered, outgunned and surrounded, they win in the end - and get the girl.
Government 'spin' charges starting to stick
Several Sunday papers, including our own, carried testimony from officers and officials saying that last week's "ring of steel" round Heathrow was entirely justified by the intelligence data. A Downing Street spokesman said: "The view that this is all being got up to win support over war with Iraq is beneath contempt."
As one of those infra-contemptible creatures, may I observe, from the depths of the effluent in my sty, the following. Simon Hughes asked the Home Secretary who was responsible for putting the tanks into Heathrow. Is it "a matter operationally under the control of the military rather than the Government ... a matter on which it [the military] does not take direction from politicians?" he asked. Mr Blunkett agreed. "I can confirm that the operational responsibility for calling upon the armed services rests primarily in this case with the police ... It is precisely because of the split between political and operational responsibility that I made my earlier remarks ... That must be understood unless we are to change the relationship with the police and armed services in such circumstances."
This sounded pretty unlikely at the time, and the Sunday stories make it even less likely. The whole thing was directed out of Cobra, the Government's crisis room, by the Prime Minister himself. In fact, if the military were out there, "not taking direction from politicians", it would be even more scary. But in the Commons, Mr Blunkett firmly denied the implication that Tony Blair had anything significant to do with it.
Mr Blunkett's instincts are at one with the Government's as a whole: to lead or mislead critics away from the truth. Normally this is called spin, in Mr Blunkett's case it's closer to - perhaps without quite being - a big, fat, stonking lie. As Alex Salmond told Tony Blair last week: "If we can't trust him on this, what can we trust him on?"
Not until recently would this have mattered. For five years, charges of spin and deception have glanced off the Government; now they are starting to stick. Tory sleaze didn't stick until a certain point. We're in the process of passing that point now. How Tony Blair is going to reform the public services among all this anger and incredulity is yet to be seen.
Tuck yourself in for some priceless advice
It isn't new, the government advice about defending your family against biological attacks by using duct tape, plastic sheets and sandbags. It echoes the advice we were given in the 1950s.
If a nuclear bomb were to go off close by, a Troy McClure (of The Simpsons fame) figure told us to "tuck, and dive". That is, to roll ourselves into a ball (to present the smallest possible target) and dive on to the floor. "Tuck. And dive." We were only eight but we were pretty sceptical even then.
A US government official, overheard last week in private conversation. "Going to war without France is like going deer hunting without an accordion.""
Francis Maude asked whether Gatwick was safe from a terrorist attack. "If I answered that," Mr Blunkett said, "would that help or hinder those who want to hurt our country?"
That can only mean one thing. But what?"
Bernie Ecclestone, Lakshmi Mittal, mortgage applications, waiting lists, the tax burden, fox-hunting, the resignation of Martin Sixsmith, literacy improvements in 10-year-olds, crime, asylum, train timetables, their favourite books and what they had for breakfast. It is inconceivable that they are telling the truth now. Why would they start doing that so suddenly? If al-Q'aida were to blow up a plane at Heathrow it would be the most random, bacon-saving coincidence."
The 10-day diary includes some pretty unusual items. We are on the brink of war; nuclear brinkmanship is back. Britain is repudiated by the European leadership, Nato is breaking up and the Prime Minister's latest eye-catching initiative with which he can be personally associated are invasions of Iraq, North Korea and, probably, Iran. Never has credibility been more important, or so lacking. Maybe we're on the brink of some really astonishing change.
Peter Lilley described how he had urged his constituents to trust the Prime Minister's assertions about Saddam Hussein "because he must have had access to intelligence that the general public wasn't allowed to see".
The publication of an intelligence document, Mr Lilley said, which was so thin that 50 per cent of it had been culled from the internet, betrayed that trust. Adam Ingram, standing in for Geoff Hoon, bumbled and fumbled. No one knows what he said.
Downing Street's "dodgy dossier" has undermined public opinion, Bernard Jenkin told the House. "How can the Prime Minister restore personal authority now that he's been so found out?"
Glenda Jackson said it wasn't the dossier that was dodgy but the Government's presentation of it as an intelligence document.
Oh, the Government's presentation.
In health questions, Chris Grayling made the case that ambulances in the West Midlands were often unable to off-load their patients. Hospital managers wouldn't let them into A&E until they could be sure of getting them out within the government target of four hours. There had been a report of a 414-minute wait from one ambulance. We needed Early Day Motion 685 at this point. This claims that the Health minister David Lammy had called the heads of the ambulance service to London and instructed them not to speak publicly about this matter but to refer all inquiries to his department's press office.
Mr Lammy's defence at the dispatch box was pathetic and pitiful. "I'll have to ask the hon member not to run down the hardworking ambulance service men and women," he said with a little twitch of, what? Guilt? He said ambulances had no incentive to wait outside hospitals because their target was to unload patients within 15 minutes. As this actually confirmed Mr Grayling's claim, it will be amazing to see Mr Lammy in post after six months are up.
Liam Fox found out that the Government had only a quarter of the number of GPs it needs to make its national health plan work, that GP vacancies had risen by 70 per cent in a year and that applications for the places had halved. The Health minister John Hutton told Dr Fox to stop talking down the NHS.
Evan Harris asked why, if all the government targets for nurse recruitment had been met, the NHS was spending half a billion pounds on agency nurses.
Mr Hutton was then accused of swiping nurses from developing countries. Mr Hutton said: "This Government does not actively recruit nurses from the Third World, nor use agencies that actively recruit from the Third World."
On government standards of truth-telling, this virtually boasts that vast numbers of NHS nurses are from the Third World. The thin drizzle outside the House was the result of angels weeping."
It behoves one who is envied by all not to attempt to uproot that envy and hatred from the envious hearts by using only a big stick: after the Second World War, the Marshall Plan benefited America and world peace more than its old and new weapons put together. The big stick is necessary, but to deter or repulse aggression, not to "impose good". And even when the big stick is brandished to repulse or defeat aggression as it occurs, it is crucial that it is brandished by the international community - or by a broad consensus of nations at least. Otherwise, it is liable to redouble the hatred, despair and lust for vengeance that it set out to defeat."
The long-anticipated resignations of the respected state secretary, Colin Powell, and his tough, able deputy, Richard Armitage, leave U.S. foreign policy in the hands of bellicose VP Dick Cheney and his neocon Pentagon allies. The new National Security Adviser, Stephen Hadley, is a bland functionary well known for being under Cheney's thumb.
Powell, an honourable soldier and gentleman, was humiliated, ignored, and cynically used to sell the Iraq war. He made a fool of himself before the world with his UN presentation about Iraq's supposed arsenal of death.
In my view, Rice, an academic Soviet expert, has been the worst national security adviser since the Reagan administration's bumbling William Clark, whose only foreign affairs experience, wags said, came from eating at the International House of Pancakes.
But Rice is totally loyal to Bush, a consummate yes-woman in an administration prizing subservience and the party line. At least she will speak abroad with full presidential authority.
Prior to 9/11, Rice advocated cutting anti-terrorism spending and concentrating on anti-missile defence. She played a key role in misleading Americans into believing Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and Saddam posed a dire threat. She urged Bush to invade Iraq and plunge deeper into Afghanistan. Her ludicrous claims about Iraqi "mushroom clouds" panicked many Americans. For this alone she should have been dismissed.
The most important function of national security adviser -- and I can say this having myself been interviewed at the White House for a position on the National Security Council -- is to co-ordinate all national security policy. But under Rice, defence, state and CIA were at each other's throats. She allowed the president to humiliate himself over Iraq's non-existent weapons, Saddam's uranium and "drones of death."
After the European powers refused to join the trumped-up Iraq war, Rice famously advised Bush to "punish France, ignore Germany, and forgive Russia." Bush followed this amateurish, vindictive misadvice, seriously damaging U.S.-Europe relations and helping advance dictatorship in Russia.
Bush's second-term foreign policy may grow even more aggressive, unilateralist, and driven by right-wing ideology and religious zealotry.
Fortunately, Bush's declared intention to pursue his ideological crusading will be curtailed by the fact that he has run out of more soldiers and money for new military adventures.
Educated Americans must yearn for foreign policy greats George Marshall, Dean Acheson, Paul Nitze, George Kennan, and Zib Brzesinski whose brilliant strategic minds ably guided the U.S. through the Cold War.
Instead, we have Rice, who, whatever she may know about outside world, knows a lot about Bush, with whom she reportedly likes to belt out gospel hymns. And at the Pentagon, that latter-day Robert McNamara, Don Rumsfeld, is stuck in a lost war in Iraq engineered by the neocons.
CIA's new chief, Porter Goss, another Bush yes-man, whose agency is in revolt, just issued a ukase to all CIA officers ordering them to obey Bush's party line or else. Such boot-licking is how the Bush administration got so much wrong about Iraq.
Attorney General John Aschroft blessedly took his leave. But further dashing hopes Bush would soften and upgrade his cabinet, Ashcroft is to be replaced by an unknown lawyer, Alberto Gonzales, whose main claim to fame is authoring a memo to the president saying the "quaint" Geneva Conventions governing treatment and torture of prisoners did not apply to al-Qaida or the war in Afghanistan -- an act that hardly merits elevation to high office.
The image of Condi Rice and George Bush sitting at the White House piano singing Onward Christian Soldiers is unsettling Europe, which thought Bush II might restore America to its traditional multilateral foreign policy. Even Bush's faithful British retainer, Tony Blair, is looking increasingly unhappy.
Competence has never been highly regarded by the fantasists of the George W. Bush administration. In the Bush circle, no less than in your average youth gang, loyalty is everything. The big difference, of course, is that the administration is far more dangerous than any gang. History will show that the Bush crowd of incompetents brought tremendous amounts of suffering to enormous numbers of people. The amount of blood being shed is sickening, and there is no end to the grief in sight.
Ironically, Ms. Rice was supposed to be the epitome of competence. She was the charming former provost of Stanford University, an expert on Soviet and East European affairs who was also an accomplished pianist, ice skater and tennis player, and the presidential candidate George W. Bush's tutor on foreign policy.
She was superwoman. They didn't come more accomplished.
She and Mr. Bush developed a remarkable bond, and he made her his national security adviser. Which was a problem. Because all the evidence shows she wasn't very good at the job.
Ms. Rice's domain was the filter through which an awful lot of mangled and misshapen intelligence made its way to the president and the American people. She either believed the nonsense she was spouting about mushroom clouds, or she deliberately misled her president and the nation on matters that would eventually lead to the deaths of thousands.
Secretary Powell's close friend and deputy at the State Department, Richard Armitage, viewed Ms. Rice's operation with contempt. In his book "Plan of Attack," Bob Woodward said Mr. Armitage "believed that the foreign-policy-making system that was supposed to be coordinated by Rice was essentially dysfunctional."
In October 2003, the president, frustrated by setbacks in Iraq, put Ms. Rice in charge of his Iraq Stabilization Group, which gave her the responsibility for overseeing the effort to quell the violence and begin the reconstruction in Iraq.
We see from recent headlines how well that has worked out.
A crucial mentor for Ms. Rice was Brent Scowcroft, the national security adviser for the first President Bush. He appointed her to the National Security Council in 1989. Ms. Rice and the nation would have benefited if she had sought out and followed Mr. Scowcroft's counsel on Iraq.
Mr. Scowcroft's view, widely expressed before the war, was that the U.S. should exercise extreme caution. He did not believe the planned invasion was wise or necessary. In an article in The Wall Street Journal in August 2002, he wrote:
"There is scant evidence to tie Saddam to terrorist organizations, and even less to the Sept. 11 attacks. Indeed Saddam's goals have little in common with the terrorists who threaten us, and there is little incentive for him to make common cause with them."
Ms. Rice exhibited as little interest in Mr. Scowcroft's opinion as George W. Bush did in his father's. (When Bob Woodward asked Mr. Bush if he had consulted with the former president about the decision to invade Iraq, he replied, "There is a higher father that I appeal to.")
As I watch the disastrous consequences of the Bush policies unfold - not just in Iraq, but here at home as well - I am struck by the immaturity of this administration, whatever the ages of the officials involved. It's as if the children have taken over and sent the adults packing. The counsel of wiser heads, like George H. W. Bush, or Brent Scowcroft, or Colin Powell, is not needed and not wanted.
Some of the world's most important decisions - often, decisions of life and death - have been left to those who are less competent and less experienced, to men and women who are deficient in such qualities as risk perception and comprehension of future consequences, who are reckless and dangerously susceptible to magical thinking and the ideological pressure of their peers.
I look at the catastrophe in Iraq, the fiscal debacle here at home, the extent to which loyalty trumps competence at the highest levels of government, the absence of a coherent vision of the future for the U.S. and the world, and I wonder, with a sense of deep sadness, where the adults have gone.
But 41 years after Bob Dylan recorded his elegiac, acoustically spare meditation on the folly of war, the lyrics are still causing trouble with those H.L.Mencken referred to as the "booboisie."
Last week, radio talk shows in Colorado were abuzz over a local punk band's plans to cover "Masters of War" at a Friday night talent show at Boulder High School. Rumors about the band, which drolly calls itself the Coalition of the Willing, prompted calls to the Secret Service in Denver because of alleged threats against President Bush. The "threat" consisted of the following copyrighted lyrics:
"Let me ask you one question / Is your money that good? / Will it buy you forgiveness? / Do you think that it could? / I think you will find / When your death takes its toll / All the money you made / Will never buy back your soul.
"And I hope that you die / And your death will come soon / I will follow your casket / In the pale afternoon / And I'll watch while you're lowered / Down to your death bed / And I'll stand over your grave / 'Til I'm sure that you're dead."
Never mind that the intent of the song was to use a corpse as a metaphor for the Cold War-era U.S. military, people still called talk shows in Boulder insisting that the lyrics were about assassinating George Bush! These days, high school students who call themselves the Coalition of the Willing are assumed to be seditious until proven innocent.
Bob Dylan was standing on less controversial ground four decades ago when he wrote what would became the third-most-covered antiwar song in recording history.
In "Masters of War," Dylan was echoing President Eisenhower's parting words to the country in 1961 -- a blunt warning about the military industrial complex and its corrosive effects on American life. Ike's words were still an important part of the public conversation when Dylan's song hit the airwaves nearly two years later.
But as clever as the lyrics were, they weren't particularly radical. If anything, Dylan's observations, though laced with bitterness and poetic license, were a distillation of conventional wisdom:
"You fasten the triggers / For the others to fire / Then you sit back and watch / When the death count gets higher / You hide in your mansion / As young people's blood / Flows out of their bodies / And is buried in the mud."
Decades after the trauma of Vietnam, the public's attitude toward the military has become less skeptical than it was at the beginning of the Cold War. Since 9/11, most Americans prefer to let the yellow ribbons on their car bumpers debate the issues for them. "Support the Troops" has become shorthand for "Don't Ask Questions." In the context of today's politics, the lyrics to "Masters of War" can't help but come across as both radical and prophetic.
A day before the talent show, the Secret Service paid a visit to Boulder High School and corralled the school's principal, who quickly vouched for his students' patriotism. Most of the chatter that had been swirling on talk radio about the band was nonsense, but the Secret Service had to check it out. Rather than risk another second of embarrassment, the agency quickly cleared the band.
The next night, the Coalition of the Willing performed before a sold-out crowd of young people who'd gotten a crash course on the threat to their civil liberties. An American flag was the band's only backdrop, signaling the anarchy in their souls.
Though cleared of treason, the C.O.W. must have taken delight in singing the song's most prescient lyrics:
"How much do I know / To talk out of turn? / You might say that I'm young / You might say I'm unlearned / But there's one thing I know / Though I'm younger than you / Even Jesus would never forgive what you do."
Peace and peas. Many Americans will be praying for one this week and getting the other instead. My guess is that few in America's current political leadership will even silently ask for the divine national pardon envisaged by Washington in the original Thanksgiving proclamation. And that's precisely why peace isn't currently on the American menu and won't be for some time.
So what should America be asking forgiveness for? Well, there are a number of things that come to mind all of which fall under a single catchphrase: ignorance at home, arrogance abroad.
It would be convenient for the more liberally inclined among us to pin blame for these American attitudes entirely on Bush administration officials. They are after all the chief architects of a war built on hyperbole that has killed thousands of innocents, strained our key alliances, weakened our economy, and served as an effective recruiting tool for our enemies. They are also the ones who have backed out of and, in some cases, attempted to scuttle a number of international treaties designed to make the world healthier, more just, and sustainable. These acts alone would seem to justify a collective "sorry".
Yet, the roots of America's foreign policy arrogance reach back many years and enjoy fertile ground in both political parties. Recall that it was President Clinton's Secretary of State Madeleine Albright who declared that the United States is "the indispensable nation" that "stands taller" and "sees farther" than the rest of the world. You can guess how well that type of comment goes down in diplomatic circles.
Clearly, our arrogance comes at an international price in terms of lost credibility and damaged working relationships. So why not dispense with it and replace it with a foreign policy based on integrity and humility?
That's where the other side of the coin, domestic ignorance, comes into play. Many Americans think that the US really is superior to other nations, not only economically and militarily but morally. Seen in this context, President Bush’s failure to admit to a single mistake during his first term is not the least bit surprising. He is delivering exactly what the people expect from their highest-ranking civil servant: the warm feeling of infallibility.
Benjamin Franklin saw some of this coming a couple of hundred years ago with the selection of the Bald Eagle as the national emblem. He argued that the haughty bird was "of bad moral character" and that the American spirit would find a more suitable representative in the modest and industrious wild turkey.
Yesterday, the President went on the record with some turkey comments of his own when he rescued two plump birds from the White House chopping block. This got me thinking. Instead of granting pardons to innocent birds, perhaps President Bush should use this holiday season to ask for a few of his own. He could start with the thousands of innocent families, American and Iraqi, who have lost loved ones in a war that he could have avoided altogether or, failing that, better planned to prevent the unnecessary loss of life.
Similarly, in place of apple or pumpkin, the President and his new foreign policy team might try a slice of humble pie for a change. Although difficult to swallow, it may be the only way of putting peace back on the menu for next year's Thanksgiving celebration.
A "poll tape" is the phrase used to describe a printout from an optical scan voting machine made the evening of an election, after the machine has read all the ballots and crunched the numbers on its internal computer. It shows the total results of the election in that location. The printout is signed by the polling officials present in that precinct/location, and then submitted to the county elections office as the official record of how the people in that particular precinct had voted. (Usually each location has only one single optical scanner/reader, and thus produces only one poll tape.)
Bev Harris of www.blackboxvoting.org, the erstwhile investigator of electronic voting machines, along with people from Florida Fair Elections, showed up at Florida's Volusia County Elections Office on the afternoon of Tuesday, November 16, 2004, and asked to see, under a public records request, each of the poll tapes for the 100+ optical scanners in the precincts in that county. The elections workers - having been notified in advance of her request - handed her a set of printouts, oddly dated November 15 and lacking signatures.
Bev pointed out that the printouts given her were not the original poll tapes and had no signatures, and thus were not what she'd requested. Obligingly, they told her that the originals were held in another location, the Elections Office's Warehouse, and that since it was the end of the day they should meet Bev the following morning to show them to her.
Bev showed up bright and early the morning of Wednesday the 17th - well before the scheduled meeting - and discovered three of the elections officials in the Elections Warehouse standing over a table covered with what looked like poll tapes. When they saw Bev and her friends, Bev told me in a telephone interview less than an hour later, "They immediately shoved us out and slammed the door."
In a way, that was a blessing, because it led to the stinking evidence.
"On the porch was a garbage bag," Bev said, "and so I looked in it and, and lo and behold, there were public record tapes."
Thrown away. Discarded. Waiting to be hauled off.
"It was technically stinking, in fact," Bev added, "because what they had done was to have thrown some of their polling tapes, which are the official records of the election, into the garbage. These were the ones signed by the poll workers. These are something we had done an official public records request for."
When the elections officials inside realized that the people outside were going through the trash, they called the police and one came out to challenge Bev.
Kathleen Wynne, a www.blackboxvoting.org investigator, was there.
"We caught the whole thing on videotape," she said. "I don't think you'll ever see anything like this - Bev Harris having a tug of war with an election worker over a bag of garbage, and he held onto it and she pulled on it, and it split right open, spilling out those poll tapes. They were throwing away our democracy, and Bev wasn't going to let them do it."
As I was interviewing Bev just moments after the tussle, she had to get off the phone, because, "Two police cars just showed up."
She told me later in the day, in an on-air interview, that when the police arrived, "We all had a vigorous debate on the merits of my public records request."
The outcome of that debate was that they all went from the Elections Warehouse back to the Elections Office, to compare the original, November 2 dated and signed poll tapes with the November 15 printouts the Elections Office had submitted to the Secretary of State. A camera crew from www.votergate.tv met them there, as well.
And then things got even odder.
"We were sitting there comparing the real [signed, original] tapes with the [later printout] ones that were given us," Bev said, "and finding things missing and finding things not matching, when one of the elections employees took a bin full of things that looked like garbage - that looked like polling tapes, actually - and passed by and disappeared out the back of the building."
This provoked investigator Ellen Brodsky to walk outside and check the garbage of the Elections Office itself. Sure enough - more original, signed poll tapes, freshly trashed.
"And I must tell you," Bev said, "that whatever they had taken out [the back door] just came right back in the front door and we said, 'What are these polling place tapes doing in your dumpster?'"
A November 18 call to the Volusia County Elections Office found that Elections Supervisor Deanie Lowe was unavailable and nobody was willing to speak on the record with an out-of-state reporter. However, The Daytona Beach News (in Volusia County), in a November 17th article by staff writer Christine Girardin, noted, "Harris went to the Department of Elections' warehouse on State Road 44 in DeLand on Tuesday to inspect original Nov. 2 polling place tapes, after being given a set of reprints dated Nov. 15. While there, Harris saw Nov. 2 polling place tapes in a garbage bag, heightening her concern about the integrity of voting records."
The Daytona Beach News further noted that, "[Elections Supervisor] Lowe confirmed Wednesday some backup copies of tapes from the Nov. 2 election were destined for the shredder," but pointed out that, according to Lowe, that was simply because there were two sets of tapes produced on election night, each signed. "One tape is delivered in one car along with the ballots and a memory card," the News reported. "The backup tape is delivered to the elections office in a second car."
Suggesting that duplicates don't need to be kept, Lowe claims that Harris didn't want to hear an explanation of why some signed poll tapes would be in the garbage. "She's not wanting to listen to an explanation," Lowe told the News of Harris. "She has her own ideas."
But the Ollie North action in two locations on two days was only half of the surprise that awaited Bev and her associates. When they compared the discarded, signed, original tapes with the recent printouts submitted to the state and used to tabulate the Florida election winners, Harris says a disturbing pattern emerged.
"The difference was hundreds of votes in each of the different places we examined," said Bev, "and most of those were in minority areas."
When I asked Bev if the errors they were finding in precinct after precinct were random, as one would expect from technical, clerical, or computer errors, she became uncomfortable.
"You have to understand that we are non-partisan," she said. "We're not trying to change the outcome of an election, just to find out if there was any voting fraud."
That said, Bev added: "The pattern was very clear. The anomalies favored George W. Bush. Every single time."
Of course finding possible voting "anomalies" in one Florida county doesn't mean they'll show up in all counties. It's even conceivable there are innocent explanations for both the mismatched counts and trashed original records; this story undoubtedly will continue to play out. And, unless further investigation demonstrates a pervasive and statewide trend toward "anomalous" election results in many of Florida's counties, odds are none of this will change the outcome of the election (which exit polls showed John Kerry winning in Florida).
Nonetheless, Bev and her merry band are off to hit another county.
As she told me on her cell phone while driving toward their next destination, "We just put Volusia County and their lawyers on notice that they need to continue to keep a number of documents under seal, including all of the memory cards to the ballot boxes, and all of the signed poll tapes."
Why?
"Simple," she said. "Because we found anomalies indicative of fraud."
No matter how bad they are, things can always get worse. Little did the citizens of Afghanistan and Iraq, abused by horrific regimes, realize that their "liberation" would usher in a grim "Mad Max" era of chaos and looting by AK47-toting teenagers. Now political entropy, a staple characteristic of overseas Bushism, is manifesting itself as second-term political appointments here at home.
Faithful readers will note that I never joined the four-year-long chorus of catcalls against outgoing attorney general John Ashcroft. It's true that he used the sweeping prosecutorial powers granted him under the USA Patriot Act to arrest more than 5,000 people, none of whom have ever been convicted of anything, and that he held them without letting them see a lawyer. Ashcroft was also a central figure in what wags are beginning to call the Bushiban--loopy Christianists in Bush's inner circle. In November 2001, while Brooklynites were still dusting the pulverized corpses of their fellow citizens off their window ledges, Ashcroft spent over 8,000 tax dollars on a curtain to cover the bare-breasted Spirit of Justice statue at the Justice Department. The statue, marble boob exposed, hadn't attracted attention since its installation in 1936. Still, Ashcroft wasn't unusually evil.
Dick Cheney is a breathtakingly corrupt politician, trading American and Iraqi lives for his personal profit. Compared to ordinary warmongers, Donald Rumsfeld is exceptionally gleeful and callous about the people who die every time he shoots off an email. John Ashcroft, on the other hand, was nothing more than another conservative nut. His mass detentions and arbitrary prosecutions were the inevitable result of the Patriot Act--a heinous attack on American freedom for which Bush and Congress are solely to blame. Janet Reno, given Ashcroft's freedom to abuse personal liberties, would have behaved similarly.
Alberto Gonzales, on the other hand, possesses one of the most twisted minds the American legal system has ever produced.
If Bush gets his way, the nation's chief law enforcement official will be a man whose warped interpretation of presidential power, contempt for due process and gleeful deconstruction of fundamental human values puts him at odds with every patriotic American.
Gonzales is the author of the infamous August 2002 "Standards of Conduct for Interrogation under 18 U.S.C. 2340-2340A," a legal opinion issued while on his current job as White House Counsel. The 50-page "torture memo," which provides government interrogators justification to torture suspects in the war on terrorism, isn't just another memo. It's a benchmark position paper, a document that Administration figures from Bush and Rumsfeld down to CIA interrogators at Guantánamo and Abu Ghraib still rely upon to protect themselves from possible future prosecution for war crimes.
First and foremost, Gonzales argues for a definition of "torture" that omits the most commonly used tactics banned by the Geneva Conventions. (Gonzales calls Geneva as a "quaint" anachronism.) To qualify as torture, he writes, the agony "must be equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury, such as organ failure, impairment of bodily function, or even death." Abuses previously banned by the Army--"pain induced by chemicals or bondage, forcing an individual to stand, sit or kneel in abnormal positions for prolonged periods of time, food deprivation, mock executions, sleep deprivation and chemically induced psychosis," according to The Washington Post--are now A-OK, according to Gonzales. As long as Bush orders it.
Even the extreme mistreatment Gonzales still calls "torture," says Gonzales, is permitted--up to and including the death of the victim. This is because a post-9/11 torturer "would be doing so in order to prevent further attacks on the United States by...Al Qaeda."
The military's judge advocate generals (JAGs), not known for squishy liberalism, say that Gonzales is nuts. "It's really unprecedented," says a senior military attorney. "For almost 30 years we've taught the Geneva Convention one way. Once you start telling people it's okay to break the law, there's no telling where they might stop."
Gonzales' torture memo has already cost the lives of innocent--i.e., never convicted, never charged and likely totally unconnected to terrorism--detainees. Two Afghan detainees died in U.S. custody at Bagram airbase in Afghanistan during the same week of December 2002; though their deaths were ruled homicides, no one has been charged. In April 2004, a captured Iraqi general was murdered by "blunt force trauma to the torso and positional asphyxia." The Pentagon says that there have been at least 127 homicides of POW detainees.
Taking his cue from the Nazis' "führer principle," Gonzales posits that Bush, by virtue of his "commander-in-chief authority," can authorize torture. But American law doesn't include any such concept.
Thanks to the Democratic wimps in Congress, this pseudointellectual monster is coasting to confirmation. Noting that as a Texas judge he once "let a teenager get an abortion without her parents' knowledge," the New York Times' liberal editorial page signaled that it is resigned to Gonzales' ascension to the top gig at Justice. The Bushies shrewdly calculated that Democrats wouldn't want to be seen blocking the nomination of a Hispanic. Again demonstrating the bankruptcy of identity politics, traditionally progressive Latino groups are pleased as punch that one of their own--albeit a psychopath--has gotten the nod. "This is probably the most meaningful nomination ever for the Latino population," said Brent A. Wilkes of the League of United Latin American Citizens.
A set of strategically placed electrodes might change his point of view.
He completed basic training, and in July 2001 moved to Fort Bragg, North Carolina, with his wife, Nga Nguyen. He was a "White Devil": a member of the 82nd Airborne's 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment.
But during basic training, he began to have doubts.
"There is a strong, innate predisposition against killing," Hinzman says, "and the military breaks that down." In target practice, he recalls, we "started out with black circle targets. Then the circles grew shoulders and then the shoulders turned into torsos. Pretty soon they were human beings."
Hinzman can pinpoint the moment he realized he "made the wrong career decision."
"About five weeks into basic training, we were on our way to the chow hall shouting 'trained to kill, kill we will.' We were threatened with push-ups because we were not showing enough enthusiasm.
"I found myself hoarse yelling this and, when I looked around me, I saw that most of my colleagues were red in the face, but totally engrossed." Then he understood that the military was not just training him to kill, but "to kill with a smile on my face." He had to get out.
Easier said than done.
Hinzman was a "good soldier," he recalls. "I couldn't get out of it, so I decided to make the most of it. Meanwhile, I was having this heavy internal debate about the morality of what I was doing."
He and his wife found the Quaker meeting in Fayetteville, seeking a "shared spiritual life" as they prepared for the birth of their child. The quiet worship contrasted sharply with Hinzman's life at Fort Bragg, and his introduction to the Quaker peace testimony intensified his questioning.
Soon after their son, Liam, was born in May 2002, Hinzman filed for conscientious objector status. "Although I still have a great desire to eliminate injustice, I have come to the realization that killing will do nothing but perpetuate it," he wrote in his application. "Thus, I cannot in good conscience continue to serve as a combatant in the Army."
Told his application was lost, he reapplied right before he left with his unit for Afghanistan. While there, he was assigned to noncombat duty in the kitchen waiting for his hearing. Hinzman read week-old newspapers and watched satellite television, closely following the buildup to war in Iraq.
The fourteen-hour days of dishwashing in the desert can make a man think, and Hinzman did, concluding, "The pretense the U.S. was using to launch war in Iraq was bogus. I promised myself and my wife that I would not go."
At his conscientious objector hearing in Kandahar in April 2003, Hinzman was asked if he would use violence to protect himself. He responded he would not automatically turn the other cheek. His application for conscientious objector status was denied on the basis of that response.
"It happens all the time," says Steve Morse, a counselor with the Central Committee for Conscientious Objectors. The law says you don't have to be a pacifist to be a conscientious objector. You have to oppose all war, but self-defense is a permissible answer, he explains. Morse says the military does not train its personnel in the rights of conscientious objectors, and it intimidates and stereotypes those who apply.
The Army says there have been ninety-six applications for CO status since the war in Iraq began, and it has approved forty-eight. But J. E. McNeil, executive director of the Center on Conscience and War, believes the number of applicants is much higher. Plus, she notes, "there are faster discharges than a CO discharge," and some soldiers who are morally opposed to the Iraq War avail themselves of these discharges.
Hinzman has one regret: "I did not strip off my uniform right then and refuse to cooperate any longer." He felt like he was on a "100-mile-an-hour train" that wouldn't slow down for him to think.
The time to think came later that month when his unit returned to Fort Bragg, and he returned to his wife and son.
Through reading and discussions with Nguyen and friends in Fayetteville, Hinzman solidified his opposition to the Iraq War. "We were not attacking Iraq because we were under an imminent threat," he says. "Our aim there was economic in nature. To die or kill other people so that the American public could have cheap access to oil was wrong."
Just days before Christmas, Hinzman's unit was ordered to redeploy--to Iraq. This time he did strip off his uniform.
In January, Hinzman and Nguyen packed their belongings, put Liam in the car seat, and headed north.
"I think what we did was worth it," Hinzman says, "We did the right thing and came here to make a life."
Now he hopes they can keep the life they've started in Toronto.
Initially sheltered by a Quaker family, Hinzman and Nguyen eventually found an apartment and--even more importantly--a lawyer.
More than thirty years before, Jeffry House had made a similar trek to Canada as a Vietnam War draft resister. Now he is a Toronto attorney, with fifteen years of immigration law experience and a successful track record of gaining refugee status for Central Americans. He told Hinzman he was not alone; two other young American soldiers were in Canada. House would represent them all.
Brandon Hughey comes from a Republican family in Texas. Interested in money for college, he signed up for the Army at seventeen. "My dad had to sign a form because I was too young to enlist on my own accord," Hughey says.
"When I left for basic training, I didn't hold any political beliefs," Hughey says. "I wasn't naïve. I knew I could be deployed to fight in a war. But I did have this image growing up that I would be sort of a good guy, fighting for just causes and fighting to defend my country."
But as he began to pay attention to the news from Iraq, he began to have doubts about the mission. He recalls thinking, "No weapons of mass destruction? No ties to Al Qaeda? What are we doing there?"
While other soldiers "just wanted to go and kick some ass," he says, that attitude "didn't work for me. I realized that basically the U.S. has attacked a country that was no threat to them in an act of aggression."
These doubts led him to a fundamental question: Could he participate in a war he knew was wrong? He came to an uncomfortable and life-altering answer: No.
Stationed at Fort Hood, Texas, after basic training, Hughey began asking his superiors to grant him a discharge.
"They kept brushing me off," he says. "They told me I was going to Iraq and there was nothing I could do about it. I was never informed of any route I could take to leave the military, such as applying for conscientious objector status."
No one in the military was providing any answers, so Hughey turned to the Internet, where he found Carl Rising-Moore, a peace activist in Indianapolis who has formed Freedom Underground, a "railroad" to help soldiers get to Canada.
Hughey was desperate to get out of the military. He says he was depressed, even suicidal, at times. He wrote to Rising-Moore: "I am a member of the U.S. military whose unit deploys to Iraq next week. I do not want to be a pawn in the government's war for oil. And have told my superiors that I want out of the military."
The night he was scheduled to report for deployment, Brandon drove to Indianapolis, met Carl, and they went north across the border together.
Hughey celebrated his nineteenth birthday in a foreign land, and he has been out of touch with his father and younger brother. He misses home, but he is comfortable in his choice. "I am proud of what I've done," he says. "I am standing up for what I believe is right."
David Sanders was stationed at a Navy base in Florida. When he heard his unit was on its way to Iraq early this year, he walked off base and got on a bus to Toronto.
Sanders did not know anyone in Canada, and he did not know he had the option to file for conscientious objector status. But he was certain of one thing.
"I didn't want to kill innocent people," he says. "That's what I'd be doing if I'd stayed."
The twenty-year-old high school dropout lived in Toronto's homeless shelters, not knowing where to turn, afraid that if he asked for help, he'd be sent back to Florida.
Then he read an article about Jeremy Hinzman in the local paper, found Jeffry House, and filed for refugee status.
Hinzman, Hughey, and Sanders are following in the footsteps of tens of thousands of military deserters and draft dodgers who went to Canada during the Vietnam War. Canada opposed the war. At that time, it also had one of the world's most open immigration policies. Not anymore.
The three men face hearings before the Immigration and Refugee Board, where they have to prove they are refugees fleeing political persecution.
The legal argument is nuanced and hinges on the difference between prosecution and persecution. "We have a lot going for us," says House. "We have a fairly good case in law." The Geneva Conventions define a refugee as one who "owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted . . . is outside the country of his nationality" and unable or unwilling to "avail himself of the protection of that country."
Well-founded fear of persecution, not prosecution. If Hinzman, Hughey, and Sanders were sent back to the United States they would be prosecuted for deserting their post. During wartime, this crime is technically punishable by death, although no one has been executed for this in more than half a century.
In all likelihood, the three men would be facing as much as five years in jail. Does that constitute persecution?
Possibly. In one case, Andre Kortov, a Russian military deserter, sought refuge in England. He argued that he would not only face prosecution if sent back to Russia, he would be persecuted by being forced to "kill innocent civilians and destroy property in a reprehensible manner" in the Chechen War.
Kortov's claim was rejected, but the British court ruled that "he might nevertheless qualify if the Chechen War has been condemned by the international community."
House plans to argue that the international community has condemned the U.S.-led war in Iraq and "there should be protection when you don't want to serve in an illegal war that is contrary to international law," he says. House is "cautiously optimistic." But he acknowledges that the argument is "narrower than it sounds at first," noting that there is "an irreducible political component" to the case. "What does the international community mean? Do you count up all the countries that opposed the war? What about the 'Coalition of the Willing'? How much condemnation equals international condemnation?"
House intends to put the U.S.-led war in Iraq on trial. But that could prove difficult. While the Immigration and Refugee Board is an independent body, the Canadian government has asked it not to consider the illegality of the war in its deliberations.
Hinzman points out another political wrinkle. "It is a test case for their sovereignty. Our cases are pressuring Canada to have a clear-cut position on the war," he says. If Canada is "afraid of offending America," that will be a "slight impediment to the success of our case."
It might be more than a slight impediment. Despite its opposition to the war in Iraq, Canada values close relations with the United States and does not want to become the destination for hundreds or thousands of military deserters.
Canada is not rolling out the welcome mat as it did during the Vietnam War, when Pierre Trudeau, the Canadian prime minister, told immigration officials not to discriminate against applicants who had not fulfilled their military obligations in other countries. But Canadian Quakers and peace activists are trying to make up for their government's lack of hospitality. They've formed a national committee to support Hinzman, Hughey, and Sanders, and are prepared to extend the same warm reception to other war resisters who make it across the border.
When Hughey crossed into Canada, he says he was quiet for a minute and then breathed deeply and said, "I feel safe now. I feel like a free man." He hopes he can stay that way.
In a little-noticed parliamentary answer last week, however, Mr Blair justified his failure by reference to the ministerial code of conduct.
Section 90 of the code appears to give the Prime Minister the perfect excuse to avoid the potentially embarrassing award ceremony until he has retired. It reads: "It is a well-established convention that ministers should not, while holding office, accept decorations from foreign countries."
But my partisanship was undoubtedly shaped even earlier by my upbringing in a family of working-class immigrants in New York, by my three years as a shipyard worker, starting at the age of eighteen, and then by my experience as an Air Force bombardier in World War II, flying out of England and bombing targets in various parts of Europe, including the Atlantic coast of France.
After the war I went to college under the GI Bill of Rights. That was a piece of wartime legislation that enabled millions of veterans to go to college without paying any tuition, and so allowed the sons of working-class families who ordinarily would never be able to afford it to get a college education. I received my doctorate in history at Columbia University, but my own experience made me aware that the history I learned in the university omitted crucial elements in the history of the country.
From the start of my teaching and writing, I had no illusions about "objectivity," if that meant avoiding a point of view. I knew that a historian (or a journalist, or anyone telling a story) was forced to choose, from an infinite number of facts, what to present, what to omit. And that decision inevitably would reflect, whether consciously or not, the interests of the historian.
There is an insistence, among certain educators and politicians in the United States, that students must learn facts. I am reminded of the character in Charles Dickens's book Hard Times, Gradgrind, who admonishes a younger teacher: "Now, what I want is, Facts. Teach these boys and girls nothing but Facts. Facts alone are wanted in life."
But there is no such thing as a pure fact, innocent of interpretation. Behind every fact presented to the world -- by a teacher, a writer, anyone -- is a judgment. The judgment that has been made is that this fact is important, and that other facts are not important and so they are omitted from the presentation.
There were themes of profound importance to me that I found missing in the orthodox histories that dominated American culture. The consequence of these omissions has been not simply to give a distorted view of the past but, more importantly, to mislead us all about the present.
For instance, there is the issue of class. The dominant culture in the United States -- in education, among politicians, in the media -- pretends that we live in a classless society with one common interest. The Preamble to the United States Constitution, which declares that "we the people" wrote this document, is a great deception. The Constitution was written in 1787 by fifty-five rich white men -- slave owners, bondholders, merchants -- who established a strong central government that would serve their class interests.
That use of government for class purposes, to serve the needs of the wealthy and powerful, has continued throughout American history, down to the present day. It is disguised by language that suggests all of us, rich and poor and middle class, have a common interest.
Thus, the state of the nation is described in universal terms. When the president declares happily that "our economy is sound," he will not acknowledge that it is not sound for forty or fifty million people who are struggling to survive, although it may be moderately sound for many in the middle class, and extremely sound for the richest 1% of the nation who own 40% of the nation's wealth.
Class interest has always been obscured behind an all-encompassing veil called "the national interest."
My own war experience, and the history of all those military interventions in which the United States was engaged, made me skeptical when I heard people in high political office invoke "the national interest" or "national security" to justify their policies. It was with such justifications that Harry Truman initiated a "police action" in Korea that killed several million people, that Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon carried out a war in Southeast Asia in which perhaps three million people died, that Ronald Reagan invaded Grenada, that the elder Bush attacked Panama and then Iraq, and that Bill Clinton bombed Iraq again and again.
The claim made in spring of 2003 by the new Bush that invading and bombing Iraq was in the national interest was particularly absurd, and could only be accepted by people in the United States because of a blanket of lies spread across the country by the government and the major organs of public information -- lies about "weapons of mass destruction," lies about Iraq's connections with Al Qaeda.
When I decided to write A People's History of the United States, I decided I wanted to tell the story of the nation's wars not through the eyes of the generals and the political leaders but from the viewpoints of the working-class youngsters who became GIs, or the parents or wives who received the black-bordered telegrams.
I wanted to tell the story of the nation's wars from the viewpoint of the enemy: the viewpoint of the Mexicans who were invaded in the Mexican War, the Cubans whose country was taken over by the United States in 1898, the Filipinos who suffered a devastating aggressive war at the beginning of the twentieth century, with perhaps 600,000 people dead as a result of the determination of the U.S. government to conquer the Philippines.
What struck me as I began to study history, and what I wanted to convey in my own writing of history, was how nationalist fervor -- inculcated from childhood by pledges of allegiance, national anthems, waving flags, and militaristic rhetoric -- permeated the educational systems of all countries, including our own.
I wondered how the foreign policies of the United States would look if we wiped out the national boundaries of the world, at least in our minds, and thought of children everywhere as our own. Then we could never drop an atomic bomb on Hiroshima, or napalm on Vietnam, or cluster bombs on Afghanistan or Iraq, because wars, especially in our time, are always wars against children.
The Spoken Word as a Political Act
When I began to write "people's history," I was influenced by my own experience, living in a black community in the South with my family, teaching at a black women's college, and becoming involved in the movement against racial segregation. I became aware of how badly twisted was the teaching and writing of history by its submersion of nonwhite people. Yes, Native Americans were there in the history, but quickly gone. Black people were visible as slaves, then supposedly free, but invisible. It was a white man's history.
From elementary school to graduate school, I was given no suggestion that the landing of Christopher Columbus in the New World initiated a genocide in which the indigenous population of Hispaniola was annihilated. Or that this was the first stage of what was presented as a benign expansion of the new nation, but which involved the violent expulsion of Native Americans, accompanied by unspeakable atrocities, from every square mile of the continent, until there was nothing to do but herd them into reservations.
Every American schoolchild learns about the Boston Massacre, which preceded the Revolutionary War against England. Five colonists were killed by British troops in 1770. But how many schoolchildren learned about the massacre of six hundred men, women, and children of the Pequot tribe in New England in 1637? Or the massacre, in the midst of the Civil War, of hundreds of Native American families at Sand Creek, Colorado, by U.S. soldiers?
Nowhere in my history education did I learn about the massacres of black people that took place again and again, amid the silence of a national government pledged by the Constitution to protect equal rights for all. For instance, in 1917 there occurred in East St. Louis one of the many "race riots" that took place in what our white-oriented history books called the "Progressive Era." White workers, angered by an influx of black workers, killed perhaps two hundred people, provoking an angry article by the African-American writer W. E. B. Du Bois, "The Massacre of East St. Louis," and causing the performing artist Josephine Baker to say: "The very idea of America makes me shake and tremble and gives me nightmares."
I wanted, in writing people's history, to awaken a great consciousness of class conflict, racial injustice, sexual inequality, and national arrogance.
But I also wanted to bring into the light the hidden resistance of the people against the power of the establishment: the refusal of Native Americans to simply die and disappear; the rebellion of black people in the anti-slavery movement and in the more recent movement against racial segregation; the strikes carried out by working people to improve their lives.
When I began work, five years ago, on what would become a companion volume to my People's History, Voices of a People's History of the United States, I wanted the voices of struggle, mostly absent in our history books, to be given the place they deserve. I wanted labor history, which has been the battleground, decade after decade, century after century, of an ongoing fight for human dignity, to come to the fore. And I wanted my readers to experience how at key moments in our history some of the bravest and most effective political acts were the sounds of the human voice itself. When John Brown proclaimed at his trial that his insurrection was "not wrong, but right," when Fannie Lou Hamer testified in 1964 about the dangers to blacks who tried to register to vote, when during the first Gulf War, in 1991, Alex Molnar defied the president on behalf of his son and of all of us, their words influenced and inspired so many people. They were not just words but actions.
To omit or to minimize these voices of resistance is to create the idea that power only rests with those who have the guns, who possess the wealth, who own the newspapers and the television stations. I want to point out that people who seem to have no power, whether working people, people of color, or women -- once they organize and protest and create movements -- have a voice no government can suppress.
America's Missing Voices
Readers of my book A People's History of the United States almost always point to the wealth of quoted material in it -- the words of fugitive slaves, Native Americans, farmers and factory workers, dissenters and dissidents of all kinds. These readers are struck, I must reluctantly admit, more by the words of the people I quote than by my own running commentary on the history of the nation.
I can't say I blame them. Any historian would have difficulty matching the eloquence of the Native American leader Powhatan, pleading with the white settler in the year 1607: "Why will you take by force what you may have quietly by love?"
Or the black scientist Benjamin Banneker, writing to Thomas Jefferson: "I apprehend you will readily embrace every opportunity, to eradicate that train of absurd and false ideas and opinions which so generally prevails with respect to us, and that your Sentiments are concurrent with mine, which are that one universal Father hath given being to us all, and that he hath not only made us all of one flesh, but that he hath also without partiality afforded us all the Same Sensations and [endowed] us all with the same faculties."
Or Sarah Grimké, a white Southern woman and abolitionist, writing: "I ask no favors for my sex. . . . All I ask of our brethren, is that they will take their feet from off our necks, and permit us to stand upright on that ground which God designed us to occupy."
Or Henry David Thoreau, protesting the Mexican War, writing on civil disobedience: "A common and natural result of an undue respect for law is, that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates, powder-monkeys, and all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, against their common sense and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart."
Or Jermain Wesley Loguen, escaped slave, speaking in Syracuse on the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850: "I received my freedom from Heaven and with it came the command to defend my title to it. . . . I don't respect this law -- I don't fear it -- I won't obey it! It outlaws me, and I outlaw it."
Or the populist orator Mary Elizabeth Lease of Kansas: "Wall Street owns the country. It is no longer a government of the people, by the people, and for the people, but a government of Wall Street, by Wall Street, and for Wall Street."
Or Emma Goldman, speaking to the jury at her trial for opposing World War I: "Verily poor as we are in democracy, how can we give of it to the world? . . . [A] democracy conceived in the military servitude of the masses, in their economic enslavement, and nurtured in their tears and blood, is not democracy at all."
Or Mississippi sharecropper Fannie Lou Hamer, testifying in 1964 about the dangers to blacks who tried to register to vote: "[T]he plantation owner came, and said, 'Fannie Lou. . . . If you don't go down and withdraw your registration, you will have to leave . . . because we are not ready for that in Mississippi.' And I addressed him and told him and said, 'I didn't try to register for you. I tried to register for myself.'"
Or the young black people in McComb, Mississippi, who, learning of a classmate killed in Vietnam, distributed a leaflet: "No Mississippi Negroes should be fighting in Vietnam for the White Man's freedom, until all the Negro People are free in Mississippi."
Or the poet Adrienne Rich, writing in the 1970s: "I know of no woman -- virgin, mother, lesbian, married, celibate -- whether she earns her keep as a housewife, a cocktail waitress, or a scanner of brain waves -- for whom the body is not a fundamental problem: its clouded meanings, its fertility, its desire, its so-called frigidity, its bloody speech, its silences, its changes and mutilations, its rapes and ripenings."
Or Alex Molnar, whose twenty-one-year-old son was a Marine in the Persian Gulf, writing an angry letter to the first President Bush: "Where were you, Mr. President, when Iraq was killing its own people with poison gas? . . . I intend to support my son and his fellow soldiers by doing everything I can to oppose any offensive American military action in the Persian Gulf."
Or Orlando and Phyllis Rodriguez, opposing the idea of retaliation after their son was killed in the Twin Towers: "Our son Greg is among the many missing from the World Trade Center attack. Since we first heard the news, we have shared moments of grief, comfort, hope, despair, fond memories with his wife, the two families, our friends and neighbors, his loving colleagues at Cantor Fitzgerald/ESpeed, and all the grieving families that daily meet at the Pierre Hotel. We see our hurt and anger reflected among everybody we meet. We cannot pay attention to the daily flow of news about this disaster. But we read enough of the news to sense that our government is heading in the direction of violent revenge, with the prospect of sons, daughters, parents, friends in distant lands dying, suffering, and nursing further grievances against us. It is not the way to go. It will not avenge our son's death. Not in our son's name."
What is common to all these voices is that they have mostly been shut out of the orthodox histories, the major media, the standard textbooks, the controlled culture. The result of having our history dominated by presidents and generals and other "important" people is to create a passive citizenry, not knowing its own powers, always waiting for some savior on high -- God or the next president -- to bring peace and justice.
History, looked at under the surface, in the streets and on the farms, in GI barracks and trailer camps, in factories and offices, tells a different story. Whenever injustices have been remedied, wars halted, women and blacks and Native Americans given their due, it has been because "unimportant" people spoke up, organized, protested, and brought democracy alive.
The right to vote is the most important democratic right. It mandates control over government by the people as opposed to tyranny.
Does the integrity of the vote exist in the United States? If our leaders were concerned about restoring confidence in the integrity of the right to vote, they would have gone out of their way to demonstrate fairness and transparency. No reasonable person could think given the 2000 election, they automatically had integrity.
But the November 2nd election was less transparent than in 2000. Officials substituted computerized voting machines which leave no paper trail to recount for comparatively accurate punch cards. Fifty million people, more than forty per cent of actual voters, used such machines. But in the Nevada primary, Dean Heller, the Secretary of State commissioned voting machines which did leave a paper trail. Solving the problem was neither expensive nor difficult. Yet needing to prove the integrity of elections, the Republicans and the voting machine makers stuck to touch screen, no paper record computers. Every ATM transaction leaves a paper trail. Gambling machines in Nevada are randomly checked. Only the most important right in a democracy is held prisoner by the false claims of politicians and manufacturers that no paper record can be provided.
A year and a half ago in the House of Representatives, many Republicans as well as Democrats would have voted for a paper trail. But Dennis Hastert and Tom Delay prevented a resolution from ever getting to the floor. The Help America Vote Act envisions a paper trail only in 2006. Why was the Republican leadership determined to prevent democracy in 2004?
Alone among democracies, in the United States, election officials - Secretaries of State - are partisan. Even so, one would think that the Glenda Hoods, Kenneth Blackwells and Donetta Davidsons would be concerned to do their jobs: to uphold the transparency of the right to vote. But in adopting touch screen machines with no paper record, they did the opposite. Companies such as Diebold, Electr onic Systems and Software and Sequoia Voting Systems gave 43% of the budget of the National Association of Secretaries of State (New York Times, September 12, 2004). They took the Secretaries to dinners and on cruises. Further, they provide “revolving door” employment. In 2003, the California Secretary of State Bill Jones becomes a consultant to Sequoia; his assistant secretary became an employee. Former Secretaries from Florida and Georgia have signed on with ES&S and Diebold.
Internationally, fair elections are understood to be administered by nonpartisan officials. Observers who had seen the use of voting machines in Venezuela - much attacked by the Bush administration - commented that they were fair and transparent compared to the United States: “The observers said they had less access to polls [in the US] than in Kazakhstan, that the electronic voting had fewer fail-safes than in Venezuela, that the ballots were not so simple as in the Republic of Georgia and that no country had such a complex national election system.” (Thomas Crampton, “Global Monitors Find Faults,” International Herald Tribune, November 3, 2004). In the last two American Presidential elections, the Republicans, who dominate all branches of government, have tarnished the reputation of the United States as a democracy. When foreigners and many Americans look on the elections with horror - that no one can get a true count of the vote because officials blocked it from the outset - no reasonable response can be made. As one computer expert from Stanford, David Dill, invoked in Schwartz’s article, suggests, a supposed lack of problems was “just a matter of luck.” If the fix was not in, there is no way to show it. The only proof that the officials were honorable would have been if George Bush had lost.
Two facts about the vote counting itself also point, on the face of it, to the theft of the November 2nd election. First, in the swing states of Ohio, Florida, Nevada, New Mexico, Colorado and Iowa, the exit polls all pointed to a Kerry landslide. Taken among samples of actual voters, these polls are comparatively reliable. They have only been “wrong” one other time in modern history - in Florida in 2000. But they were not wrong then. Had 50,000 mainly black voters not been wrongly removed as putative “felons” from the rolls and 179,855 votes been declared “spoiled” by Secretary of State Katharine Harris, Gore would have won. Like a canary in a mine, the exit polls are a warning of danger. In the face of the exit polls, faith in computerized voting with no paper record - along with company secrecy about the codes the machines use and no independent review - is bizarre. Second, in Gahanna Precinct, Franklin County, Ohio with 638 registered voters, a machine recorded 4,238 votes for George Bush - a 4,000 vote differential. Bush’s “lead” in Ohio is now officially 132,000. But no errors appear in the direction of John Kerry. By no random process can errors benefit only one candidate.
Given this context, other anomalies cry out for investigation particularly in Ohio which could still swing this very close election. For instance, the errors in 19 precincts in Cuyahoga county could be explained, as a “spokeswoman for the county” Kimberly Bartlett suggests, by a “buggy” machine totaling absentee ballots as more votes than the number of people registered. But she isn’t even a voting official. And in some precincts, the vote was several hundred percent of those registered. Shouldn’t this be independently rechecked? And why did Zeller’s article avoid Ohio?
Given the exit polls and the problems with computerized voting with no paper record alone, there is no reason to think that Bush won the swing states. As the exit polls recorded, there is good reason to think that Kerry won the election.
Some Democrats approved the use of voting machines in Congress. Like Gore, Kerry gave up the election too easily. The New York Times ran its telling series on Making Votes Count before the election. But the press acts as if the election were not stolen. No reasonable person should agree with them.
An estimated 30,000 to 50,000 of the city's 300,000 people did stay, not realizing how devastating U.S. firepower would be in the final assault. Many of them are now dead or injured, though we will never know how many because the U.S. forces refuse to count the civilians killed in their operations and forbid Iraqi official organizations to do so either. But nothing has been accomplished.
Even as Fallujah was being reduced to ruins, rebels were seizing the center of Mosul, Iraq's third-largest city, and a third of the U.S. blocking force around Fallujah had to be sent north to deal with it. Car bombs blew up in Baghdad, mortar rounds landed in the Green Zone, and there was heavy fighting in the town of Yusufiyah south of the capital. It's like the fairground game of Whack-a-Mole: Bash down one mole and up pops another elsewhere. And the United States has just not got enough troops in Iraq to whack all the centers of the resistance at once.
This was the main issue from the start for the U.S. Army, which was deeply opposed to the invasion plan that Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld foisted on the professional soldiers. As Army Chief of Staff General Eric Shinseki (forced into retirement by Rumsfeld) told a Senate committee in February of last year, a force "on the order of several hundred thousand soldiers" would be needed to control Iraq after the war.
Rumsfeld retorted publicly that Shinseki's figure was "far from the mark," and his neo-conservative ally, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, said: "It's hard to conceive that it would take more forces to provide stability in post-Saddam Iraq than it would take to conduct the war itself ... ." But that's exactly what the professional soldiers did foresee.
Anybody could have invaded Iraq. With a little help on sealift and air support, Belgium could have done it. The Iraqi army was comprehensively smashed in the 1991 Gulf War, and due to U.N. sanctions it had neither repaired its losses nor acquired any new weapons for 12 years. Only the toadies in the upper ranks of Western intelligence services managed to persuade themselves that Iraq had functioning "weapons of mass destruction"; working-level analysts overwhelmingly doubted it. The problem wasn't the war; it was the occupation.
"All of us in the Army felt ... that the defeat of the Iraqi military would be a relatively straightforward operation of fairly limited duration, but that the securing of the peace and security of a country of 25 million people spread out over an enormous geographic area would be a tremendous challenge that would take a lot of people, a lot of labor, to be done right," said Thomas White, secretary of the Army in 2001-03, in the Public Broadcasting System's recent "Frontline" documentary "Rumsfeld's War."
If there had been 300,000 U.S. troops in Iraq when the war ended, the orgy of looting, the collapse of public order and public services, and all the consequent crime and privation that alienated the Iraqi public might have been averted. The U.S. armed forces could have come up with that many soldiers for a year -- and if order had been maintained in Iraq and elections had been held there a year ago, it would all have been over by now. But on Rumsfeld's insistence, there were only 138,000 U.S. troops in Iraq.
Why did he insist on that? Because proving that he could successfully invade foreign countries on short notice with relatively small forces, and without demanding major sacrifices from the U.S. public, was key to making President Bush's new strategic doctrine of "preemptive war" credible. It was also essential to the neoconservatives' dream of a lasting "Pax Americana" (which could easily involve an Iraq-sized war every couple of years). So the generals were told to shut up and follow orders.
It's too late to fix Iraq by pumping more U.S. troop numbers in now. The resistance has grown so widespread that it would take half a million American soldiers to win at this game of Whack-a-Mole and install an Iraqi government that would last long enough for the United States to walk away from the country without humiliation. Such numbers simply aren't available without bringing back the draft, and even the present troop level in Iraq cannot be maintained for more than another year without drastic new measures.
In any case, these might-have-beens are irrelevant since the Bush administration never intended to withdraw fully from Iraq (those 14 "enduring bases"), and twice rejected serious proposals for early elections, in late April 2003 and again last February, because it could not control the outcome. The security situation is now far worse, and even deputy prime minister Barham Salih of the U.S.-appointed interim government admits that the promised January elections may have to be postponed.
As Rumsfeld used to say sarcastically at his press conferences back when he was sure that he was right and the media and the professional soldiers were all wrong: "All together now: 'quagmire.' "
Out: Secretary of State Colin Powell, whose political epitaph should now read, "You break it, you own it" for his prescient but unwanted warning to the president on the danger of imperial overreach in Iraq.
Out: Top CIA officials who dared challenge, behind the scenes, the White House's unprecedented exploitation of raw intelligence data in order to sell a war to a Congress and a public hungry for revenge after 9/11.
Out: Veteran CIA counterterrorism expert and Osama bin Laden hunter Michael Scheuer, better known as the best-selling author "Anonymous," whose balanced and devastating critiques of the Iraq war, the CIA and the way President Bush is handling the war on terror have been a welcome counterpoint to the "it's true if we say it's true" idiocy of the White House PR machine.
Meanwhile, incompetence begat by ideological blindness has been rewarded. The neoconservatives who created the ongoing Iraq mess have more than survived the failure of their impossibly rosy scenarios for a peaceful and democratic Iraq under U.S. rule. In fact, despite calls for their resignations — from the former head of the U.S. Central Command, Gen. Anthony Zinni, among others — the neocon gang is thriving. They have not been held responsible for the "16 words" about yellowcake, the rise and fall of Ahmad Chalabi, the Abu Ghraib scandal, the post-invasion looting of Iraq's munitions stores and the disastrous elimination of the Iraqi armed forces.
As of today, the neocons on Zinni's list of losers — Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul D. Wolfowitz; the vice president's chief of staff, I. Lewis Libby; National Security Council staffer Elliott Abrams; Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Douglas J. Feith and Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld — are all still employed even as Bush's new director of central intelligence, Porter J. Goss, is eviscerating the CIA's leadership.
This is the culmination of a three-year campaign by the president's men to scapegoat the CIA for the fact that 9/11 occurred on Bush's watch.
So far, half a dozen of the nation's top spymasters have been forced out abruptly — a strange way to handle things at a time when Bin Laden and Al Qaeda are still seeking to attack the U.S. Ironically, this all comes as Goss is suppressing a lengthy study, prepared for Congress by the CIA's inspector general, that, according to an intelligence official who has read it, names individuals in the government responsible for failures that paved the way for the 9/11 attacks.
Thus Bush, with Goss as his hatchet man, is having it both ways: He can be seen to be cleaning house at the CIA — when he is simply punishing independent voices — while denying Congress access to an independent audit of actual intelligence failures.
We should remember that as flawed as its performance was under former Director George J. Tenet, the CIA at least sometimes tried to be a counterweight to the fraudulent claims of Rumsfeld's and Dick Cheney's neoconservative staffs. All of the nation's traditional intelligence centers were bypassed by a rogue operation based in Feith's Office of Special Plans. Feith was given broad access to raw intelligence streams — the better to cherry-pick factoids and fabrications that found their way into even the president's crucial prewar State of the Union address.
Now, by successfully discarding those who won't buy into the administration's ideological fantasies of remaking the world in our image, the neoconservatives have consolidated control of the United States' vast military power.
With the ravaging of the CIA and the ousting of Powell — instead of the more-deserving Rumsfeld — the coup of the neoconservatives is complete. They have achieved a remarkable political victory by failing upward.
The Wall Street Journal once wrote that, "May we trust a man like John Ashcroft, whose outlook appears to be saturated by faith, to serve as U.S. attorney general?" After all, Ashcroft was once awarded an honorary degree from racially "retrograde" and unabashedly evangelical Bob Jones University.
The editors of Esquire magazine once wrote that, "If there is one thing that always comes out of a terrible tragedy, it is really dumb legislation." Although there are many other similarly draconian sections of the USA PATRIOT Act, section 412 of USA PATRIOT allowed Ashcroft to round up and imprison 1,200 Muslim and Arab men based solely on pretextual immigration violations and refused to disclose their identity, give them access to lawyers or contact with their families.
Even though his own inspector general reprimanded him for his policies and not even one terrorist was captured during this dragnet, Ashcroft had the self-righteous audacity to proclaim during congressional testimony that anyone who raised concerns about his actions would "aid terrorists" and "give ammunition to America's enemies."
Amid the litany of unconstitutional policies created during his watch, Ashcroft also helped draft the presidential order creating secret military tribunals, which bypasses the U.S. court system and which contains significant due process constitutional violations. Another severing blow to the carte blanche that Ashcroft had bestowed upon himself was when federal judge James Robertson, a former Navy lieutenant, recently ruled that President Bush's military tribunal proceedings were unconstitutional and ran afoul of international law.
It was also on Ashcroft's watch that we saw the debacle of Brandon Mayfield, the Oregon attorney whose "fingerprints" ostensibly matched prints found on evidence in the Madrid train station bombings earlier this year. Aside from the fact that a Scotland Yard fingerprint expert found any claim of a fingerprint match "horrendous," part of the evidence used to detain Mayfield for two weeks were "miscellaneous Spanish documents" that the FBI found in his home. The New York Times reported that these "documents" were later identified as his children's Spanish homework. Unfortunately, the damage had already been done.
In typical Ashcroftian manner, there was a grandiose press conference carried by every media outlet from here to Zanzibar claiming that yet another "terrorist' had been captured. Kent Mayfield, Brandon's brother, said that Mayfield's only crime was that "… he is of the Muslim faith and … not super happy with the Bush administration. So if that's a crime, well, you can burn half of us."
Although any replacement would be better for the rule of law than Ashcroft's status quo, we must come to terms with the fact that Ashcroft's resignation marks the end of the most ideological, theocratic and controversial Justice Department administration since our last Draco, the late J. Edgar Hoover.
Note how Bush could not even bring himself to mention Arafat's name. It's the same old agenda. The Palestinians have to have a democracy. They have to prove themselves; they - not the Israelis - have to show that they are a worthy "negotiating partner". And any new leader - the colorless Ahmad Qureia or the equally colorless and undemocratic Abu Mazen - must "control his own people". That was what Arafat failed to do even though he thought his job was to represent his own people, which is what democracy is supposed to be all about.
It's worth noting how this narrative has been written. The Israelis, with their continued occupation, their continued illegal construction of colonies for Jews and Jews only on Arab land, their air strikes and helicopter executions and live-fire shooting at stone-throwing children, are not part of this equation. They are just innocently waiting to find a new "negotiating partner" now that Arafat is in his grave. Ariel Sharon, held "personally responsible" for the 1982 Sabra and Shatila massacre by the Kahan commission report, remains, in George Bush's words, "a man of peace". No one asks whether he can control his own army. Or whether he can control his own settlers. He wants to close down the colonies in Gaza - even though his spokesman has told us that this will put Palestinian statehood into "formaldehyde".
So let's just take a look back at those tragic years of the Oslo accord. In 1993, we are supposed to believe, the Palestinians were offered statehood and a capital in Jerusalem if they accepted the right of Israel to exist. Oslo said nothing of the kind. It did set down a complex system of Israeli withdrawals from occupied Palestinian land and a timetable that the Israelis were supposed to meet. We all knew that any failure to do so would humiliate Arafat - and make him less able to "control" his own people.
And what happened? It's important, at this supposedly "optimistic" moment, to reflect on the facts of the previous "peace process" in which Europe as well as the United States spent so much time, energy and - in the EU's case - money. Under the Oslo agreement, the occupied West Bank would be divided into three zones. Zone A would come under exclusive Palestinian control, Zone B under Israeli military occupation in participation with the Palestinian Authority, and Zone C under total Israeli occupation. In the West Bank, Zone A comprised only 1.1 per cent of the land whereas in Gaza - overpopulated, rebellious, insurrectionary - almost all the territory was to come under Arafat's control. He, after all, was to be the policeman of Gaza. Zone C in the West Bank comprised 60 per cent of the land, which allowed Israel to continue the rapid expansion of settlements on Arab land.
But a detailed investigation shows that not a single one of these withdrawal agreements was honored by the Israelis. And in the meantime, the number of settlers illegally living on Palestinians' land rose after Oslo from 80,000 to 150,000 - even though the Israelis, as well as the Palestinians, were forbidden from taking "unilateral steps" under the terms of the agreement. The Palestinians saw this, not without reason, as proof of bad faith.
Since facts are sometimes elusive in the Middle East, let's remind ourselves of what happened after Oslo. The Oslo II (Taba) agreement, concluded by Yitzhak Rabin in September 1995 - the month before he was assassinated - promised three Israeli withdrawals: from Zone A (under Palestinian control), Zone B (under Israeli military occupation in co-operation with the Palestinians) and Zone C (exclusive Israeli occupation). These were to be completed by October 1997. Final-status agreement covering Jerusalem, refugees, water and settlements were to have been completed by October 1999, by which time the occupation was supposed to have ended. In January 1997, however, a handful of Jewish settlers were granted 20 per cent of Hebron, despite Israel's obligation under Oslo to leave all West Bank towns. By October 1998, a year late, Israel had not carried out the Taba accords.
The Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, negotiated a new agreement at Wye River, dividing the second redeployment promised at Taba into two phases - but he only honored the first of them. Netanyahu had promised to reduce the percentage of West Bank land under exclusively Israeli occupation from 72 per cent to 59 per cent, transferring 41 per cent of the West Bank to Zones A and B. But at Sharm el-Sheikh in 1999, the Israeli prime minister, Ehud Barak, reneged on the agreement Netanyahu had made at Wye River, fragmenting the latter's two phases into three, the first of which would transfer 7 per cent from Zone C to Zone B. All implementation of the agreements stopped there.
When Arafat finally went to Camp David to meet Barak, he was allegedly offered 95 per cent of the West Bank and Gaza but turned it down and went to war with the second intifada. A study of the maps, however, shows that - with the exclusion of Jerusalem and its extended boundaries, with the exclusion of existing major Jewish colonies and with the inclusion of an Israeli cordon sanitaire, Arafat was offered nearer to 64 per cent of the 22 per cent of mandate Palestine that was left to him. Then a new explosion of Palestinian suicide bombings, usually aimed at Israeli civilians, destroyed Israel's patience with Arafat. Sharon, who had provoked the second intifada by strolling on to the Temple Mount with a thousand policeman, decided that Arafat was a Bin Laden-style "terrorist" and all further contact ended.
This is not to excuse the PLO or Arafat himself. His arrogance and corruption, and his little dictatorship - initially encouraged by the Israelis and Americans who lent Arafat their CIA boys to "train" the Palestinian security services - ensured that no democracy could thrive in "Palestine". And I suspect that while he personally disapproved of suicide bombings, Arafat cynically realized that they had their uses; they proved that Sharon could not provide Israel with the security he promised at his election, at least until he built the new wall - which is stealing further Palestinian land. But that was only one side of the story - and last week Bush and Blair went back to the old game of seeing only the other side. The Palestinians - the victims of 39 years of occupation - must prove themselves worthy of peace with their occupiers. The death of their leader is therefore billed as a glorious occasion that provides hope. All this is part of the self-delusion of Bush and Blair. The reality is that the outlook in the Middle East is bleaker than ever.
Oh yes, and - since we'd be asking this question today if Sharon had gone to meet his maker in an equally mysterious way - just what did Arafat die of?
"This is the most serious election that has ever occurred in the history of the human race, without a scrag of doubt," she told smh.com.
"I don't know if we'll survive the next four years ... I don't think the Americans have, on the whole, the faintest idea - and I have to say also I don't think most Australians do either. But it's not just the threat from nuclear war. It's the threat of what's happening to the environment, the global warming which is occurring rapidly now, to ozone depletion, to species extinction, to deforestation - it's the whole thing."
Speaking from her son Will's Boston home, the Australian pediatrician, who runs the Nuclear Policy Research Institute in Washington, has just spent a frantic two-and-a-half months criss-crossing America to deliver her anti-nuclear and anti-Bush message. She discovered the country was more divided than at any time since she first stepped onto American soil in 1966.
Early on election day she was convinced Democratic challenger John Kerry would win but reality soon set in.
"This is what I've been afraid of and I actually can't believe it's happening," she said. "The voter turnout was so high, which should have supported Kerry.
"I don't think I've ever felt so personally, politically devastated in my life and that includes when [former president Ronald] Reagan won a second term of office - which was pretty devastating for me as I was so heavily involved in the anti-nuclear movement in those days.
"But this is worse, these people are much worse than the Reagan people."
Dr Caldicott rose to fame in the American peace movement during the '70s and '80s, her vehement antinuclear stance earning her many enemies, some of whom saw her as an apologist for the Soviet Union. She has long warned of the dangers of nuclear weapons, America's "first strike" policy and missile defense.
In her 2002 book The New Nuclear Danger, she detailed links between the Government and weapons makers and Mr Bush's will to militarize space.
Mr Bush's win meant "endless war and I think it could mean nuclear war", she said.
"In January 1995 we got to within 10 seconds of nuclear war when [former Russian president Boris] Yeltsin and the Russians made a mistake and thought they were under attack. The Americans still have a first-strike policy to win a nuclear war against Russia. The weapons are still in place both in America and Russia. Virtually nobody knows that in this country and that a mistake or a terrorist takeover of the command system - on either side - or errors being made could lead to the end of life on earth."
In a website interview two years ago, Dr Caldicott was asked why Mr Bush remained so popular. She replied she didn't believe it - that the polls were inaccurate [although that was before the invasion of Iraq].
Now she has to face the reality that more than half of Americans want Mr Bush back, despite [or because of] his policies. She puts it down to brilliance on the part of his campaign team, in particular Karl Rove, and the ignorance of much of the population.
"They [the Bush administration] have been able to con the American people with their extremely brilliant propaganda and brainwashing, with the help of the media ... they consistently lie. On the whole the American people don't really understand the dynamics of the right at all. They don't know that Bush et al want to go into Iran next and that they want to dominate the world militarily and that they want to put weapons in space.
"I don't think they [the American public] understand. It is a mandate for Bush to do absolutely anything he wants. I know people don't like me using this word but they're fascists."
Not firing all her ammunition at Mr Bush, she saved some for Australian Prime Minister John Howard. She said Australia was now the "51st state of the US".
"I've always been so proud of my country, now I'm not just ashamed by what's happening and embarrassed ... but I really fear for the future of Australia and the previous wonderful quality of life that we've always had."
Doctors treating respiratory illnesses in people aged 25 to 40 are increasingly finding the condition, associated with tobacco smoking, in patients who have seldom, if ever, smoked normal cigarettes.
Cannabis smokers are particularly at risk because they hold smoke in their lungs for longer than other smokers and marijuana spliffs are rolled without filters."
The INCB is among the world's most hardline exponents of drug prohibition. Whenever a country moves in the direction of greater tolerance and reducing harm, the INCB is there to beat it with a big stick. Despite its disingenuous attempt yesterday to claim to speak on behalf of African nations, it is effectively a puppet of the United States, a nation whose drugs record speaks for itself. The latest US Department of Health found last year that despite endless "crackdowns" over two decades, 87 million Americans have used illegal drugs, and nearly a million regularly use the most hardcore of all, crack cocaine.
The intellectual poverty of the prohibitionists is so obvious that it no longer merits serious discussion. They are not interested in evidence from the real world; they are simply blinkered ideologues. Yet the INCB still tries to enforce the catastrophic US model across the globe. Any nation that tries to liberalise its drugs policy finds itself, as Britain has, under intense US/UN pressure.
Through the INCB, they oppose even the most basic harm-reduction tactics, such as injecting rooms where heroin addicts can inject under supervision in case they overdose; needle exchanges (to avoid HIV infection); heroin prescription (proven to reduce property crimes, because addicts no longer need to steal to fund their habit); and ecstasy testing in clubs, combined with education about the drug (which could save the lives of the few people who do die using ecstasy).
As Danny Kushlick, director of the increasingly influential Transform Drugs Policy Institute, explains: "There is now a serious tension emerging between the US approach to drugs - which is being aggressively forced on the world - and the European harm-reduction philosophy which is gradually emerging. Portugal has effectively decriminalised personal possession of all drugs; and in Spain and Italy, personal possession is now only a civil offence."
At the moment, the European approach remains - just - within the boundaries of the international drug-control treaties, regulated by the UN, that were set up in successive waves in 1961, 1971 and 1988. Even these changes are achieved mostly by exploiting clauses about medical necessity. For example, needle exchanges, which test the ultra-prohibitionist spirit of the treaties, are justified by the Dutch with reference to the clauses about individual health. But no European country can move towards full legalisation of production and supply while remaining within the treaties' constraints. Sooner or later, there will be a blatant challenge to the treaties by a European country that wants to travel this path, although massive diplomatic pressure will be exerted to rein it back.
The US-imposed constraints on South America are even greater. In Colombia, 40 per cent of the national economy is based on the international trade in drugs. The distorting effect on the entire country is immeasurable, with billions sloshing around in illegal funds, corrupting both politics and the administration of law. This is exacerbated by a US policy of mass-spraying, with noxious herbicides, of fields suspected to be used for cocaine-related crops. Tens of thousands of acres of land belonging to poverty-stricken small farmers have been destroyed, the environmental damage is devastating, and yet the policy is so ineffective that since it began the cocaine yield from Colombia has trebled.
The idea that the drugs market can be stamped out is a fantasy. A kilo of cocaine is worth £1,000 in Colombia, but, because of the massive inflationary effects of prohibition, it is worth £30,000 by the time it reaches the streets of London. Wherever there is a 3,000 per cent profit margin, people will be prepared to take extraordinary risks. This market will not die.
Legalising the supply and distribution networks of drugs, however, would put the huge sums of money generated by this industry into the hands of legitimate businesses and - most importantly - through taxation into the hands of governments that urgently need more money for the provision of basic health and education.
The INCB approach, in contrast, is a guarantee of poverty in South America and mass property crime in Britain. The Government has unflinchingly taken the condemnation of this unaccountable body for even its very moderate change. This should embolden it to confront the prohibitionists again and move faster towards the European model that will - one day soon - replace the current anarchy and criminality of the drugs world with regulation, legality and sanity."
So it is helpful that, once every 10 years, we receive a corrective to our own distorted images of the nation. The census returns completed yesterday reveal a Britain very different from the one we imagine we live in - and it provides answers to two of the most pressing questions in British politics: why is the Tory party on a life-support machine, and why is there such dissatisfaction with New Labour?
New Labour has not delivered with anything like the speed that is needed. Snapshot figures - not necessarily the worst, but the most striking - show this with painful clarity. In 21st century London, one in a hundred people still has no toilet or bath of their own in their home. After nearly six years of Labour government, 13 per cent of households in Yorkshire and Humberside have no central heating. Today, 1.5 million people in England and Wales live in homes that are officially designated as over-crowded. The census is a slap in the face to those of us (and this includes virtually all journalists) who live in velvet-lined metropolitan dolls' houses. Britain is poorer, older and far more in need of social reform than might appear from Canary Wharf - or, indeed, Downing Street.
One of the clearest messages is that rich Britons are becoming an élite group with living standards vastly in excess of the rest of us. One in 10 households in south Buckinghamshire has three cars, and one in 25 have, breathtakingly, more than four. Yet while a substantial chunk of the population of South Bucks enjoy driving around in their fourth car, the pit villages of south Wales are sunk in poverty and ill-health."
The timing alone indicates that the real reason for war is neither of the two offered by Tony Blair. If it had been, all this would have blown up long ago. It would not have waited until George Bush failed to catch Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan and needed a new foreign adventure to divert his electorate. War would have been a big plank in both Bush's and Blair's election platforms. Gerhard Schröder is the only major leader to have mentioned such a war to his electorate - he was against it - and he consequently has the best, if not the only, claim to a popular mandate. Bush not only failed to mention it in his manifesto. He failed even to get elected.
This is George Bush's war. His motives and his timing have an internal American rationale. Bush is so unswerving in his thirst for war that Saddam has even less incentive to disarm than Blair's paradox would suggest. Cowboy Bush is saying, in effect, "Stick your hands up, drop your weapons, and I'll shoot you anyway."
Bush wants oil and he wants the 2004 election. Unlike Blair's two aims, Bush's two are far from contradictory. An important part of the post-11 September American electorate likes kicking Arab butt, and never mind if a completely different lot of Arabs (who, incidentally, detest the secular Saddam) committed the atrocity. If Bush now wins a quick war, with few American casualties and no draft, he will triumph in the 2004 election. And where will that leave us?
Bush, unelected, has repudiated Kyoto, the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, international trade agreements and environment-friendly initiatives set up by the Clinton administration, and he threatens the UN and Nato. What may we expect of this swaggering lout if an election success actually gives him something to swagger about?
Victory over Iraq will play well in Peoria. It will bomb - literally as well as metaphorically - in the rest of the world. In that post-war climate of seething hostility, are we, in Britain, going to let ourselves be identified, throughout the world, with this uncouth fundamentalist redneck? And are we really going to help him finally to get elected?
Those of us opposed to the war are sometimes accused of anti-Americanism. I am vigorously pro-American, which is one reason I am anti-Bush. They didn't elect him, and they deserve better.
If, in a khaki election, Bush finally wins a term as President, decent Americans, intellectual Americans, American scholars, scientists, philosophers, engineers, writers, artists and, not least, American philanthropists, Americans with a great deal to contribute, are going to be looking for a civilised haven.
English-speaking countries such as Ireland and New Zealand will be well placed to welcome them and benefit from their talented presence. How sad if we rule ourselves out by poodling up to the very leader they will be seeking to escape. As a scientist, I would like to be able to say something like the following to my American friends:
"Dear Colleague: You are a member of the leading scientific nation, by far. No wonder there has been a brain drain from my country to yours. The trickle in the other direction has been, alas, negligible. Occasional attempts, by my own university of Oxford among others, to compete on the open market to recruit leading American professors or promising young scientists, have usually foundered on the problem of salary. But is it possible that things are now beginning to change? Could it be that political developments in your country are now starting to make emigration look more attractive, in spite of the salary differential?
"I know, of course, without even asking, that you were a member of the majority who voted for Al Gore. When your majority in the country, reinforcing your clear majority in the Electoral College but for dead-heated Florida, was reversed by the Supreme Court coup d'état, you must have been saddened, even infuriated. You presumably consoled yourself that it couldn't last more than four years.
"All that has now changed, and you must be close to despair, especially if you happen to be working in a field such as stem cell cloning and find your research blocked by the religious bigotry of this administration, the most anti-intellectual administration in living memory.
"Have things reached the point where you might consider moving? We in Britain may not be able to match your salary, but we can at least offer you a civilised, decent government, very different from the one you are eager to leave behind."
If only..."
Is it because the risk is judged to be not particularly high? That case can be made. Nothing much happened in 1990-91 during the first Gulf war. There were hardly any disturbances in Europe. Twelve years later, European Muslims are more fully integrated into their local society. Their violent protest when they are so moved is, as we have seen in the north of England, more likely to be the result of local conditions than events in the Middle East.
Moreover, to be anti-war in Europe is not some far-out, minority view, but mainstream. For immigrant communities with links to the region, the peace marches must have been reassuring.
I would have sympathy with this calming line of argument had it not been for the discovery in early January of the deadly poison ricin in a north London flat occupied by north African immigrants. Only small amounts were found, but tiny quantities are lethal and no antidote exists. Then more recently, the Government sent tanks to patrol the perimeter of Heathrow airport. It is not known whether this was for propaganda purposes or for real, but at the very least it was a statement that the threat of terrorist activity in this country is a serious one.
We must look for other reasons, therefore, to explain the absence of a large-scale public information campaign. Might it be that we can be told nothing very useful? Again I can see the point, if this is the point. I don't know what I would personally find helpful. I live and work in central London, I use public transport many times a week, I catch trains, I take flights, I go to places of public entertainment such as cinemas and restaurants. I should long ago have acquired knowledge of first aid, but I haven't.
In other words, my ignorance is so profound that I lack understanding of what sort of helpful things I could be told. But equally, I don't wish to find myself in the same situation as commuters did in Tokyo some years ago when a terrorist group launched a poison attack on the underground system."
These considerations are, I believe, getting closer to the reason why the Government has thus far declined to offer advice and guidance to the public about dealing with terrorist attacks. For to do so would probably stimulate questions which would reveal a shocking lack of preparation by the authorities. That may well be a reason why we are treated as sleeping dogs best left undisturbed.
But beyond this, I am sure, a habit of mind which is essentially paternalistic will be found. It is reported that ministers and officials have been concerned that open discussion of how to cope with terrorist attack would itself provoke unnecessary alarm. They, the authorities, fear that we, the people, would panic.
This insulting approach springs from a particularly British characteristic, the notion that small groups of middle-class people know what is right for the rest of us. I enjoyed being a film censor but I was always aware that it was a paternalistic activity. Father knows best what films or videos to watch.
This "don't frighten the horses" attitude is prevalent in British life. Foreigners criticise us for being snobbish, for maintaining a class system, but they miss the point. Our secret vice is paternalism.
And so when I begin to wonder why the Government has delayed so long in briefing the nation about handling incidents involving chemical, biological, radiological or nuclear attacks, my leading explanation is that misguided paternalism is at the bottom of it. "
Sarajevo. First World War. Tens of millions dead. I'm more optimistic; I think it is '39 all over again. First fall of Babylon. 539 BC. The city was just down the road from modern Baghdad and - never mind the hanging gardens - fantastic in its time.
Two and a half thousand years ago, Babylon was as large as London inside the North and South Circular roads. It was surrounded by two things, Herodotus tells us: a brick-lined, water-filled moat, and a wall nearly 400ft tall.
At the top of this wall were two rows of houses with enough room for a four-horse chariot to pass between them. The wealth was astonishing, even for those of us who've had tea with Bill Gates.
The country was called Assyria, and was part of the Persian empire, obediently paying tribute to its satrap, or governor. One artaba of silver was the amount. An artaba was five bushels. If you are none the wiser, that's 40 gallons, or 10,000 cubic inches. Of silver. Daily. Daily! It rivals oil revenues in modern money.
The statue of Bel in the Temple of Babylon, so the Chaldeans said, was made out of 22 tonnes of gold (at modern prices, about £3bn).
Apart from astonishing wealth and limitless grain, they also enjoyed a certain degree of sexual decadence. In every village, once a year, the girls were put up for auction. The pretty ones went first for a good price, the commission on which provided a dowry for the plainest ones. "This admirable practice has fallen into disuse," Herodotus tells us, "and they have of late years hit upon another scheme, namely the prostitution of all girls of the lower classes to provide some relief from the poverty which followed upon the conquest." This has no relevance for the moral invasion we are planning.
You will be pleased to know that there was one custom among them that was "wholly shameful". Every indigenous woman had to go, once in her life, to sit in the temple of Aphrodite and there "give herself to a strange man".
The women sat in a precinct of the temple "with a band of plaited string round their heads - and a great crowd they are, what with some sitting there, others arriving, others going away - and through them all, gangways are marked off running in every direction for the men to pass along and make their choice." The men throw a coin, utter a formula which the woman is powerless to resist, and they go outside.
"Tall, handsome women soon manage to get home again, but the ugly ones stay a long time" (as much as four years, he says) "before they can fulfil the condition which the law demands."
The custom also takes place in Cyprus, yes, even up to the present day, if the tabloids are right about those resorts in the south.
Herodotus also tells us - probably wrongly - that one of their queens rechannelled the Euphrates, and dug a lake with a circumference of 47 miles in the process. The winding route it then took made direct invasion by river tortuous. It's important the joint chiefs of staff are aware of that.
King Cyrus eventually managed to conquer the city by digging hundreds of channels from the river to lessen its flow. His troops then walked in the thigh-deep water into the city (the enormous wall stopped at the banks) where they were helped to victory by a large population of Jews (who'd long been weeping by the "Rivers of Babylon", as we know from Boney M); they were later rewarded by repatriation and a new temple.
It's hard to know what to make of it all. Does history repeat itself, or is it only historians? We have to learn from history, of course. But what?
Politicians and the power to choose
I was re-reading a book I published for a politician in another life, and became gripped again by the force of the ideas. Suddenly I wanted to smash all their faces in. His ideas are probably illegal, provoking reasonable people such as myself to breach the peace. Anyway, his name is Roger Douglas. Important man. He looks a bit like he was running Budapest in 1950 but nothing could be further from the fact.
He gives you an entirely new view of politicians. It's not that they're unlikeable (they're clever at being liked). It's not that they're wicked or dishonest. Their only constitutional moral flaw is their rampaging benevolence. It's a terrible manifestation of power mania that you see in them all, from Stalin to Tony Blair. They are going to change the world for the better. They are going to help people. They are going to raise standards in schools. They are going to eliminate pensioner poverty. They are going to get the health service treating everyone promptly.
Which is why - precisely why, as the Government says - school standards are falling, pensioners have no money and the NHS is characterised by queues, cancellations and a superbug that kills or helps kill 20,000 hospital patients a year.
Politicians talk about customer choice, the desirability of choice, the virtue of competition but they're not true believers. They still want to direct things - university admissions, incomes, diet. The only way to give people the power to choose is to give them money to buy the services they want. The one thing that politicians won't give them. No, of course, even I don't trust people that much; you have to give them a voucher instead, a voucher for health insurance, an education voucher for each child's education (for the full amount, too, £5,000 a head). If that's the only money a state school will see, you can bet the school will teach students to read, write and calculate (It's not, after all, that hard).
But it wouldn't work because working-class people are feckless, stupid, ignorant, useless, lumpen polloi with no care or ambition for their children. That's what you have to believe, au fond, if you are going to help them in the way politicians want to.
I remember Roger talking about the moment he revised his opinion of the working man's abilities. It came quite late in life. He was a junior minister of finance and a trained accountant. He was in a betting shop trying to work out the return on a complicated trifecta. A plasterer looked over his shoulder and said what the return would be as quickly as snapping his fingers.
His profuse ideas revolve around the inability of politicians to manage health, education and welfare. Some of his examples are truly shocking. He has figures which show that if an ordinary worker didn't give money to the Government for his or her retirement but put it instead into a private fund, it would, over a working life invested at 5 per cent, end up as a million pounds. That would give a school teacher a pension of £50,000 a year. Even in a world where stock markets crash, people are going to be better off at the bottom of the cycle with private savings than relying on governments.
"Why do we vote to be poor?" he asks. There's no obvious answer. He's coming over with Ruth Richardson, a fellow New Zealander, in April to address a conference run by the research group Reform. See www.reformbritain.com for details of the conference."
But the journalistic resources being laid down in the region are enormous. The BBC alone has 35 reporters in the Middle East, 17 of them "embedded" - along with hundreds of reporters from the American networks and other channels - in military units. Once the invasion starts, they will lose their freedom to write what they want. There will be censorship. And, I'll hazard a guess right now, we shall see many of the British and American journalists back to their old trick of playing toy soldiers, dressing themselves up in military costumes for their nightly theatrical performances on television. Incredibly, several of the American networks have set up shop in the Kurdish north of Iraq with orders not to file a single story until war begins - in case this provokes the Iraqis to expel their network reporters from Baghdad.
The orchestration will be everything, the pictures often posed, the angles chosen by "minders", much as the Iraqis will try to do the same thing in Baghdad. Take yesterday's front-page pictures of massed British troops in Kuwait, complete with arranged tanks and perfectly formatted helicopters. This was the perfectly planned photo-op. Of course, it won't last.
Here's a few guesses about our coverage of the war to come. American and British forces use thousands of depleted uranium (DU) shells - widely regarded by 1991 veterans as the cause of Gulf War syndrome as well as thousands of child cancers in present day Iraq - to batter their way across the Kuwaiti-Iraqi frontier. Within hours, they will enter the city of Basra, to be greeted by its Shia Muslim inhabitants as liberators. US and British troops will be given roses and pelted with rice - a traditional Arab greeting - as they drive "victoriously" through the streets. The first news pictures of the war will warm the hearts of Messrs Bush and Blair. There will be virtually no mention by reporters of the use of DU munitions.
But in Baghdad, reporters will be covering the bombing raids that are killing civilians by the score and then by the hundred. These journalists, as usual, will be accused of giving "comfort to the enemy while British troops are fighting for their lives". By now, in Basra and other "liberated" cities south of the capital, Iraqis are taking their fearful revenge on Saddam Hussein's Baath party officials. Men are hanged from lamp-posts. Much television footage of these scenes will have to be cut to sanitise the extent of the violence.
Far better for the US and British governments will be the macabre discovery of torture chambers and "rape-rooms" and prisoners with personal accounts of the most terrible suffering at the hands of Saddam's secret police. This will "prove" how right "we" are to liberate these poor people. Then the US will have to find the "weapons of mass destruction" that supposedly provoked this bloody war. In the journalistic hunt for these weapons, any old rocket will do for the moment.
Bunkers allegedly containing chemical weapons will be cordoned off - too dangerous for any journalist to approach, of course. Perhaps they actually do contain VX or anthrax. But for the moment, the all-important thing for Washington and London is to convince the world that the casus belli was true - and reporters, in or out of military costume, will be on hand to say just that.
Baghdad is surrounded and its defenders ordered to surrender. There will be fighting between Shias and Sunnis around the slums of the city, the beginning of a ferocious civil conflict for which the invading armies are totally unprepared. US forces will sweep past Baghdad to his home city of Tikrit in their hunt for Saddam Hussein. Bush and Blair will appear on television to speak of their great "victories". But as they are boasting, the real story will begin to be told: the break-up of Iraqi society, the return of thousands of Basra refugees from Iran, many of them with guns, all refusing to live under western occupation.
In the north, Kurdish guerrillas will try to enter Kirkuk, where they will kill or "ethnically cleanse" many of the city's Arab inhabitants. Across Iraq, the invading armies will witness terrible scenes of revenge which can no longer be kept off television screens. The collapse of the Iraqi nation is now under way ...
Of course, the Americans and British just might get into Baghdad in three days for their roses and rice water. That's what the British did in 1917. And from there, it was all downhill.
Weasel words to watch for
'Inevitable revenge' - for the executions of Saddam's Baath party officials which no one actually said were inevitable.
'Stubborn' or 'suicidal' - to be used when Iraqi forces fight rather than retreat.
'Allegedly' - for all carnage caused by Western forces.
'At last, the damning evidence' - used when reporters enter old torture chambers.
'Officials here are not giving us much access' - a clear sign that reporters in Baghdad are confined to their hotels.
'Life goes on' - for any pictures of Iraq's poor making tea.
'Remnants' - allegedly 'diehard' Iraqi troops still shooting at the Americans but actually the first signs of a resistance movement dedicated to the 'liberation' of Iraq from its new western occupiers.
'Newly liberated' - for territory and cities newly occupied by the Americans or British.
'What went wrong?' - to accompany pictures illustrating the growing anarchy in Iraq as if it were not predicted."
"Congressional Record: March 4, 2003 (Extensions)
Page E363-E364
LETTER OF RESIGNATION BY JOHN BRADY KIESLING
______
HON. FORTNEY PETE STARK
of california
in the house of representatives
Tuesday, March 4, 2003
Mr. STARK. Mr. Speaker I commend to the attention of my colleagues
the following letter of resignation written by American diplomat John
Brady Kiesling. Mr. Kiesling served in the U.S. State Department as
Political Counselor at the American Embassy in Greece before resigning
his post on Thursday, February 27--ending twenty years of public
service. Mr. Kiesling's letter is an eloquent expression of principal
in opposition to war with Iraq and America's heavy-handed approach to
foreign policy under the leadership of President Bush.
US Diplomat John Brady Kiesling,
February 27, 2003.
Secretary of State Colin L. Powell,
Letter of Resignation.
ATHENS
Dear Mr. Secretary: I am writing you to submit my
resignation from the Foreign Service of the United States and
from my position as Political Counselor in U.S. Embassy
Athens, effective March 7. I do so with a heavy heart. The
baggage of my upbringing included a felt obligation to give
something back to my country. Service as a U.S. diplomat was
a dream job. I was paid to understand foreign languages and
cultures, to seek out diplomats, politicians, scholars and
journalists, and to persuade them that U.S. interests and
theirs fundamentally coincided. My faith in my country and
its values was the most powerful weapon in my diplomatic
arsenal.
It is inevitable that during twenty years with the State
Department I would become more sophisticated and cynical
about the narrow and selfish bureaucratic motives that
sometimes shaped our policies. Human nature is what it is,
and I was rewarded and promoted for understanding human
nature. But until this Administration it had been possible to
believe that by upholding the policies of my president I was
also upholding the interests of the American people and the
world. I believe it no longer.
The policies we are now asked to advance are incompatible
not only with American values but also with American
interests. Our fervent pursuit of war with Iraq is driving us
to squander the international legitimacy that has been
America's most potent weapon of both offense and defense
since the days of Woodrow Wilson. We have begun to dismantle
the largest and most effective web of international
relationships the world has ever known. Our current course
will bring instability and danger, not security.
The sacrifice of global interests to domestic politics and
to bureaucratic self-interest is nothing new, and it is
certainly not a uniquely American problem. Still, we have not
seen such systematic distortion of intelligence, such
systematic manipulation of American opinion, since the war in
Vietnam.
The September 11 tragedy left us stronger than before,
rallying around us a vast international coalition to
cooperate for the first time in a systematic way against the
threat of terrorism. But rather than take credit for those
successes and build on them, this Administration has chosen
to make terrorism a domestic political tool, enlisting a
scattered and largely defeated Al Qaeda as its bureaucratic
ally. We spread disproportionate terror and confusion in the
public mind, arbitrarily linking the unrelated problems of
terrorism and Iraq. The result, and perhaps the motive, is to
justify a vast misallocation of shrinking public wealth to
the military and to weaken the safeguards that protect
American citizens from the heavy hand of government.
September 11 did not do as much damage to the fabric of
American society as we seem determined to do to ourselves. Is
the Russia of the late Romanovs really our model, a selfish,
superstitious empire thrashing toward self-destruction in the
name of a doomed status quo?
We should ask ourselves why we have failed to persuade more
of the world that a war with Iraq is necessary. We have over
the past two years done too much to assert to our world
partners that narrow and mercenary U.S. interests override
the cherished values of our partners. Even where our aims
were not in question, our consistency is at issue. The model
of Afghanistan is little comfort to allies wondering on what
basis we plan to rebuild the Middle East, and in whose
image and interests. Have we indeed become blind, as Russia
is blind in Chechnya, as Israel is blind in the Occupied
Territories, to our own advice, that overwhelming military
power is not the answer to terrorism? After the shambles of
post-war Iraq joins the shambles in Grozny and Ramallah, it
will be a brave foreigner who forms ranks with Micronesia to
follow where we lead.
We have a coalition still, a good one. The loyalty of many
of our friends is impressive, a tribute to American moral
capital built up over a century. But our closest allies are
persuaded less that war is justified than that it would be
perilous to allow the U.S. to drift into complete solipsism.
Loyalty should be reciprocal. Why does our President condone
the swaggering and contemptuous approach to our friends and
allies this Administration is fostering, including among its
most senior officials? Has "oderint dum metuant" really
become our motto?
I urge you to listen to America's friends around the world.
Even here in Greece, purported hotbed of European anti-
Americanism, we have more and closer friends than the
American newspaper reader can possibly imagine. Even when
they complain about American arrogance, Greeks know that the
world is a difficult and dangerous place, and they want a
strong international system, with the U.S. and EU in close
partnership. When our friends are afraid of us rather than
for us, it is time to worry. And now they are afraid. Who
will tell them convincingly that the United States is as it
was, a beacon of liberty, security, and justice for the
planet?
Mr. Secretary, I have enormous respect for your character
and ability. You have preserved more international
credibility for us than our policy deserves, and salvaged
something positive from the excesses of an ideological and
self-serving Administration. But your loyalty to the
President goes too far. We are straining beyond its limits an
international system we built with such toil and treasure, a
web of laws, treaties, organizations, and shared values that
sets limits on our foes far more effectively than it ever
constrained America's ability to defend its interests.
I am resigning because I have tried and failed to reconcile
my conscience with my ability to represent the current U.S.
Administration. I have confidence that our democratic process
is ultimately self-correcting, and hope that in a small way
our democratic process is ultimately self-correcting, and
hope that in a small way I can contribute from outside to
shaping policies that better serve the security and
prosperity of the American people and the world we share.
There has been much tut-tutting by pundits who complain that the movie, though it has yet to be caught in any major factual errors, uses association and innuendo to create false impressions. Many of these same pundits consider it bad form to make a big fuss about the Bush administration's use of association and innuendo to link the Iraq war to 9/11. Why hold a self-proclaimed polemicist to a higher standard than you hold the president of the United States?
And for all its flaws, "Fahrenheit 9/11" performs an essential service. It would be a better movie if it didn't promote a few unproven conspiracy theories, but those theories aren't the reason why millions of people who aren't die-hard Bush-haters are flocking to see it. These people see the film to learn true stories they should have heard elsewhere, but didn't. Mr. Moore may not be considered respectable, but his film is a hit because the respectable media haven't been doing their job.
For example, audiences are shocked by the now-famous seven minutes, when George Bush knew the nation was under attack but continued reading "My Pet Goat" with a group of children. Nobody had told them that the tales of Mr. Bush's decisiveness and bravery on that day were pure fiction.
Or consider the Bush family's ties to the Saudis. The film suggests that Mr. Bush and his good friend Prince Bandar bin Sultan, the ambassador known to the family as Bandar Bush, have tried to cover up the extent of Saudi involvement in terrorism. This may or may not be true. But what shocks people, I think, is the fact that nobody told them about this side of Mr. Bush's life.
Mr. Bush's carefully constructed persona is that of an all-American regular guy — not like his suspiciously cosmopolitan opponent, with his patrician air. The news media have cheerfully gone along with the pretense. How many stories have you seen contrasting John Kerry's upper-crusty vacation on Nantucket with Mr. Bush's down-home time at the ranch?
But the reality, revealed by Mr. Moore, is that Mr. Bush has always lived in a bubble of privilege. And his family, far from consisting of regular folks with deep roots in the heartland, is deeply enmeshed, financially and personally, with foreign elites — with the Saudis in particular.
Mr. Moore's greatest strength is a real empathy with working-class Americans that most journalists lack. Having stripped away Mr. Bush's common-man mask, he uses his film to make the case, in a way statistics never could, that Mr. Bush's policies favor a narrow elite at the expense of less fortunate Americans — sometimes, indeed, at the cost of their lives.
In a nation where the affluent rarely serve in the military, Mr. Moore follows Marine recruiters as they trawl the malls of depressed communities, where enlistment is the only way for young men and women to escape poverty. He shows corporate executives at a lavish conference on Iraq, nibbling on canapés and exulting over the profit opportunities, then shows the terrible price paid by the soldiers creating those opportunities.
The movie's moral core is a harrowing portrait of a grieving mother who encouraged her children to join the military because it was the only way they could pay for their education, and who lost her son in a war whose justification she no longer understands.
Viewers may come away from Mr. Moore's movie believing some things that probably aren't true. For example, the film talks a lot about Unocal's plans for a pipeline across Afghanistan, which I doubt had much impact on the course of the Afghan war. Someday, when the crisis of American democracy is over, I'll probably find myself berating Mr. Moore, who supported Ralph Nader in 2000, for his simplistic antiglobalization views.
But not now. "Fahrenheit 9/11" is a tendentious, flawed movie, but it tells essential truths about leaders who exploited a national tragedy for political gain, and the ordinary Americans who paid the price.
Maybe Florida went for Kerry, maybe for Bush. Over time - and through the efforts of some very motivated investigative reporters - we may well find out (Bev Harris of www.blackboxvoting.org just filed what may be the largest Freedom of Information Act [FOIA} filing in history), and bloggers and investigative reporters are discovering an odd discrepancy in exit polls being largely accurate in paper-ballot states and oddly inaccurate in touch-screen electronic voting states Even raw voter analyses are showing extreme oddities in touch-screen-run Florida, and eagle-eyed bloggers are finding that news organizations are retroactively altering their exit polls to coincide with what the machines ultimately said.
But in all the discussion about voting machines, let's never forget the concept of the commons, because this usurpation is the ultimate felony committed by conservatives this year.
At the founding of this nation, we decided that there were important places to invest our tax (then tariff) dollars, and those were the things that had to do with the overall "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" of all of us. Over time, these commons - in which we all make tax investments and for which we all hold ultimate responsibility - have come to include our police and fire services; our military and defense; our roads and skyways; our air, waters and national parks; and the safety of our food and drugs.
But the most important of all the commons in which we've invested our hard-earned tax dollars is our government itself. It's owned by us, run by us (through our elected representatives), answerable to us, and most directly responsible for stewardship of our commons.
And the commons through which we regulate the commons of our government is our vote.
About two years ago, I wrote a story for these pages, "If You Want To Win An Election, Just Control The Voting Machines," that exposed how Senator Chuck Hagel had, before stepping down and running for the U.S. Senate in Nebraska, been the head of the voting machine company (now ES&S) that had just computerized Nebraska's vote. The Washington Post (1/13/1997) said Hagel's "Senate victory against an incumbent Democratic governor was the major Republican upset in the November election." According to Bev Harris, Hagel won virtually every demographic group, including many largely black communities that had never before voted Republican. Hagel was the first Republican in 24 years to win a Senate seat in Nebraska, nearly all on unauditable machines he had just sold the state. And in all probability, Hagel run for President in 2008.
In another, later article I wrote at the request of MoveOn.org and which they mailed to their millions of members, I noted that in Georgia - another state that went all-electronic - "USA Today reported on Nov. 3, 2002, 'In Georgia, an Atlanta Journal-Constitution poll shows Democratic Sen. Max Cleland with a 49%-to-44% lead over Republican Rep. Saxby Chambliss. 'Cox News Service, based in Atlanta, reported just after the election (Nov. 7) that, "Pollsters may have goofed" because 'Republican Rep. Saxby Chambliss defeated incumbent Democratic Sen. Max Cleland by a margin of 53 to 46 percent. The Hotline, a political news service, recalled a series of polls Wednesday showing that Chambliss had been ahead in none of them.'" Nearly every vote in the state was on an electronic machine with no audit trail.
In the years since those first articles appeared, Bev Harris has published her book on the subject ("Black Box Voting"), including the revelation of her finding the notorious "Rob Georgia" folder on Diebold's FTP site just after Cleland's loss there; Lynn Landes has done some groundbreaking research, particularly her new investigation of the Associated Press, as have Rebecca Mercuri and David Dill. There's a new video out on the topic, Votergate, available at www.votergate.tv.
Congressman Rush Holt introduced a bill into Congress requiring a voter-verified paper ballot be produced by all electronic voting machines, and it's been co-sponsored by a majority of the members of the House of Representatives. The two-year battle fought by Dennis Hastert and Tom DeLay to keep it from coming to a vote, thus insuring that there will be no possible audit of the votes of about a third of the 2004 electorate, has fueled the flames of conspiracy theorists convinced Republican ideologues - now known to be willing to lie in television advertising - would extend their "ends justifies the means" morality to stealing the vote "for the better good of the country" they think single-party Republican rule will bring.
Most important, though, the rallying cry of the emerging "honest vote" movement must become: Get Corporations Out Of Our Vote!
Why have we let corporations into our polling places, locations so sacred to democracy that in many states even international election monitors and reporters are banned? Why are we allowing corporations to exclusively handle our vote, in a secret and totally invisible way? Particularly a private corporation founded, in one case, by a family that believes the Bible should replace the Constitution; in another case run by one of Ohio's top Republicans; and in another case partly owned by Saudi investors?
Of all the violations of the commons - all of the crimes against We The People and against democracy in our great and historic republic - this is the greatest. Our vote is too important to outsource to private corporations.
It's time that the USA - like most of the rest of the world - returns to paper ballots, counted by hand by civil servants (our employees) under the watchful eye of the party faithful. Even if it takes two weeks to count the vote, and we have to just go, until then, with the exit polls of the news agencies. It worked just fine for nearly 200 years in the USA, and it can work again.
When I lived in Germany, they took the vote the same way most of the world does - people fill in hand-marked ballots, which are hand-counted by civil servants taking a week off from their regular jobs, watched over by volunteer representatives of the political parties. It's totally clean, and easily audited. And even though it takes a week or more to count the vote (and costs nothing more than a bit of overtime pay for civil servants), the German people know the election results the night the polls close because the news media's exit polls, for two generations, have never been more than a tenth of a percent off.
We could have saved billions that have instead been handed over to ES&S, Diebold, and other private corporations.
Or, if we must have machines, let's have them owned by local governments, maintained and programmed by civil servants answerable to We The People, using open-source code and disconnected from modems, that produce a voter-verified printed ballot, with all results published on a precinct-by-precinct basis.
As Thomas Paine wrote at this nation's founding, "The right of voting for representatives is the primary right by which all other rights are protected. To take away this right is to reduce a man to slavery."
Only when We The People reclaim the commons of our vote can we again be confident in the integrity of our electoral process in the world's oldest and most powerful democratic republic.
The Iraq venture may have been doomed from the start — but we'll never know for sure because the Bush administration made such a mess of the occupation. Future historians will view it as a case study of how not to run a country.
Up to a point, the numbers in the Brookings Institution's invaluable Iraq Index tell the tale. Figures on the electricity supply and oil production show a pattern of fitful recovery and frequent reversals; figures on insurgent attacks and civilian casualties show a security situation that got progressively worse, not better; public opinion polls show an occupation that squandered the initial good will.
What the figures don't describe is the toxic mix of ideological obsession and cronyism that lie behind that dismal performance.
The insurgency took root during the occupation's first few months, when the Coalition Provisional Authority seemed oddly disengaged from the problems of postwar anarchy. But what was Paul Bremer III, the head of the C.P.A., focused on? According to a Washington Post reporter who shared a flight with him last June, "Bremer discussed the need to privatize government-run factories with such fervor that his voice cut through the din of the cargo hold."
Plans for privatization were eventually put on hold. But as he prepared to leave Iraq, Mr. Bremer listed reduced tax rates, reduced tariffs and the liberalization of foreign-investment laws as among his major accomplishments. Insurgents are blowing up pipelines and police stations, geysers of sewage are erupting from the streets, and the electricity is off most of the time — but we've given Iraq the gift of supply-side economics.
If the occupiers often seemed oblivious to reality, one reason was that many jobs at the C.P.A. went to people whose qualifications seemed to lie mainly in their personal and political connections — people like Simone Ledeen, whose father, Michael Ledeen, a prominent neoconservative, told a forum that "the level of casualties is secondary" because "we are a warlike people" and "we love war."
Still, given Mr. Bremer's economic focus, you might at least have expected his top aide for private-sector development to be an expert on privatization and liberalization in such countries as Russia or Argentina. But the job initially went to Thomas Foley, a Connecticut businessman and Republican fund-raiser with no obviously relevant expertise. In March, Michael Fleischer, a New Jersey businessman, took over. Yes, he's Ari Fleischer's brother. Mr. Fleischer told The Chicago Tribune that part of his job was educating Iraqi businessmen: "The only paradigm they know is cronyism. We are teaching them that there is an alternative system with built-in checks and built-in review."
Checks and review? Yesterday a leading British charity, Christian Aid, released a scathing report, "Fueling Suspicion," on the use of Iraqi oil revenue. It points out that the May 2003 U.N. resolution giving the C.P.A. the right to spend that revenue required the creation of an international oversight board, which would appoint an auditor to ensure that the funds were spent to benefit the Iraqi people.
Instead, the U.S. stalled, and the auditor didn't begin work until April 2004. Even then, according to an interim report, it faced "resistance from C.P.A. staff." And now, with the audit still unpublished, the C.P.A. has been dissolved.
Defenders of the administration will no doubt say that Christian Aid and other critics have no proof that the unaccounted-for billions were ill spent. But think of it this way: given the Arab world's suspicion that we came to steal Iraq's oil, the occupation authorities had every incentive to expedite an independent audit that would clear Halliburton and other U.S. corporations of charges that they were profiteering at Iraq's expense. Unless, that is, the charges are true.
Let's say the obvious. By making Iraq a playground for right-wing economic theorists, an employment agency for friends and family, and a source of lucrative contracts for corporate donors, the administration did terrorist recruiters a very big favor.
Yeah, but I'm in college - I'll just get a deferment
Not this war! College deferments don't exist anymore. If you're a freshman, sophomore, or junior, you get to finish THAT SEMESTER ONLY, that's it. And if you're a senior, you get to finish that year. Then you're off to enjoy Spring Break in Baghdad!
But my parents will get me out
Don't worry, your parents won't spoil your fun. Neither will your college or your family connections. This time around, no one is exempt, and there is NOTHING your parents or college or family friends can do to interfere. Zip, nada, zilch.
How old do I have to be to get drafted?
18 to 25 year olds are eligible for the draft already, but the head of the Selective Service (the government agency that handles the draft) now wants to draft everyone up to the age of 35. Also, they're talking about a special skills draft that would take anyone up to their mid-40s who has knowledge of health care, languages or computer skills. So even old geezers like your parents can join in the fun!
But I'm a girl
And won't you be a popular one when they draft your ass to Iraq. The head of the Selective Service secretly asked this year for the authority to draft women.
Still, women won't serve in combat or other dangerous positions
Honey, "sleeping" is now a dangerous combat position in Iraq. Americans and other foreigners living in "safe" neighborhoods of Baghdad are being dragged out of their homes in the middle of the night to be beheaded. So don't worry, it doesn't matter what job they give you or where you live, you won't miss out on that chance to die for your country.
But I'm an only child
Again not a problem. And I quote from the Selective Service Web site: "Contrary to popular belief, 'only sons,' 'the last son to carry the family name,' and 'sole surviving sons' must register and they can be drafted."
Screw that, I just wont register
Then they'll ban you from ever getting a student loan or a driver's license for the rest of your life, take away your US citizenship (meaning you can never return to the US to see your family or friends ever again), and/or throw you in a military prison in Leavenworth, Kansas, where some guy named Ice will make you his bitch while you practice your naked-pyramid skills.
Then I'll go to Canada
Oh, that's so cute! But you won't. Bush signed a border treaty with Canada that blocks you from going there to escape being drafted.
Yeah, but how are they gonna catch me?
Uh hello, terrorist watch list much? You need a passport to leave the US. When you check in for your flight, train, or try to cross the border by car or by foot they check your passport to see if you're on a terrorist watch list. It won't be hard for them to add draft-status data to that list and nab you if you're on the run. Think about it - if they're willing to yank guys named Mohammed off of planes for no other reason than their dark hair, they'll certainly nab draft dodgers. So not to fear, no one is leaving the country.
Then I'll go to Canada (or somewhere else) BEFORE I get drafted, that's legal
Yes it is. But once your draft lottery number is called, if you don't return to the US to serve, you'll never be able to come back to the US ever again, cuz if you do they'll throw your ass in a military prison. And if you don't come back, exactly where do you plan on living in Canada, with what money, and doing what for a living? And oh yeah, how's your French?
Ok, so if I do get sent to Iraq, I'll just go AWOL and leave - what's the worst they can do to me?
Shoot you.
No, seriously?
Seriously. They can shoot you.
But what if I'm a foreigner?
Well bonjour! The good news is that even though we hate the French,
we'll still draft their asses if they step on US soil. Any foreigner
who's lived in the US for more than a year can be drafted (with a very
few exceptions).
But I'm gay
Congratulations! And welcome to the Army! Sure, the military hates you, and you run a good chance of being beaten to death in your sleep by your fellow soldiers, but that doesn't mean they won't draft you anyway! The military has a special policy called "stop gap" where they don't throw you out for being gay during wartime (well, unless you're dead). Lucky you!
So what if I get drafted? In the end, Iraq can't be all that bad
Define "bad." If you don't mind losing total control over your life (and a few limbs), leaving your friends and family behind, spending the next two to five years wearing heavy clothes in 120 degree desert heat with 40 pounds of gear on your back, passing every second of every day looking out for snipers and car bombs waiting to blow your head off, and watching your new best friends and innocent men, women and children get blown to bits in front of your eyes, then sure, assuming you even live to tell about it, it's not that bad.
As the president put it, we couldn't afford to wait until the smoking gun was a mushroom cloud.
"To think of the future and wait was merely another way of saying one was a coward; any idea of moderation was just another attempt to disguise one's unmanly character; ability to understand the question from all sides meant that one was totally unfitted for action; fanatical enthusiasm was the mark of a real man. … Anyone who held violent opinions could always be trusted, and anyone who objected to them became a suspect."
The quote is from Thucydides, an early historian, writing about the day in 415 B.C. when Athens sent its glorious fleet off to destruction in Sicily.
I have not been rereading Thucydides -- I found the quote in a footnote in a splendid little book called Gag Rule: On the Suppression of Dissent and the Stifling of Democracy by Lewis Lapham, in my opinion the most incisive essayist in America.
I bring this up only because it doesn't look as if anyone else is gonna. John Kerry is running such a cautious campaign that George W. Bush can get away with falsely claiming that Kerry would have supported the war even if he had known then what he knows today.
This does, of course, raise the awkward question of whether Bush -- had he known then that there were no weapons of mass destruction, no nuclear program, no ties to al Qaeda and no imminent threat -- would have gone to war himself. The one legitimate excuse they always had -- that Saddam was a miserable S.O.B. -- was the one they specifically rejected before the war.
It is so painful to read about what is happening in Iraq today (can we now put to rest the old dog about how the news media are ignoring "the good news"?) that it is not clear whether we should barf or go blind.
With the best will in the world, one cannot pull a positive outlook out of this tragedy. I never advocate despair, but ignoring reality is just as destructive. What. A. Mess.
Still trying for something useful, I'm on the Lessons to Be Learned program.
It took the Bush administration months and months and months of false claims to persuade a majority of the American people that declaring war on a country that had done nothing to us was a necessary thing to do. Almost to the day the fighting started, polls showed that most Americans had grave doubts about the enterprise. Then most of us went along because, well, if our people are over there fighting, then we're behind them.
What we need to figure out is why so many of us then became so invested in this awful enterprise. As the president says, fool me once, shame on … uh, somebody or other.
Kerry isn't going to remind any of us that we were wrong -- that would be rude. (Sooner or later, someone is going to ask Kerry the question that he so famously asked about Vietnam: "How do you ask someone to be the last man to die for a mistake?" He'd better have an answer ready.)
The reason that Kerry won't "blame America first," as the Rush Limbaughs would put it, is not just because none of us likes to have our nose rubbed in our mistakes. It's a political calculation. In case you hadn't noticed, Kerry is winning this presidential race -- that's why he's running such a cautious campaign.
The patriotic bullying that went on in this country over Iraq should not be forgotten. It is brilliantly described and dissected in Chris Hedges' important little book, War Is a Force That Gives Life Meaning.
In one of the great ironies of the Iraq war, Hedges himself became the victim of the very group-think that he had analyzed. He started a speech by observing, "War in the end is always about betrayal; betrayal of the young by the old, soldiers by politicians, and idealists by cynics." He was booed off the stage.
Wretched excess always accompanies war fever; in World War I, "patriots" used to go around kicking dachshunds on the grounds that they were "German dogs." As I have noted elsewhere, people like that do not go around kicking German shepherds.
Some of that bullying, swaggering tone remains with us, in our politics.
To treat with contempt any effort at "nuance" or "sensitivity" -- in one of the most fraught and sensitive situations we've ever been in -- is just ugly know-nothingism. As Republicans used to say to Democrats about the election debacle in Florida last time, "Get over it."
Thucydides, an Athenian aristocrat, was probably in his late twenties at the time the War began; he realized its importance from the start and began to plan to write its history. In 424 he was elected one of the Athenian generals, and for failing to prevent the loss of an important city to the Spartans was exiled from Athens. He spent the rest of the War collecting evidence and talking with participants in the various actions. Herodotus, writing a few decades earlier than Thucydides, recorded almost all he heard, whether he believed it himself or not. Thucydides stands at the other pole; he gathers all available evidence, decides what he thinks is the truth, then shapes his presentation to emphasize that truth. We see everything through his eyes, and his views on the forces which shape human events emerge on every page.
Thucydides begins his history by explaining why he thinks that this War is the greatest in which the Greeks were ever involved, even greater than the Trojan War and the Persian Wars. He then explains the principles upon which he evaluates evidence; his basic perspective is that human nature is the basic cause of historical events (Thucydides attributes no historical event to either the gods or to fate). He declares that his History will not be so entertaining as some others (such as Homer and Herodotus), but instead be a rational analysis that will be useful to those who wish to understand the way things happen, since events similar to those of the past will certainly recur in the future because human nature is unchanging. He analyzes the events of this War, he tells us, in order to enable future generations to understand the causes and progress of future wars, though not necessarily to prevent them.
Next Thucydides explains the immediate causes of the War and gives an account of embassies and debates just before the War and the events of the first year (431), all of which are outlined in your textbook. Then he inserts the Funeral Oration given by the Athenian leader Pericles over the bodies of those who had died fighting for Athens. Partly to make his audience feel that their sacrifices are worthwhile, Pericles explains the nature of Athens's greatness, her freedom and democracy.
Thucydides sees how impressive human nature and life can be at their best, but also how rapidly both can degenerate under stress. The Melian Controversy gives the Athenian reasons for attacking the small island of Melos in 416, making them say bluntly that those who are powerful need have no regard for justice, human rights, or the gods. Compare this with the principles expressed in the Funeral Oration. Thucydides follows this with an account of the disastrous Athenian attempt to conquer the huge and resilient island of Sicily, a loss which, according to Thucydides, spelled the end of Athenian power.
Here is the evidence that makes a draft likely:
The U.S. Army has acknowledged that they are stretched thin and that finding new recruits is challenging. They recently placed 300 new recruiters in the field. Bonuses for new recruits to the Army have risen by 67 percent to a maximum of $10,000 and $15,000 for hard-to-fill specialties.
The extended tours of duty have made service less attractive for both the regular armed forces, and particularly for the National Guard and Reserves. To meet this year's quota for enlistees, the Army has sped up the induction of "delayed entry" recruits, meaning they are already borrowing from next year's quotas in order to meet this year's numbers.
Reservists are now being called away for longer periods. In 2003, President Bush dramatically extended the length of time for the Guard and Reserves deployment in Iraq. Extended tours of up to a year have become common.
In a further sign of a lack of adequate staffing, the armed forces are now in the process of calling up members of the Individual Ready Reserves. These are often older reservists usually waiting retirement. They are typically in their mid-to-late forties, and have not been on active duty and have not trained for some time. Traditionally, they are only supposed to be called up during a time of national emergency. In 2001, President Bush authorized their call up but never rescinded this order even after he declared "Mission Accomplished" in Iraq in May of 2003.
The Armed Forces are already chronically understaffed. In 2003, General Eric Shinseki testified before Congress that an additional 50,000 troops would be needed beyond what the Bush administration said would be necessary to stabilize Iraq after the invasion. The President ignored him. We do not have enough troops in Afghanistan to be able to stabilize the country, as shown by the continual putting off of elections well past their announced date. In an effort to free up yet more troops in the coming years, we are moving troops away from the Demilitarized Zone in Korea and reducing the number of troops on the Korean Peninsula at a time when North Korea poses more of a danger to the U.S. - not less. Because of the President's military adventurism, our Armed Forces are under enormous pressure. The only place to go for more troops is a draft.
Selective service boards have already been notified that 20-year-olds and medical personnel will be called up first.
President Bush will be forced to decide whether we can continue the current course in Iraq, which will clearly require the reinstatement of the draft. The Pentagon has objected to a draft but, the President has ignored other Pentagon recommendations in the past.
American families and young people are owed an explanation about the President's plans. Will the President withdraw from some of our military commitments or will he reinstate the draft? We need to know that before we vote, not afterwards.
Welcome to the Sixth edition of the Carnival of the Godless! We’ve got hardcore atheists, hardcore atheists, slightly-less-than hardcore atheists, and god-hating hardcore atheists. The submissions are grouped with priority given to posts by atheists, with a secondary priority given to those who e-mailed me first.
In a post I missed, UNC reproduced the full text of the question in her blog at the time she sent it to the Squad. Yesterday she dissected their response. As she notes, it’s interesting to consider arguments they edited out of her question to suit their agenda. You might also compare my analysis to hers, keeping in mind I had no knowledge of “C’s” identity when I wrote my review. GMTA!
The tentacles of atheism are slowly wrapping around the MSM. One day, all of the Squad’s mail will come from godless secret agents. Keep those questions coming!
Eagles perch on cliffs to keep their eggs safe from predators, but doing this makes the eagle chicks vulnerable when they try to fly. Young eagles are taught to fly by being kicked out of the nest when they're ready. They flap their wings frantically as they plummet toward earth.
Then, just as they're about to hit the rocks and die, the mother or father eagle swoops down and catches the little eagles on their large pinion feathers, and like a flipper hitting a pin ball, the parents whack the little buzzards back into the air, where they again try to fly on their own. Finally, they get the hang of flying, and the task is done.
You must know when it's time to whack your son into church and when it's time to let him find his own way through God's good heavens to the place where we all know our souls take flight.
The last time someone asked this question the Squad merely suggested bribing the child. Nowadays, you apparently have to throw the kid off the roof a few times before he’ll join in the bloody orgy. Wouldn’t it be easier to just throw a few more crunchy bones into the Christ feast to make things more interesting?
Before you feel too sorry for Mr. Smith of the AAAA, though, consider that he beat a similar rap in New York by arguing that only religious people should be arrested under a statute that prohibited street corner, soap-box preaching. Also consider that he was usually just asking for it, being prone to little pranks like this:
Eager to establish the rights of atheists in the U. S., Charles Lee Smith, President of the American Association for the Advancement of Atheism, chose to send godless propaganda to the Rev. Dr. John Roach Straton, Manhattan Baptist. He included in this propaganda birth control literature and nude pictures. Dr. Straton asked Atheist Smith to stop mailing him such things. When Mr. Smith failed to do so, Dr. Straton haled him into court. Once before the judges, Atheist Smith sought to make it appear that he had been trying to interest Preacher Straton in atheism, because he “wanted to convert the leader of the opposition.” The nude pictures were intended to appeal to “his aesthetic side if he had any.”
Mr. Smith defined “The five fundamentals of Atheism,” as “Materialism, Sensationalism, Evolution, The Existence of Evil . . . and Hedonism” and used the AAAA to raise funds for Soviet ape/human breeding experiments. He died well before the advent of blogging, however, so if you want to explore what was behind his thinking you’ll have to dig up old issues of The Truth Seeker.
"A phrase often used is that 'war is war', but when one comes to ask about it one is told that no war is going on, that it is not war. When is a war not a war? When it is carried on by methods of barbarism in South Africa."
The phrase "methods of barbarism" caused a tremendous fuss. But in four and a half years Campbell-Bannerman was Prime Minister. His party remained in power for a further 10 years.
If Mr Kennedy is showing signs of backsliding, Mr Blair grows more rigid by the day. There are dangerous indications that he may be attracting the sympathy vote. Journalists, often women, making no claim to knowing about politics, have been writing articles saying that while they cannot support the war in Iraq, nevertheless they admire Mr Blair's patent sincerity. Since about the 1960s, sincerity has been counted among the highest human virtues. But Adolf Hitler was entirely sincere in his desire to exterminate the Jews. It is all there in his early writings. It was even there in his instructions from the bunker to his various successors.
Mr Blair strikes me as possessing the capacity of the religious maniac to regurgitate, with every appearance of sincerity, any piece of garbage which may be required in the temporary service of some higher cause. Thus the week before last was morality week; last week, national-interest week. And yet Mr Gerry Adams and Mr Martin McGuinness have been responsible for the deaths of more citizens of the UK than Saddam Hussein ever has: but they, unlike Saddam, are endlessly flattered and indulged, as much by Mr Blair as by other ministers.
In all this, the old party comrades are making no serious attempt to get rid of Mr Blair. They are rather like R A Butler in Enoch Powell's account of the Tories' 1963 crisis, who asked whether the revolver that Powell and others had handed to him would cause noise, injury and bloodshed. Instead they are talking about a special conference in May to refound the Labour Party. Somehow I cannot see Mr Blair being at all alarmed by that prospect. "
That keen Prussian sensitivity seems alive and well in the West Wing today. The administration sought to win nations to our cause by the color of our money -- not the content of our arguments. When the money didn't suffice, threats followed. Dick Cheney delivered a series of pre-war ultimatums to the Turkish government that predictably boomeranged. Apparently, treating the elected leaders of nations like so many underperforming Halliburton sales reps was not a great way to build the coalition of the willing."
He was carrying an American flag and yelling support for the troops in a delayed St Patrick's Day parade over the weekend when he saw one woman carrying a sign saying: "No blood for oil".
"She was wearing black and she was an older lady," says Bill. "And then our sheriff saw her and she didn't have a permit. So they put her in the back of the truck car and hauled her away."
On its own, Bill's story would be aberrant - the tale of an overzealous legal official and an unfortunate woman in smalltown America. Increasingly though it is becoming consistent. The harassment, arrest, detention and frustration of those who are against the war is becoming routine. Relatives of victims who died on September 11, who are opposed to the war, have been prevented from speaking in schools. Last month Stephen Downs was handcuffed and arrested after refusing to take off a Give Peace a Chance T-shirt in a mall in Albany. He was told he would have been found guilty of trespass if the mall had not dropped the case because of the bad publicity.
As Iraqi civilians and American, British and Iraqi soldiers perish in the Gulf, this war is fast claiming another casualty - democracy in the US. This process is not exclusive to America. Civil liberties have suffered in Britain because of the war in Northern Ireland, and are undergoing further erosion because of the conflict.
But it has a particular resonance here because of the McCarthyite era during the 1950s when those suspected of supporting communism were forced to testify before the Senate to recant their views and divulge names of progressives. Comparisons with McCarthyism are valid but must be qualified. These popular and sporadic displays of intolerance may be gathering pace, but no federal edict has been issued to support them and many who support the war are opposed to them.
Bush has not launched a campaign to derail the Dixie Chicks, the all-American girl band whose CDs were crushed by a mob and whose latest release fell from the top of the charts after one of its singers made an anti-war remark in London. Downs says the officer who arrested him spent an hour-and-a-half trying to persuade his superiors that the case was not worth pursuing. Even Curtis Sliwa told Bill he should "ignore the protesters and get out the flags".
While these popular expressions of intolerance appear sporadic, not all are spontaneous. The rally to smash the Dixie Chicks' CDs and much of the impetus for the boycott of their single came from radio stations owned by Clear Channel Communications of Texas, which has close ties with Bush. The company's stations also called for the pro-war rallies that have cropped up in the past week.
And while they have not received the state's imprimatur, Bush's administration has certainly created the climate in which they can thrive.
Under Big Brother monikers like the Patriot Act and Operation Liberty Shield, the state has stepped up the scope of its surveillance and the wiretapping of American citizens and will authorize the indefinite detention of asylum seekers from certain countries. Last year, surveillance requests by the federal government under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act - originally intended to hunt down foreign spies - outnumbered all of those under domestic law for the first time in US history.
Under a proposed new bill, entitled the Domestic Security Enhancement act, the government could withhold the identity of anyone detained in connection with a terror investigation and their names would be exempt from the Freedom of Information act, according to the center for public integrity, a Washington-based advocacy group.
Barry Steinhardt, director of the American civil liberties union program on technology and liberty, told the New York Times that authorities have been demanding records from internet providers and libraries about what books people are taking out and which websites they're looking at.
The result is a symbiotic relationship between the mob and the legislature, whereby official repression provides the framework for public scapegoating with each gaining momentum from the other.
Most vulnerable are those who are most vulnerable anyway - Arab immigrants and non-white Americans. Men from countries regarded as potential sources of terrorism and who do not have a green card, are now required to be registered, fingerprinted and photographed by the immigration service. Many who have committed no crime but simply have their applications for a work permit pending are routinely arrested. "Basically, what this has become is an immigration sweep," said Juliette Kayam, a terrorism expert at Harvard. "The idea that this has anything to do with security, or is something the government can do to stop terrorism, is absurd," she told the Washington Post.
The growing surveillance compounded by discrimination adversely affects black Americans too. "It places those of us of color under increased scrutiny and we get caught up in the web of racial profiling," says Jean Bond, of the Radical Black Congress.
The fact that all the incidents mentioned above happened to white, American-born natives is an indication of just how deep the rot has set in. Downs is the chief lawyer in the Commission on Judicial Conduct. Such are the targets of the war on terror.
From the outset Bush has insisted that: "Those who are not for us are against us," and so it follows that anyone opposed to his way of dealing with the terrorist threat becomes the enemy, at home or abroad. Terrorism is the new communism. Even before the first body bags have arrived, the war has already reached the home front."
On the outer stretches of our empire, Islamic radicals struggle with authoritarian regimes that are propped up, more often than not, by American businesses and governments. We need not ask, "Why do they hate us?" once we take the time to see the world through their eyes and their experiences."
The gothic novel has its real-life equivalent in geopolitics. Instead of a helpless, persecuted bombshell, you have a beleaguered, persecuted country that dreams of deliverance. Deliverance may come, but The End doesn't conveniently follow. The story must go on. The next chapter often reads like a morgue manifest."
Early last week, a group of Islamic scholars at Cairo's Al-Azhar University, the oldest and most significant seat of Muslim learning in the world, issued a statement condemning the U.S. for preparing to attack Iraq and urged Muslims in Iraq to "defend their land and their religion." While this defensive posture was defined as jihad, it should be noted that the scholars did not call for attacks on Americans around the world. Still, journalists who are not "embedded" with U.S. troops report that Iraqi villagers have not uniformly greeted the arrival of the United States military as liberation. "We hate Hussein, but we hate the U.S. more for invading our land," one villager was quoted as saying.
Author Samuel P. Huntington described an escalating conflict between the rational, democratic West and a so-called premodern Islamic world as a "clash of civilizations" in his popular book by the same title. However, it is not a clash of civilizations we face, but a "clash of fundamentalisms," a conflict between a zealous Christianized worldview of President Bush and an increasingly fundamentalist Islam.
The theology of Bush has been described as a rigid Christian evangelicalism. This theology produces its own kind of premodern zeal for pursuing evildoers, even by violent means.
This was nowhere more evident than in President Bush's unguarded use of the medieval word "crusade" following Sept. 11 to describe the fight against terrorism, a word he quickly abandoned after the outcry it precipitated. The president's religious worldview is one in which all good is on one side (that of the U.S.) and absolute evil is on the other. Evil is the devil. The devil is Saddam Hussein. Pre-emptive strikes are good and right when one is fighting the devil. It has become an ideology of conquest.
This kind of Christian zealotry mirrors the apocalyptic rhetoric on the other side. Osama bin Laden has carefully played into the extreme elements of Islam that can be marshaled to paint America as the devil and therefore justify jihad. This too is an ideology of conquest.
When religious zealotry meets religious zealotry--watch out. You have a prescription for holy war on both sides where ordinary diplomacy is irrelevant; actually, diplomacy itself becomes wrong because it involves compromise with the forces of evil.
It is said that "generals are always fighting the previous war." This is absolutely true in the case of the war on terrorism. We're fighting a conventional war with Iraq because our leaders don't seem to know how to combat terrorism. A successful war on terrorism needs to be a genuinely new kind of war and this administration does not demonstrate that it knows how to pursue it. A successful war on terrorism involves working cooperatively with the 60 or so countries where Al Qaeda is operating and finding ways in each nation to isolate and disarm the radicals.
This war on terrorism could be won more by positive political and economic change than by bombs and advancing armies. Instead of painstakingly working to end terrorism, through our own blind righteousness, we have given the radicals all the help they need by providing them with an endless supply of martyrs who must be avenged. We have alienated other countries around the world, so there is fading hope of working cooperatively with them to pursue terrorist cells.
In a recent Newsweek article on what has gone wrong around the world for the U.S., Fareed Zakaria writes: "I've been all over the world in the last year, and almost every country I've visited has felt humiliated by this administration."
Remember the math of martyrs. It is exponential. Create one martyr and two will rise up in revenge. Kill those two and four will rise up and so on and so on.
You might have missed it, but this is budget season. Thanks to the distractions of war, bizarre budget resolutions are swiftly moving through Congress and will be law by mid-April. For the first time ever in the United States, we are rushing through an immense tax cut in the midst of a war that the president admits will cost at least $74.7 billion just in its first phase. The consequence of this, not surprisingly, is massive cuts in popular outlays.
The budget enacted by the Republican House on a straight-line party vote (with just 12 GOP dissenters) is astonishing. It not only gives Bush his entire tax cut but proposes to balance the budget within six years. The casualties of that process would be monumentally unpopular if the public were not distracted by war.
For starters, the House Republicans are cutting, of all things, veterans benefits. The message, evidently, is God bless our troops when they are dodging bullets but God help them when they come home.
Once, a grateful nation offered vets free medical care. Now, the Republicans want to charge premiums to ''well-to-do'' vets -- with well-to-do defined as earning $26,000 a year. All told, the House budget cuts an amazing $14.6 billion in vets' programs, including money for disabilities caused by war wounds, rehabilitation and health care, pensions for low income veterans, education and housing benefits, and even -- nice touch -- burial benefits.
After World War II, we welcomed back vets with a huge program of education, health, and housing -- the justly celebrated GI Bill of Rights. This time, returning military personnel will not only face cuts in their own benefits as veterans; their kids will face cuts in education and health aid as well.
One of Bush's signature programs was ''No Child Left Behind.'' The House Republican budget cuts education funding by 10.2 percent below the reduced level proposed by President Bush, which had proposed to cut several billion previously approved by Congress.
The Bush administration claims that the war is being fought to make sure weapons of mass destruction will not rain down on Americans. Incredibly, the Republicans are shortchanging the Nunn-Lugar program, the bipartisan effort to dismantle the nuclear arsenal of the former Soviet Union. Which is the bigger threat: Russia's thousand of loose nukes or Saddam's hypothetical ones?
There's more: $93 billion in Medicaid cuts; a skimpy prescription drug program financed by other massive cuts in Medicare; huge environmental cuts.
As astonishing as the slap to veterans is a slight cut in real outlays for homeland security -- at a time when threats will increase. There is no new money for port security. Even the administration's ''first-responder'' initiative comes from cuts in other law enforcement aid.
Though the war serves as a handy distraction, these budget assaults are not mainly the result of war. Mainly they go to pay for the cost of tax cuts. The final cost of the war, occupation, and rebuilding may reach $200 billion. The cost of the two Bush tax cuts is over $3 trillion. (In a preliminary vote, the Senate voted yesterday to trim Bush's latest tax cut by $350 billion, but this still would have to be reconciled with the House.)
This administration's slogan might as well be, ''Sacrifice is for suckers.'' While young men and women risk their lives in a war whose rationale remains to be proven, the larger Bush program diverts money from services to ordinary Americans, even our homeland security -- to give tax breaks to multimillionaires.
Meanwhile, Vice President Cheney's former company, Halliburton, stands to make a pile of money as a military contractor in Iraq, while Richard Perle, one of the architects of the Iraq war, is to receive $725,000 as a consultant to a telecom company seeking regulatory approval from the Pentagon.
War is never good for democratic deliberation. That's why it's so good for this administration, whose policies would otherwise not withstand public scrutiny.
One final issue lost in the fog of war is the effort by tax reformers to close the loophole that allows unpatriotic US companies to move to offshore tax havens. The IRS puts the cost to the US Treasury at around $70 billion a year -- about the direct cost of the Iraq war. It's an instructive contrast: ordinary American soldiers slogging through the sands of Iraq while Bush's corporate cronies relax on a sandy, tax-free beach.
And so it begins.
First, a surgical strike against a "target of opportunity." Then much more. We stand upon the very doorstep of change.
Because these events represent more than just the end of peace. They are also the end of the America we have known.
For better or for worse, a new nation will be born here. And it will be different from the one it supersedes. For the first time in its history, the United States has claimed for itself - and now puts into action - a doctrine of preemption, the right to hit first any nation we suspect of hostile intent. In an era when nuclear, chemical and biological weapons might easily fall into the hands of stateless religious fanatics eager for martyrdom, the President says anything less would be suicide.
It's a compelling argument, yes. But it has frightening implications, for it frees any nation to strike any other on the grounds that it perceives a threat. Indeed, it can be argued that the new doctrine gives thug nations an incentive to strike American interests first - to pre-empt our preemption, in other words.
But the new nation being born here is not just a product of the Bush Doctrine. It's also the product of Washington's recent taste for unilateral action. As the old order passes, it evidently takes with it any inclination on America's part to embrace a role of constructive leadership as part of the community of nations.
Truth is, we have been rejecting that role since well before the terrorist attacks of Sept.11, 2001.
What else did it mean when we abandoned the peace process in the Middle East? When we repudiated the Kyoto Protocol and withdrew from treaties to which we had already agreed. When we stopped listening to the rest of the planet, even our allies. When we, simply put, withdrew from the world.
And given all that, who can be surprised at what happened when we went to the United Nations seeking its imprimatur for a war with Iraq? The world withdrew from us.
As a result, we stand on the edge of a change that feels fundamental, profound and permanent. We are a giant that is no longer inclined to watch its step. Less involved with or concerned by the world around us.
We are becoming a go-it-alone nation, a don't-give-a-damn-what-anybody-else-says nation. And ultimately, because of that, a frightening nation.
The country for which the world wept in September 2001 is now the country much of the world fears. For many people, the most dangerous man on the planet is not Saddam, but Bush.
Naturally, we will support him. In time of war, there is nothing more American than to rally around the commander. So even principled dissent falls silent now, lest it be mistaken for lack of patriotism. Ask the Dixie Chicks.
And yes, life goes on. Indeed, life looks pretty much as it always has. The Sopranos will soon be back in production because HBO and actor James Gandolfini have ended their feud. Elizabeth Smart's alleged kidnappers have just been charged with multiple felonies. Baseball returns in a few days.
We ration no nylon, save no rubber, are asked to make no sacrifices. The war is something terrible far away.
But beneath the veneer of normalcy we watch and wait and pray that Washington knows what it is doing. We need for George Bush to be right and those of us who are doubtful to be wrong.
We need this for the sake of over 200,000 American servicemen and women who are at war in deserts far from home. And for the sake of a nation that stands more isolated than it has in generations.
Time will tell. In the meantime, bombs fall. Missiles fly. And in the thunder of their explosions, the old America passes.
Those of us who loved her watch and weep from the doorstep of change."
The House of Representatives have recently voted on the 2004 budget which will cut funding for veteran's health care and benefit programs by nearly $25 billion over the next ten years. It narrowly passed by a vote of 215 to 212, and came just a day after Congress passed a resolution to "Support Our Troops." How exactly does this vote support our troops? Does leaving our current and future veterans veterans without access to health care and compensation qualify as supporting them?
The Veteran's Administration, plagued by recent budget cuts, has had to resort to charging new veterans entering into its system a yearly fee of $250 in order for them to receive treatment. It is a sad irony that the very people being sent to fight the war are going to have to pay to treat the effects of it.
According to the Veteran's Administration, 28 million veterans are currently using VA benefits. Another 70 million Americans are potential candidates for such programs. This amounts to a quarter of the country's population. Veterans and their families will sadly begin finding that they have no place to turn for their medical treatment as V.A. hospitals across the country face closing their doors. With the budget shrinking, staff will be let go. This could mean the loss of over 19,000 nurses. Without these nurses, this leads to the loss of over 6.6 million outpatient visits. Approximately one out of every two veterans could lose their only source of medical care. That is, if they even realize help is available to them. The Bush Administration recently ordered V.A. medical centers to stop publicizing available benefits to veterans seeking assistance. This follows discontinued enrollments of some eligible veterans for healthcare benefits as of January, 2003.
The Bush administration's plan to keep several hundred thousand U.S. and British troops for years in a divided, heavily armed Muslim country will make all Americans "targets of opportunity" for terrorists and become a rallying point for fundamentalist revolutionaries throughout the world.
The post-Hussein strategy, formed by a neoconservative clique close to the White House, is another indicator that this is in no way a war "to disarm Iraq." If disarmament were the central goal, the U.S.-British alliance would need to control Iraq for only months, not years. That would be enough time for its weapons inspectors to do what it said the United Nations could not accomplish.
Instead, unable to produce any real evidence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq before the invasion or since it began, the administration publicly shifted its rationale from disarmament to the "nation-building" that Bush properly derided during the 2000 election.
However, there is ample evidence that "regime change" and redrawing the map of the Mideast were the goals of the Bush administration's neoconservative core all along.
The Carnegie Endowment (www.ceip.org) last week published "Origins of Regime Change in Iraq," a thorough portrait of this "textbook case of how a small, organized group can determine policy in a large nation, even when the majority of officials and experts originally scorned their views."
The president, who seems to pride himself on knowing more about the mores of Midland, Texas, than about the rest of the world's complex cultures, has bought this cabal's naive and dangerous plan for a Pax Americana.
Bush already refers to warlord-controlled Afghanistan as "democratic," so perhaps an Iraq run by an American general -- for the profit of Dick Cheney's old company Halliburton and other defense contractors -- will justify for Bush the war that spinmeisters are calling "Operation Iraqi Freedom." But it won't wear well with most of the world, which has seen that even the best intentions of colonialists inevitably go awry.
Lest we forget, Saddam Hussein and his Baath Party were the preferred choice of U.S. governments for most of the last 40 years. Even after Hussein gassed his own people, the 1988 signature horror to which Bush constantly refers, the U.S. government attempted to shift the blame to Iran and Bush's father extended to Iraq an additional $1.2 billion in credits and loans.
The Commerce Department under Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush had long permitted U.S. companies to sell anthrax and other biological and chemical supplies to Iraq, the Senate Banking Committee documented.
Furthermore, it was Reagan who signed National Security Decision Directive 114 on Nov. 26, 1983, committing the U.S. to do "whatever necessary and legal" for Iraq to win its war against Iran, even after documented reports of Iraq's use of what we now call weapons of mass destruction. It was at that time that Donald Rumsfeld was dispatched by Reagan as a special envoy to reassure Hussein of unwavering U.S. support.
It is an act of extreme hubris for this administration to repeatedly justify its invasion of Iraq by citing Iraq's attacks on Iran decades ago and its use of banned weapons in that war. Those old charges won't suffice for a world demanding hard and more recent evidence supporting the need for a preemptive attack.
If the U.S. fails to unearth weapons of mass destruction that U.N. inspectors might have been able to discover -- if they had been given sufficient time -- the imperial designs of this administration will stand exposed as the true cause of the war.
If the weapons in question don't exist, however, some in the U.S. government might be tempted to plant them, lest the Bush administration be accused of a grand fraud. It was certainly suspicious that someone in the administration Sunday leaked "evidence" of a chemical weapons factory in Najaf, which the Pentagon ended up downplaying as "premature." The "news," not coincidentally, was first and most aggressively carried by the Jerusalem Post and the Fox network, both of which are far-right cheerleaders for the war.
Were Ted Koppel at his post on "Nightline" and not uselessly "embedded" in some troop convoy, he might be asking the government tough questions about the lack of evidence to back up its rationale for the war. Instead, like so many others in the media, he fell for the illusion that war roadies hanging on to every word of the Pentagon's spin performers can also be journalists.
I have the feeling that support for this military enterprise -- and that only among Americans -- is, like the famous description of the Platte River -- a mile wide and an inch deep. In coffee shops, garages, hardware stores, wherever ordinary people gather in conservative western Minnesota, I find skepticism, even cynicism about the Iraq invasion. "It's all about oil," "Nothing we can do -- the big boys are going to shoot their guns," "Don't hear much about Enron or Osama bin Laden."
Despite the Fox channel and the talk shows, ordinary people are not idiots -- but they are sunk in a strange emulsion of passivity and despair. They have no large voice to say no to the approaching madness. Not even the pope, Jimmy Carter, Nelson Mandela, the grand old Republican Elmer Andersen, even the president's own father, provide the forum for the gathering together of the enormous skepticism about the bellicose saber-rattling rhetoric out of Washington. Where is that voice?
Dead, I'm afraid.
But of 650 employers polled, more than 90 per cent agreed that the Government should introduce a maximum temperature above which their subordinates do not have to work. Fewer than one in 10 argued that offices should be occupied no matter how high the temperature.
At present, there is no legal maximum temperature for the workplace, but the heatwave sweeping the UK has prompted cries from employees and trade unions for businesses to close when the heat becomes unbearable. A legal minimum temperature for general work does exist, 16C (61F) for most jobs and 13C for strenuous labour.
Cynics might argue that employers would not be so keen to see the proposal become reality. But Marcus Austin, the editor-in-chief of Startups.co.uk, the business website that conducted the survey, said: "Business owners and employers aren't the heartless ogres that the media and trade unions often make them out to be; they find it just as hard to work in extreme conditions and appreciate how difficult it can be for their employees.
"As our findings prove, the vast majority of the UK's bosses are in favour of a legal maximum temperature above which no one should have to work.
"They don't want to be running sweatshops and pushing workers to boiling point, as the TUC suggested this week."
During a pwatkins incursion, izzo has brought this ASCII text stamper (borrocks) to the attention of readers of rmit.cs.chat. (For those unfamiliar, a stamper 'imprints' an ascii art image on/over some text) I quote from the homepage:
"A late modification to satisfy the Oxford Toff types is the addition of the "PANTS" stamp."
If your one of those single degree shit kickers
Hold yours horses, don't get knotts in your nickers
We can all live in peace, their's plenty to share
Useless your a Tafey, in which I don't care
The freaks come from far and wide
Procrastination the lure, like fish at high tide
Leet speak and ASC I don't understand
But some of you fellas don't even look like a man
We sit in the labs dissappointed and sad
Some hot chicks the only thing that could make us glad
Come on creative arts, you must have some for hire
The situation here is getting dire
And if your ever here late at night
Something may give you an evil fright
A creature who lives here night and day
Its name is Dylan, prowling Disarray
Der Spiegel magazine called her "Germany's toughest woman boss" last week while other publications identified her as leading a "counter-revolution" in the workplace by championing a return to traditional German values of discipline, hard work and rigid punctuality.
Miss Mair, 30, who has been running her Cologne-based advertising and web design company for less than four years, has propelled herself into the limelight through the publication of a controversial new book, Schluss mit Lustig (End the Fun). In it she delivers a withering attack on what she sees as the American-inspired "enjoyable" approach to work that dominated Germany's now shattered internet-based industry during the mid-1990s.
Managers have snapped up the title because it appears to offer a way out of Germany's present economic misery. Last week the publishers, Eichborn Verlag, announced that just a month after it went on sale a second print run was being ordered.
More than 50 per cent of Germany's "New Economy" companies in the dot-com industries have gone bankrupt over the past six years, contributing to the country's record unemployment of more than four million.
Germany's post-war "economic miracle", founded on consensus politics, a broad social safety net and restrained market forces, has failed to respond to the faster, more ruthless economic demands of the computer age. The nation described for more than 40 years after the end of the war as the economic motor of Europe is now more often seen as a drag on the global economy.
Miss Mair, the daughter of a university professor, argues that her rediscovery of the puritan approach to business is one of the main reasons why her Mair and Others agency has survived. "The fact is that work has nothing to do with fun. I began running the company on this principle three years ago and the system has decreased rather than increased the level of stress at work and at home," she said.
Her credo is that fashionable notions such as weekend company get-togethers, "flexible working hours" and "team spirit" have led to a disastrous erosion of the boundaries between work and private life, which has crippled company efficiency and exploited staff.
Mair and Others started business in a tiny office - a converted staff lavatory in the former Cologne branch of the German electronics company Siemens. She has since moved to a former fruit shop on the edge of the city centre which last week seemed less like an advertising agency than a Lufthansa bureau stripped down to its barest necessities.
Miss Mair and her three female colleagues were all dressed in identical tight-fitting blue tailored jackets and skirts and sat obediently at computer screens working out advertising and product designs. No pictures, posters or calendars were to be seen on the office walls, which are kept bare to prevent staff from being distracted.
Company rules state that uniforms are to be worn at all times, with a rigid 9am to 6pm working day and five-day week, no private telephone calls and no chatting about private matters.
It is forbidden to take work home and half-hour lunch breaks are compulsory. The company's golden rule is: Those who think that good work is only work that is fun do not belong here.
"When we started out we ran the company according to the so-called 'cool' approach adopted by most of our competitors. This meant that we started work at around midday and drank beer in the office. We ended up working most weekends and half of most nights. In the end we were all exhausted and ended up with a lousy product," Miss Mair said.
She blames, for this "laissez-faire" approach to work, the New Economy management gurus of the 1990s such as Matt Weinstein, the American author of Managing To Have Fun. In his book Mr Weinstein states: "Are you having fun is a pioneering question that will have to be asked in business. Only when we ask this question can we begin to change the nature of our work."
Miss Mair cites such ideas as examples of the "management twaddle" that has encouraged employees not to work hard unless they feel that they are having a good time. She is equally dismissive of concepts such as "flexitime" which she says is an excuse to make people work until midnight and at weekends. "Team spirit", she argues, allows employees to think "someone else will do it".
Her dislike of Americanisms including "deadline", "workflow" and "brainstorming" has led her to ban the use of such terms in her office and she charges extra to clients who insist on her using them in their work.
The Sunday Telegraph
Sometimes there's truth in old cliches. There can be no real peace without justice. And without resistance there will be no justice. Today, it is not merely justice itself, but the idea of justice that is under attack.
The assault on vulnerable, fragile sections of society is so complete, so cruel and so clever that its sheer audacity has eroded our definition of justice. It has forced us to lower our sights, and curtail our expectations. Even among the well-intentioned, the magnificent concept of justice is gradually being substituted with the reduced, far more fragile discourse of "human rights".
This is an alarming shift. The difference is that notions of equality, of parity, have been pried loose and eased out of the equation. It's a process of attrition. Almost unconsciously, we begin to think of justice for the rich and human rights for the poor. Justice for the corporate world, human rights for its victims. Justice for Americans, human rights for Afghans and Iraqis. Justice for the Indian upper castes, human rights for Dalits and Adivasis (if that.) Justice for white Australians, human rights for Aborigines and immigrants (most times, not even that.)
It is becoming more than clear that violating human rights is an inherent and necessary part of the process of implementing a coercive and unjust political and economic structure on the world. Increasingly, human rights violations are being portrayed as the unfortunate, almost accidental, fallout of an otherwise acceptable political and economic system. As though they are a small problem that can be mopped up with a little extra attention from some non-government organisation.
This is why in areas of heightened conflict - in Kashmir and in Iraq for example - human rights professionals are regarded with a degree of suspicion. Many resistance movements in poor countries which are fighting huge injustice and questioning the underlying principles of what constitutes "liberation" and "development" view human rights non-government organisations as modern-day missionaries who have come to take the ugly edge off imperialism - to defuse political anger and to maintain the status quo.
It has been only a few weeks since Australia re-elected John Howard, who, among other things, led the nation to participate in the illegal invasion and occupation of Iraq.
That invasion will surely go down in history as one of the most cowardly wars ever. It was a war in which a band of rich nations, armed with enough nuclear weapons to destroy the world several times over, rounded on a poor nation, falsely accused it of having nuclear weapons, used the United Nations to force it to disarm, then invaded it, occupied it and are now in the process of selling it.
I speak of Iraq, not because everybody is talking about it, but because it is a sign of things to come. Iraq marks the beginning of a new cycle. It offers us an opportunity to watch the corporate-military cabal that has come to be known as "empire" at work. In the new Iraq, the gloves are off.
As the battle to control the world's resources intensifies, economic colonialism through formal military aggression is staging a comeback. Iraq is the logical culmination of the process of corporate globalisation in which neo-colonialism and neo-liberalism have fused. If we can find it in ourselves to peep behind the curtain of blood, we would glimpse the pitiless transactions taking place backstage.
Invaded and occupied Iraq has been made to pay out $US200 million ($270 million) in "reparations" for lost profits to corporations such as Halliburton, Shell, Mobil, Nestle, Pepsi, Kentucky Fried Chicken and Toys R Us. That's apart from its $US125 billion sovereign debt forcing it to turn to the IMF, waiting in the wings like the angel of death, with its structural adjustment program. (Though in Iraq there don't seem to be many structures left to adjust.)
So what does peace mean in this savage, corporatised, militarised world? What does peace mean to people in occupied Iraq, Palestine, Kashmir, Tibet and Chechnya? Or to the Aboriginal people of Australia? Or the Kurds in Turkey? Or the Dalits and Adivasis of India? What does peace mean to non-Muslims in Islamic countries, or to women in Iran, Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan? What does it mean to the millions who are being uprooted from their lands by dams and development projects? What does peace mean to the poor who are being actively robbed of their resources? For them, peace is war.
We know very well who benefits from war in the age of empire. But we must also ask ourselves honestly who benefits from peace in the age of empire? War mongering is criminal. But talking of peace without talking of justice could easily become advocacy for a kind of capitulation. And talking of justice without unmasking the institutions and the systems that perpetrate injustice is beyond hypocritical.
It's easy to blame the poor for being poor. It's easy to believe that the world is being caught up in an escalating spiral of terrorism and war. That's what allows George Bush to say, "You're either with us or with the terrorists." But that's a spurious choice. Terrorism is only the privatisation of war. Terrorists are the free marketeers of war. They believe that the legitimate use of violence is not the sole prerogative of the state.
It is mendacious to make moral distinction between the unspeakable brutality of terrorism and the indiscriminate carnage of war and occupation. Both kinds of violence are unacceptable. We cannot support one and condemn the other.
It is time to summarize the legacy of the last four years and list the priorities for the next four.
After 9/11, the world stood with America and George W. Bush. Today, it stands as far away from it, and him, as possible.
Americans were united.
Now they are deeply divided, about half and half, along political, social, cultural and religious lines.
It's apt to apply to America Lord Durham's old dictum for Canada: "Two nations warring in the bosom of a single state."
I have said that 9/11 made Canada more Canadian. More precisely, it was Bush who did so.
No act of Jean Chrétien proved more popular than his decision to sit out Bush's war on Iraq.
It also forced Paul Martin to curb his pro-American instincts to win the June 28 election, in which Stephen Harper paid a price for being pro-Bush.
Despite the CNN-ization of Canada, Canadians proved they could think for themselves.
They also refused to take dictation from our business or media elite, most of whom advocated jumping as high as the American president ordered.
Canada turned out to be the harbinger of what was coming in America: the first presidential election since Vietnam to be fought on foreign policy.
The priorities for the president are clear enough: How to extricate America out of the Iraq quagmire. How to resurrect American credibility and win back allies. How to reassert a U.S. role in the Arab-Israeli conflict. How to stop nuclear proliferation in North Korea and Iran. How to free rural Afghanistan from the control of warlords.
There's no easy exit out of Iraq.
The spreading insurgency — 100 attacks a day on coalition forces, 160 foreign hostages seized and 900 Iraqi cadets killed — is beginning to look like Vietnam or the Algerian revolution against French colonialism.
No credible elections in Iraq are possible in January unless the country is pacified. It cannot be without risking massive bloodshed in places like Falluja. More Iraqi dead on top of the 100,000 already killed is to feed the insurgency further.
The only way out is to get out. Only question is how quickly.
Neither Bush nor John Kerry tackled the sub-text of most conflicts confronting America: how to address the grievances of the Muslim world.
Top of the list is the plight of the Palestinians.
Solving that issue will not end the crises.
But not tackling it certainly won't, as the world outside of the American-Israeli axis keeps saying.
The world wants three more American policies revisited.
American violations of human rights at home and abroad rob America of moral authority.
Bush's grand strategy of "pre-emption" stands discredited.
So does his hypothesis, stated in his otherwise sensible address to Congress nine days after 9/11: "Why do they hate us? They hate us for who we are. They hate us because we are free."
It was a good rallying cry for a grieving nation.
But as a prognosis of what went wrong, it remains a disastrous formulation. It excuses America from any self-examination.
Almost exactly two years ago, his critics were suggesting that Feingold had finished himself off by joining the small band of senators who voted against the congressional resolution authorizing President Bush to launch the war with Iraq.
Almost exactly a year ago, Republican operatives were gleefully suggesting that one of their three high-profile Senate candidates would finish off Feingold.
But reports of Feingold's political demise were premature.
After mounting a campaign in which he proudly proclaimed his opposition to the Patriot Act, his opposition to Bush's war-making and his determination to keep the banner of Wisconsin progressivism flying even in an increasingly conservative age, Feingold was re-elected by a comfortable margin of 55 percent to 44 percent over Republican businessman Tim Michels.
Feingold faced serious opposition. Michels was a self-financing millionaire who beat better-known GOP contenders in the Republican primary and then received strong support from the Bush White House - which targeted Feingold for defeat - and from former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, who went so far as to appear in television commercials supporting Michels.
But Feingold prevailed. He did so not in spite of his record but rather because of it. Wisconsin gave a resounding vote of approval to a candidate who spoke frankly and frequently about the failings of the Patriot Act, the misguided occupation of Iraq and the need to assert progressive values on issues ranging from trade policy to health care.
There is a lesson in Feingold's victory for Democrats at every level of the struggle to reclaim this country from the forces of reaction.
Feingold campaigned enthusiastically for Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry, not so much because he agreed with Kerry on every issue but because he disagreed with President Bush on just about every issue.
It is notable that, as Feingold was winning easily, Kerry was struggling to win Wisconsin.
Ultimately, Kerry did take the Badger State. Yet, as election night wore on, it did not appear that he was taking America. Though Kerry backers held out hope that their candidate might eke out a win in Ohio, and with it the presidency, the prospects for such a result grew increasingly slim as Bush's margin of victory became apparent this morning.
Barring a twist of events involving provisional ballots that might resurrect the Kerry candidacy, the next stage for Democrats will be a painful period of self-assessment.
During that period, Democrats would be wise to study the lesson of Russ Feingold's win. It is still possible for a political leader - and perhaps even a political party - to stand on principle, and to win while doing so.
The lone opponent of the Patriot Act was Sen. Russ Feingold of Wisconsin, Wellstone's colleague across the Mississippi River.
Fast forward to the fall of 2002 and the run-up to Bush's war on Iraq. Democratic senators, including Hillary Clinton, Tom Daschle, John Edwards and John Kerry all voted to give President Bush the authority to attack Saddam Hussein. Russ Feingold voted against the war. I spoke at the time with a Feingold staff member who worried that these two votes would doom Feingold in his 2004 race for re-election. "We'll be bashed viciously as weak on terror and anti-war, they'll trash us mercilessly and it will cost Russ his race."
Probably just what advisors to Kerry and Edwards were thinking. Indeed, Feingold's 2004 opponent Republican Tim Michels, a millionaire construction company owner and a former US Army Ranger, beat three Republicans to win his party's nomination. Michels dumped over a million dollars of his own money into an aggressive advertising campaign skewering Feingold as weak on terror and not supportive of the troops. However, when the polls closed at 8 PM on November 2nd, with no votes even counted yet, all the major media declared the race over and predicted Feingold's victory based on the exit polls alone.
John Kerry voted for the Patriot Act and the war, and was barely beating George Bush in Wisconsin. Russ Feingold proves that an anti-war, populist Democrat, a maverick campaigning to get big money out of politics, can win and win big. But given a choice between a real Republican and a Democrat such as John Kerry who voted for the war, many voters will choose the Republican.
How can progressives build a movement for power that wins elections and changes the current disastrous course of our country? Sheldon Rampton and I examine the rise of the Right in our somewhat prescient book Banana Republicans: How the Right Wing is Turning America into a One-Party State. On November 2nd, despite the massive mobilization by liberal groups and funders, the Right tightened its one-party control of all branches of the federal government. Russ Feingold, the lone dissenter against the Patriot Act, the independent midwesterner who fought and won against the leadership of his own party on campaign finance reform, the hard core opponent of the war on Iraq and unflinching supporter of the troops, shows that there is a way to win with principles, civility, courage and conviction.
Renouncing your citizenship
Given how much the United States as a nation professes to value freedom, your freedom to opt out of the nation itself is surprisingly limited. The State Department does not record the annual number of Americans renouncing their citizenship-"renunciants," as they are officially termed-but the Internal Revenue Service publishes their names on a quarterly basis in the Federal Register. The IRS's interest in the subject is, of course, purely financial; since 1996, the agency has tracked ex-Americans in the hopes of recouping tax revenue, which in some cases may be owed for up to ten years after a person leaves the country. In any event, the number of renunciants is small. In 2002, for example, the Register recorded only 403 departures, of which many (if not most) were merely longtime resident aliens returning home.
The most serious barrier to renouncing your citizenship is that the State Department, which oversees expatriation, is reluctant to allow citizens to go "stateless." Before allowing expatriation, the department will want you to have obtained citizenship or legal asylum in another country-usually a complicated and expensive process, if it can be done at all. Would-be renunciants must also prove that they do not intend to live in the United States afterward. Furthermore, you cannot renounce inside U.S. borders; the declaration must be made at a consul's office abroad.
Those who imagine that exile will be easily won would do well to consider the travails of Kenneth Nichols O'Keefe. An ex-Marine who was discharged, according to his website, under "other than honorable conditions," O'Keefe has tried officially to renounce his citizenship twice without success, first in Vancouver and then in the Netherlands. His initial bid was rejected after the State Department concluded that he would return to the United States-a credible inference, as O'Keefe in fact had returned immediately. After his second attempt,
O'Keefe waited seven months with no response before he tried a more sensational approach. He went back to the consulate at The Hague, retrieved his passport, walked outside, and lit it on fire. Seventeen days later, he received a letter from the State Department informing him that he was still an American, because he had not obtained the right to reside elsewhere. He had succeeded only in breaking the law, since mutilating a passport is illegal. It says so right on the passport.
Heading to Canada or Mexico
In your search for alternate citizenship, you might naturally think first of Canada and Mexico. But despite the generous terms of NAFTA, our neighbors to the north and south are, like us, far more interested in the flow of money than of persons. Canada, in particular, is no longer a paradise awaiting American dissidents: whereas in 1970 roughly 20,000 Americans became permanent residents of Canada, that number has dropped over the last decade to an average of just about 5,000. Today it takes an average of twenty-five months to be accepted as a permanent resident, and this is only the first step in what is likely to be a five-year process of becoming a citizen. At that point the gesture of expatriation may already be moot, particularly if a sympathetic political party has since resumed power.
Mexico's citizenship program is equally complicated. Seniors should know that the country does offer a lenient program for retirees, who may essentially stay as long as they want. But you will not be able to work or to vote, and, more important, you must remain an American for at least five years.
France
Should one candidate win, those who opposed the Iraq war might hope to find refuge in France, where a very select few are allowed to "assimilate" each year. Assimilation is reserved for persons of non-French descent who are able to prove that they are more French than American, having mastered the language as well as the philosophy of the French way of life. Each case is determined on its own merit, and decisions are made by the Ministère de l'Emploi, du Travail, et de la Cohésion Social. When your name is published in the Journal Officiel de la République Français, you are officially a citizen, and may thereafter heckle the United States with authentic Gallic zeal.
The coalition of the willing
Should the other candidate win, war supporters might naturally look to join the coalition of the willing. But you may find a willing and developing nation as difficult to join as an unwilling and developed one. It takes at least five years to become a citizen of Pakistan, for instance, unless one marries into a family, and each applicant for residency in Pakistan is judged on a case-by-case basis. Uzbekistan imposes a five-year wait as well, with an additional twist: the nation does not recognize dual citizenship, and so you will be required to renounce your U.S. citizenship first. Given Uzbekistan's standard of living (low), unemployment (high), and human-rights record (poor), this would be something of a leap of faith.
The Caribbean
A more pleasant solution might be found in the Caribbean. Take, for example, the twin-island nation of St. Kitts and Nevis, which Frommer's guide praises for its "average year-round temperature of 79°F (26°C), low humidity, white-sand beaches, and unspoiled natural beauty." Citizenship in this paradise can be purchased outright. Prices start at around $125,000, which includes a $25,000 application fee and a minimum purchase of $100,000 in bonds. Processing time, which includes checks for criminal records and HIV, can take up to three months, but with luck you could be renouncing by Inauguration Day. The island of Dominica likewise offers a program of "economic citizenship," though it should be noted that Frommer's describes the beaches as "not worth the effort to get there."
Speed is of the essence, however, because your choice of tropical paradises is fast dwindling: similar passport-vending programs in Belize and Grenada have been shut down since 2001 under pressure from the State Department, which does not approve. In any case, it should be noted that under the aforementioned IRS rules, you might well be forced to continue subsidizing needless invasions-or, to be evenhanded, needless afterschool programs.
Indian reservations
Our Native American reservations, which enjoy freedom from state taxation and law enforcement, might seem an ideal home for the political exile. But becoming a citizen of a reservation is difficult-one must prove that one is a descendant of a member of the original tribal base roll-and moreover would be, as a gesture of political disaffection, largely symbolic. Reservations remain subject to federal law; furthermore, citizens of a reservation hold dual citizenships, and as such are expected to vote in U.S. elections and to live with the results.
The high seas
You might consider moving yourself offshore. At a price of $1.3 million you can purchase an apartment on The World, a residential cruise ship that moves continuously, stopping at ports from Venice to Zanzibar to Palm Beach. Again, however, your expatriation would be only partial: The World flies the flag of the Bahamas, but its homeowners, who hail from all over Europe, Asia, and the United States, retain citizenship in their home nations.
To obtain a similar result more cheaply, you can simply register your own boat under a flag of convenience and float it outside the United States' 230-mile zone of economic control. There, on your Liberian tanker, you will essentially be an extension of that African nation, subject only to its laws, and may imagine yourself free of oppressive government.
Micronations
The boldest approach is to start a nation of your own. Sadly, these days it is essentially impossible to buy an uninhabited island and declare it a sovereign nation: virtually every rock above the waterline is now under the jurisdiction of one principality or another. But efforts have been made to build nations on man-made structures or on reefs lying just below the waterline. Among the more successful of these is the famous Principality of Sealand, which was founded in 1967 on an abandoned military platform off the coast of Britain. The following year a British judge ruled that the principality lay outside the nation's territorial waters. New citizenships in Sealand, however, are not being granted or sold at present.
A less fortunate attempt was made in 1972, when Michael Oliver, a Nevada businessman, built an island on a reef 260 miles southwest of Tonga. Hiring a dredger, he piled up sand and mud until he had enough landmass to declare independence for his "Republic of Minerva." Unfortunately, the Republic of Minerva was soon invaded by a Tongan force, whose number is said to have included a work detail of prisoners, a brass band, and Tonga's 350-pound king himself. The reef was later officially annexed by the kingdom.
More recently, John J. Prisco III, of the Philippines, has declared himself the prince of the Principality of New Pacific, and announced that he has discovered a suitable atoll in the international waters of the Central Pacific. As of publication, the principality has yet to begin the first phase of construction, but it is already accepting applications for citizenship.
Imaginary nations
Perhaps the most elegant solution is to join a country that exists only in one's own-or someone else's-imagination. Many such virtual nations can be found on the Internet, and citizenships in them are easy to acquire. This, in fact, was the route most recently attempted by Kenneth Nichols O'Keefe, the unfortunate ex-Marine. In February 2003,
O'Keefe went to Baghdad to serve as a human shield, traveling with a passport issued to him by the "World Service Authority," an outfit based in Washington, D.C., that has dubbed more than 1.2 million people "world citizens." While laying over in Turkey, however, he was detained; Turkey, as it turns out, does not recognize the World Service Authority. O'Keefe was forced to apply for a replacement U.S. passport from the State Department, which rather graciously complied.
Upon his arrival in Baghdad, O'Keefe promptly set the replacement passport on fire. But he remains, to his dismay, an American.
Ready to say screw this country and buy a one-way ticket north? Here are some reasons to stay in the belly of the beast.
1. The Rest of the World. After the February 2003 antiwar protests, the New York Times described the global peace movement as the world's second superpower. Their actions didn't prevent the war, but protestors in nine countries have succeeded in pressuring their governments to pull their troops from Iraq and/or withdraw from the so-called coalition of the willing. Antiwar Americans owe it to themajority of the people on this planet who agree with them to stay and do what they can to end the suffering in Iraq and prevent future pre-emptive wars.
2. People Power Can Trump Presidential Power. The strength of social movements can be more important than whoever is in the White House. Example: In 1970, President Nixon supported the Occupational Safety and Health Act, widely considered the most important pro-worker legislation of the last 50 years. It didnt happen because Nixon loved labor unions, but because union power was strong. Stay and help build the peace, economic justice, environmental and other social movements that can make change.
3. The great strides made in voter registration and youth mobilization must be built on rather than abandoned.
4. Like Nicaraguans in the 1980s, Iraqis Need U.S. Allies. After Ronald Reagan was re-elected in 1984, progressives resisted the urge to flee northwards and instead stayed to fight the U.S. governments secret war of arming the contras in Nicaragua and supporting human rights atrocities throughout Central America. Iraq is a different scenario, but we can still learn from the U.S.-Central America solidarity work that exposed illegal U.S. activities and their brutal consequences and ultimately prevailed by forcing a change in policy.
5. We Can't Let up on the Free Trade Front Activists have held the Bush administration at bay on some issues. On trade, opposition in the United States and in developing countries has largely blocked the Bush administrations corporate-driven trade agenda for four years. The President is expected to soon appoint a new top trade negotiator to break the impasse. Whoever he picks would love to see a progressive exodus to Canada.
6. Barak Obama. His victory to become the only African-American in the U.S. Senate was one of the few bright spots of the election. An early opponent of the Iraq war, Obama trounced his primary and general election opponents, even in white rural districts, showing he could teach other progressives a few things about broadening their base. As David Moberg of In These Times puts it, Obama demonstrates how a progressive politician can redefine mainstream political symbols to expand support for liberal policies and politicians rather than engage in creeping capitulation to the right.
7. Say so long to the DLC. Barry Goldwater suffered a resounding defeat when he ran for president against Lyndon Johnson in 1964, but his campaign spawned a conservative movement that eventually gained control of the Republican Party and elected Ronald Reagan in 1980. Progressives should see the excitement surrounding Dean, Kucinich, Moseley Braun, and Sharpton during the primary season as the foundation for a similar takeover of the Democratic Party.
8. 2008. President Bush is entering his second term facing an escalating casualty rate in Iraq, a record trade deficit, a staggering budget deficit, sky-high oil prices, and a deeply divided nation. As the Republicans face likely failure, progressives need to start preparing for regime change in 2008 or sooner. Remember that Nixon was re-elected with a bigger margin than Bush, but faced impeachment within a year.
9. Americans are Not All Yahoos. Although I wouldn't attempt to convince a Frenchman of it right now, many surveys indicate that Americans are more internationalist than the election results suggest. In a September poll by the University of Maryland, majorities of Bush supporters expressed support for multilateral approaches to security, including the United States being part of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (68%), the International Criminal Court (75%), the treaty banning land mines (66%), and the Kyoto Treaty on climate change (54%). The problem is that most of these Bush supporters werent aware that Bush opposed these positions. Stay and help turn progressive instincts into political power.
10. Winter. Average January temperature in Ottawa: 12.2°F.
The request comes as the United States continues to defend depleted uranium weaponry - prized for its tank-piercing and bunker- or cave-smashing ability - against strong opposition by other countries, scientists and veterans organizations.
Great Britain, a major partner in the coalition now fighting in Iraq, has provided the U.N. with the coordinates where its forces used depleted uranium, also known as DU, in southern Iraq, but the United States has not. Britain and Germany are supplying money to train Iraqis in environmental science. The United Nations plans to survey for DU hot spots from both wars in Iraq and says it needs the coordinates for an effective survey.
Neither British nor U.S. authorities have offered to augment the $4.7 million donated mainly by Japan to the United Nations to evaluate sites of wartime contamination that health experts say threaten the well-being of Iraqi civilians.
In late October, Army Lt. Col. Mark Melanson said a five-year, $6 million Defense Department study of a simulated DU tank explosion shows "the chemical risks of breathing in uranium dust are so low that it won't cause any long-term health risks," even for the tank crew.
Health Concerns Remain
Concern about the health effects of depleted uranium is not limited to overseas countries. The Defense Department's contention that depleted uranium has not been shown to affect health adversely and therefore doesn't need to be cleaned up is contrary to its own rules for handling it. Those rules mirror the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's and U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission's treatment of depleted uranium as an environmental hazard and danger to public health. Federal regulators have shut down some U.S. nuclear weapons and uranium processing and munitions plants, found to be contaminated by depleted uranium. Billions of dollars are being spent on its cleanup in the United States.
Depleted uranium, or U-238, is a toxic, heavy metal byproduct of uranium enrichment that gives the world uranium suitable for use in nuclear weapons and reactor fuel. It is also used in munitions, ballast for airplanes, tank armor and other products. It has a half-life of 4.5 billion years.
In 2002 at the Armed Forces Radiobiology Research Institute in Bethesda, Md., researchers found that even though the alpha radiation from depleted uranium is relatively low, internalized DU as a metal can induce DNA damage and carcinogenic lesions in the cells that make up bones in the human body.
Depleted uranium was first used widely in combat in the 1991 Persian Gulf War. The material in armor-piercing munitions ignites and burns on impact at temperatures of several thousand degrees Celsius. While burning, tiny particles, or dust, of uranium oxide aerosol are created. Wind can carry these considerable distances.
Since 1991, the cancer rates in Iraq have risen sharply in areas where depleted uranium was used, according to Iraqi medical studies reviewed by scientists from other countries. In addition, more than 230,000 of the 697,000 U.S. soldiers who served in that war have filed disability claims for various maladies, the majority of which fall under the broad category of gulf war syndrome.
With many of the causes of these illnesses still eluding researchers, several lawmakers, at the urging of veterans groups, pushed for legislation to study depleted uranium further, to see if there is a connection with gulf war and other wartime illnesses. It called also for cleaning up depleted uranium munitions firings.
In the Republican-controlled Congress, the measures quietly died this fall inside the House Health Subcommittee. Congress and three presidential administrations have either remained silent on the dispute or have dismissed the environmental and health concerns raised.
Council Urges Ban
U.N.-related organizations, citing studies showing more cancers and birth defects among civilians and soldiers in countries where depleted uranium munitions have been used, have pressed for more studies and a ban on their use until the effects are better understood. The Council of Europe, Europe's oldest inter-governmental organization of 46 nations, has called for a ban on the production, use, testing and sale of munitions containing depleted uranium or plutonium.
But U.S. political leaders in Congress and at the White House have refused to acknowledge that depleted uranium might seriously harm soldiers and civilians.
At home, the United States has spent billions of dollars cleaning up depleted uranium - at former munitions factories, military firing ranges and nuclear fuel production sites. A General Accounting Office report in 2000 put the cost of cleanup at the uranium enrichment plant in Paducah, Ky., where DU is processed for use in weapons and nuclear reactors, at $1.3 billion. By December 2003, the cost of cleaning up and closing the plant, estimated to take until 2070, was up to $13 billion
Cleaning up DU contamination in Iraq, experts say, would come with a multibillion-dollar price tag.
Any money spent on cleaning up depleted uranium in Iraq would be in addition to the estimated $225 billion that the United States will be spending on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan if Congress approves the Bush administration's estimated $70 billion in emergency funding request early next year.
Frederick Jones, a spokesman for the National Security Agency, said the United Nations has not asked the Department of Defense or State Department for assistance in cleaning up depleted uranium in Iraq.
The U.N. Environmental Programme's chairman, Pekka Haavisto, however, said his organization has kept the State Department informed of those needs.
Since 1991, the United States and Britain have fired hundreds of tons of DU munitions during four wars - in the Balkans, Afghanistan and twice in Iraq.
U.N. environmental spokesman Michael Williams said the United States has not supplied coordinates on the sites where DU munitions were fired in Iraq or offered to clean it up. Haavisto added: "U.S. government has the information that if field assessments will be done, exact DU coordinates are needed."
Bill Dies Quietly
Last year, Rep. Jim McDermott, D-Washington, a U.S. Navy psychiatrist during the Vietnam War, sponsored a bill to pay for a definitive study of the health effect of DU munitions and to clean up dust and fragments after their use. The bill was referred to the House Armed Services and Energy and Commerce committees and then to the committee's Health Subcommittee, where it died.
McDermott's spokesman, Mike DeCesare, said the Republican leadership blocked the bill's passage. But a spokesman for the Health Subcommittee said the committee counsel could find no "aggressive action" by McDermott to get a hearing for it. DeCesare insisted, however, that if McDermott is re-elected, he intends to reintroduce the bill, which was supported by Connecticut Rep. Chris Shays, R-4th District.
"Depleted uranium is a potential health hazard for the Iraqi people and we need to do all we can to make sure that as Iraq is rebuilt, we help the new Iraqi government mitigate any public health threats," Shays said.
The debate over DU has not made much of an impact on the presidential race. President Bush sides with the Pentagon. The Democratic nominee, Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts does not have a position on the use of depleted uranium munitions, his communications director, Andy Davis, said recently.
Independent candidate Ralph Nader, a Connecticut native, said DU munitions are environmentally dangerous and should never have been used in the first place.
"The denial and cruel coverup has gone on too long," Nader said. "These soldiers and civilians who suffered [adverse health from exposure to DU] deserve the truth and respectful assistance. The first step is to admit the problem. The second step is to measure the size of the problem and then clean up the environmental toxins. The next step is to stop using depleted uranium munitions."
But the Bush administration, which insists DU poses little environmental risk so cleanup is not needed, takes the Pentagon's advice on such matters.
"If the [Defense Department] indicated to us that the DU rounds or explosions were a cause of concern, and they have not done so, a study or inquiry of their use would be warranted," said Bush's National Security Council spokesman Frederick Jones. "Then we would be faced with that decision. The [Defense Department] has not contacted us, nor to the best of my knowledge has any international body contacted us." Jones said.
Kuwait Cleanup
There have been many instances when the military directed depleted uranium cleanups overseas.
For example, a private contractor working for the Department of Defense was paid $3.5 million to cleanup DU-contaminated military equipment and a practice firing range in Kuwait. MKM Engineers Inc. based in Stafford, Texas, performed a limited cleanup in Kuwait from February 2003 to June 2004. The company recovered 22 tons of DU fragments and 75 pieces of non-DU ordnance scrap. The unexploded DU ordnance was destroyed with Kuwaiti assistance. MKM also cleaned military hardware, including tanks, and wrapped them to contain surface contamination before sending them back to the United States.
The U.S. Army Material Command, responsible for the Kuwaiti project, described the work as retrieval of equipment and munitions, not a clean up.
The Department of Defense "does not clean up DU once it leaves a U.S. weapons system such as a Bradley Fighting Vehicle and hits an enemy building, or vehicle," said Melissa Bohan, an Army public affairs official. Army regulations require the clean-up and proper handling of U.S. equipment hit by depleted uranium munitions.
MKM referred to some of its work in Kuwait as a cleanup. And, the Defense Department has a low-level radioactive waste cleanup program, whose goal is "the safe and compliant disposal of low-level radioactive waste," including depleted uranium. It includes the Army Contaminated Equipment Retrograde Team, which supervises cleanup of low-level radioactive contamination of Army equipment worldwide.
Military regulations require immediate medical tests and treatment for any soldiers exposed to dust and fragments from depleted uranium shell explosions. Some nuclear scientists studying the health effects of those inhaling DU believe even a speck of the dust in the lungs or bloodstream can eventually cause cancer or kidney disease in adults or cancers or deformities in babies if even one parent has been exposed.
Marion Fulk, 83, a former nuclear chemical physicist at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory who was involved with the Manhattan Project's development of the atomic bomb, said that even nano-size particles of DU in the blood and lungs are a serious destructive force.
Others who support the Defense Department position say only inhalation of large quantities creates serious health problems.
According to the audience analysis company Nielsen NetRatings, US traffic to the UK's biggest news sites, BBC News Online and Guardian Unlimited, has increased dramatically over the past year, reports Journalism.co.uk media news website.
Jon Dennis, deputy news editor of the Guardian Unlimited web site said: "We have noticed an upsurge in traffic from America, primarily because we are receiving more e-mails from US visitors thanking us for reporting on worldwide news in a way that is unavailable in the US media.
"American visitors are telling us they are unable to find the breadth of opinion we have on our website anywhere else because we report across the political spectrum rather than from just one perspective.
As a college chaplain, I was privileged to serve as a draft counselor for many young men. I saw up close how the draft was a crucible of conscience, the occasion for a profound moral reckoning with the real meaning of a distant war.
The war was blatantly wrong. Many young men, out of love of country, decided to serve in it anyway. But, equally, the draft forced many others -- and many of those who loved them -- into a position of resistance. Those who sought to avoid the draft, in a range of ways, because they opposed the war had a kind of heroic integrity about them (as opposed to those, like George W. Bush, who supported the war, but evaded it). Yet no one I knew faced the draft question without large ethical second thoughts, no matter what they did.
A main result of such intense moral reckoning, of course, was a burgeoning peace movement, as thousands and thousands of young men -- and those who loved them -- underwent conscription of a different kind. It was to undercut this mass civic confrontation with the true character of Washington's war policy that Richard Nixon abolished the draft. Master cynic that he was, Nixon knew that ending the draft was necessary to prolonging the war. The "volunteer army" has been a mainstay of an unchallenged American militarism ever since.
Now anguished talk of the draft is in the air again. The ghost of Lewis B. Hershey lives. Citizens who know arithmetic understand that there is no way America "holds the course" of its present wars without forcing young men (and women) into the uniformed ranks. Young people and their parents are fully aware that legislation to reactivate the Selective Service is pending in Congress, although politicians and generals alike deny any intention of actually restoring the draft. That was the point, during last week's debate, of President Bush's unprompted (but not unscripted) affirmation of an all-volunteer army. Bush, like Nixon, knows what inconvenient things would follow for the warrior government if its willfully detached citizenry were forced to think seriously about the havoc being wreaked in its name.
There is a conundrum here. Horrors unfold in Iraq (and Afghanistan) largely because they remain abstract, and therefore not so horrible, to the American population. Using the trauma of 9/11 and its nearly 3,000 dead as a measure, the United States has caused multiple 9/11's among already beleaguered peoples. What would it take for Americans to feel the full weight of that reality?
Well, in a word, the draft. When young men and women, and their parents, shudder at the prospect of a renewed Selective Service System, it is not mainly physical fear they are feeling or worry about interrupted educations or postponed careers. Even in anticipation, the draft is disturbing because of its proven character as a moral crucible in which distant policies of an impersonal government become intensely personal. The question moves from, What do you think of Bush's war? to, Would you kill people because Bush told you to?
And killing people is the issue. I never counseled a young man during Vietnam for whom the paramount question was, Will I be killed? (Presumably, that was George Bush's question when he avoided Vietnam.) Instead, the question was, Will I kill for this? Often, the answer was no. President Bush knows full well that if the question were put to Americans today -- Will you kill these people in Sadr City or Fallujah? -- the common answer would again be no. That and that alone is why he, and his Pentagon, do not want a draft.
But it may come anyway. The American imperial impulse has been set loose, and it has a dynamic of its own. "Insurgents" of various kinds will impede this global military project, and the far corners of Arlington Cemetery will be filled. But only one thing will actually stop Washington's wars. I oppose the restoration of any form of draft, but I long for what it would prompt in America at once -- a broad moral reckoning with the truth of what our nation has become.
Dr. Dhafir has lived in the Syracuse area for more than twenty years and is a respected member of the community, an oncologist with a long-established medical practice. He is also a faithful Muslim. When he was arrested, 150 Muslim families in the area were visited by federal agents and subjected to frightening interrogation. Like the Japanese-Americans in World War II, many Muslims in this country, particularly those of Middle Eastern or Asian origin, since September 11, 2001 have felt like a community under siege, thought to be somehow linked to the “enemy.”
All of Dr. Dhafir’s assets were seized, including his passport. He has been incarcerated and repeatedly denied bail even though a growing community of support has pledged over one million dollars in collateral on his behalf. Government representatives claim Dhafir will try to flee the country if he is released, even though he would be monitored by the police and would have to wear a location device fixed to his ankle. Meanwhile his Constitutional rights have been denied, his medical practice stopped, and the charity he founded shut down. So far he has not been formally charged with terrorism, but rather with overcharging for Medicaid. That, however, is a very different matter and appears to be a ploy to go after Help the Needy. At any rate it is no excuse for denying Dr. Dhafir his Constitutional rights.
For several days after his arrest there was no news coverage of this assault on the Muslim community. Eventually, however, thanks to strong ecumenical and interfaith support by local religious leaders and the persistence of a local reporter, the sordid news finally became public, demonstrating the essential importance of people willing to speak out for anyone or any group that has been marginalized and had their rights denied.
Another example of Homeland Insecurity is found in the article in this issue by Karen Cunningham, professor at Kent State in Ohio. Since May 4, 1970, when four students were killed and nine wounded by the National Guard during a peace protest against the Vietnam war, Kent State has been a reminder that we must be vigilant in standing up for our rights and that we must hold our officials accountable for their actions. A peaceful demonstration planned for May 4, 2003 was disrupted and broken up by police-state tactics that violated even the sacred space of the memorial built to commemorate the events of 1970.
Such incidents are a troubling echo of the McCarthy era that many of us lived through, a time when Cold War hysteria and irrational anti-Communism swept the country. People were blacklisted, jobs and careers were lost, progressive and even moderate voices were brought under suspicion.
I was a seminary student at Southern Methodist University in Dallas when I had a letter to the editor published in the Dallas Morning News in 1954. In the letter I criticized Senator Joseph McCarthy. That morning the president of the university, Willis Tate, received forty phone calls telling him there was a Communist in the seminary!
Dr. Tate invited me to his office that afternoon. He said that SMU was firmly committed to academic freedom and would support the right of students and faculty to say what they thought. He only admonished me to make sure I always had the facts when I went public—good advice and encouragement that has stayed with me all these years.
Rather than being intimidated by this assault on our freedom, the present situation is a challenge to each one of us to speak out and to support the right of others to do likewise. The truth shall make us free.
According to the criminal complaint filed Monday, Stephen Downs was wearing a T-shirt bearing the words "Give Peace A Chance" that he had just purchased from a vendor inside the Crossgates Mall in Guilderland, New York, near Albany.
"I was in the food court with my son when I was confronted by two security guards and ordered to either take off the T-shirt or leave the mall," said Downs.
When Downs refused the security officers' orders, police from the town of Guilderland were called and he was arrested and taken away in handcuffs, charged with trespassing "in that he knowingly enter(ed) or remain(ed) unlawfully upon premises," the complaint read.
Downs said police tried to convince him he was wrong in his actions by refusing to remove the T-shirt because the mall "was like a private house and that I was acting poorly.
"I told them the analogy was not good and I was then hauled off to night court where I was arraigned after pleading not guilty and released on my own recognizance," Downs told Reuters in a telephone interview.
Downs is the director of the Albany Office of the state Commission on Judicial Conduct, which investigates complaints of misconduct against judges and can admonish, censure or remove judges found to have engaged in misconduct.
Calls to the Guilderland police and district attorney, Anthony Cardona and to officials at the mall were not returned for comment.
Downs is due back in court for a hearing on March 17.
He could face up to a year in prison if convicted. "
Within days, Christian shrines were appearing across the country to "the martyr Cassie". Her parents wrote a bestselling book, She Said Yes, which explicitly compared her to the early Christian saints who died for their faith. There are now more than 7,000 websites dedicated to her, and several churches take her name. One of America's most famous Baptist preachers lauded her as "the greatest Christian of the 20th century".
Yet Columbine spawned another cult, just as powerful for its own followers. This cult flourishes in another America, among the excluded, bullied, murderous and lost. It is the fable of Harris and Dylan Klebold as heroic avengers. Thousands of teenagers have adopted the killers as exemplars, for reasons best summarised by Mellissa Andersen, a 17-year-old girl from Iowa who runs an Eric and Dylan "fan site". She tells me: "The reason I believe Eric and Dylan were really cool to do what they did is because they stood up for themselves. Every single day they were teased, and I can relate to that. They were constantly messed with, and even though they repeatedly told people about it, they knew nothing would be done unless they took matters into their own hands. After 20 April, all of the popular kids in schools around America left the unpopular kids alone because they were afraid of another shooting at their school by someone they had teased."
As antiheroes, the "Trenchcoat Mafia" - the name high-school jocks [slang for athletic teens] gave to Eric and Dylan's gang - have the same appeal as A Clockwork Orange's Alex DeLarge, with the added potency of being real. Yahoo discussion lists with titles like "I love Eric and Dylan" have, between them, thousands of members. Websites with names such as "In Remembrance of Eric and Dylan" - and even one encouraging teens to wear "sympathy ribbons" if "you want to remember their achievement" - have received hundreds of thousands of hits.
You will be hearing more about Cassie, Eric and Dylan, tied together forever in blood and memory, this year. Gus Van Sant's loosely fictionalised account of the massacre, Elephant, arrives in British cinemas later this month, and the fifth anniversary of the killings follows in April. They seem now to belong to that blurred period after the Cold War and before September 11, when the main threats to American security came from within. Neo-Nazi Timothy McVeigh planted the Oklahoma bomb, crazed teens committed seven high-school massacres in just two years following Columbine, and paranoia spread. Reading the news reports from that period today, it's striking how many of the same questions were to recur after the attack on Manhattan: how could this happen here? Why do they hate us?
Half a decade on, the cults have taken over any discussion of Columbine. The causes of the tragedy are lost in this mist. Nor is there much hope that the roots of the disaster will be dug up this year. Van Sant's movie is hypnotic, with long, slow, unjudgmental camerawork and naturalistic acting that magnify the pointless horror of the killings. Yet it is also a totally shallow film. It offers an account of a high-school massacre without giving any explanation for it at all. Its Eric and Dylan characters are loosely sketched: we get a sense that they are smart, playing Beethoven and watching long documentaries, but they are never seen interacting with their schoolmates or families. The killers are morally blank, the victims are morally blank; you leave the cinema just as puzzled about everyone's motives as when you walked in.
Yet there was a brief window, in the days following the murders, when the answers were there to be glimpsed - and those answers help us to understand Eric and Dylan's morbid afterlife. The image of Columbine High as a perfect school, populated by saints and attacked by demons, unravelled as unfiltered accounts of Eric and Dylan's life at Columbine emerged in the immediate media swarm that descended on the school. Brooks Brown, a friend of theirs, explained: "The truth is that our school was not the happy place everyone's playing it off to be. A lot of people walk through that school with just a feeling of fear... You feel nothing else. You worry if someone's going to come up and beat the hell out of you all the time." Another of their friends explained: "They were hated, so they hated back. They hated back."
Eric and Dylan were widely suspected to be gay, something that Van Sant makes explicit in his film. Evan Todd, a popular football player and school hero, told reporters: "Columbine is a clean, good place except for those rejects. Most kids didn't want them there. They were into witchcraft. They were into voodoo dolls. Sure, we teased them. But what do you expect if you come to school with weird hairdos? It's not just jocks; the whole school was disgusted with them. They're a bunch of homos, grabbing each other's private parts. If you want to get rid of someone, usually you tease 'em. So the whole school would call them homos, and when they did something sick, we'd tell them, 'You're sick and that's wrong.'"
Voices like this soon disappeared from the media coverage, in part out of respect for the victims' families. There seems to have been an anxiety that that some people would conclude that the victims (picked, it seems, at random) somehow deserved to be murdered. No amount of physical or verbal abuse, it scarcely needs pointing out, can justify a programme of mass murder. Yet given a choice between the conformist fundamentalism of Cassie and the bullied rage of Eric and Dylan, it is horribly easy to understand why too many people have been swayed to sympathy. A number of recent novels like Douglas Coupland's Hey Nostradamus! have depicted high school massacres with a degree of understanding. In the Booker prize-winning novel Vernon God Little, DBC Pierre creates a character not dissimilar to Harris called Jesus, who is represented as a hideously abused, semi-Messianic figure who may find redemption in his murders.
Eric and Dylan need to be understood, these writers imply, not as evil beasts but as part of a wider culture of endemic low-level violence, persecution and aggressively policed conformity. "The US high school system is unusually vicious," explains Alice James, a 23-year-old IT consultant who was educated in the US, Britain and France. "Of course all teenagers are cliquey and can be cruel. But there are two differences in the US system, I guess. The first is that it is unusually hierarchical. In British schools, you get different groups who all sneer at each other, but there's no obvious ranking system. The kids into hip-hop might hate the kids who are into pop, but neither of them is universally regarded to be 'better' or higher up the social tree. In American schools, it's like the bloody Indian caste system. Jocks simply rule the school, and everyone knows it. They are indisputably at the top, and 'freaks', which means anybody a little bit different and I guess included Eric and Dylan, are indisputably at the bottom.
"The second big difference," she continues, "is that the hierarchy the teenagers create for themselves is reinforced by parents and the school authorities, by giving out awards to the 'Prom Queen' and the football squad. While most British or French parents see their teenagers' social affairs as trivial or even slightly comic, American parents take it incredibly seriously. It's given a kind of official imprimatur, because they build their kids up to be cheerleaders or jocks and they're openly disappointed if they don't make it. For 'freaks', it's not just like they've failed in the eyes of their schoolmates - it's like they've failed for life."
The savage nature of US high schools - and the reason for Eric and Dylan's bloody rebellion - has been best explained to British audiences by a sub-genre of US movies that could be dubbed "teen ironic". This began in 1988 with Heathers, where Winona Ryder and Christian Slater play outcasts who befriend the stigmatised fat girl, murder the vacuous blondes, and bring the movie to an end by blowing up the school and everyone in it.
Teen ironic movies follow a pattern: we are shown the total anomie of anybody who is judged to be a "loser" in the US school system, and then the scenario is (usually violently) reversed. In Romy and Michele's High School Reunion, Mira Sorvino and Lisa Kudrow return to their high school to find that the good-looking people who always shunned them are still obsessed with who is "A-list". They pretend to have invented the Post-It note and made millions in order to trump them. "I can't believe it! You must be the most successful person in our graduating class!" one of the erstwhile cheerleaders howls. Kudrow replies: "Uh-huh. And you're not. Bye."
The theme continues in films from Drop Dead Gorgeous to But I'm a Cheerleader. These movies are the revenge of the smart, shunned nerds who grew up to become screenwriters in Los Angeles, leaving the "A-list" behind to become mechanics and cookie moms in Nowheresville, Arizona. Eric and Dylan didn't allow themselves that chance, and it is not an option for most of the members of their unofficial cult.
Instead, for Eric and Dylan, the feeling of being trapped seems to have curdled into a weird, incoherent mix of hatreds. At times their private writings rage against racism, yet they also became infatuated with Hitler, and even launched their attack on his birthday. The first line of Eric's diary is an apt summary: "I hate the fucking world." Yet their rantings always returned to their social anxieties. Several survivors of the massacre have related that Eric and Dylan repeatedly said, "Oh you fucking nerd. Tonight's a good night to die." Judith Alpert, Professor of Applied Psychology at New York University, explains: "By calling their victims 'nerds', a label that seems to have been applied to themselves, the boys were putting their victims into the roles they had been given by their peers. They were assuming power over them. Ironically, their frightening strength is more likely to be remembered than their feelings of loneliness, isolation and weakness."
This is all forgotten in the simple, mirror-image cults of Saint Cassie or Saint Dylan, each valiantly standing against the imagined evildoers on the opposing side. Rory Schmidt, a 17-year-old who posts on Eric and Dylan message boards, explains the danger of this simplistic thinking. "Unless the way high schools work in America is totally changed... unless there is a revolution in our hallways and libraries and dining halls, there are going to be more and more of us," he writes. "Eric said he was only the beginning, the first revolutionary. He was right."
24 May 2004
Sir David King, the Government's chief scientist, was far-sighted to say that global warming is a more serious threat than terrorism. He may even have underestimated, because, since he spoke, new evidence of climate change suggests it could be even more serious, and the greatest danger that civilisation has faced so far.
Most of us are aware of some degree of warming; winters are warmer and spring comes earlier. But in the Arctic, warming is more than twice as great as here in Europe and in summertime, torrents of melt water now plunge from Greenland's kilometre-high glaciers. The complete dissolution of Greenland's icy mountains will take time, but by then the sea will have risen seven metres, enough to make uninhabitable all of the low lying coastal cities of the world, including London, Venice, Calcutta, New York and Tokyo. Even a two metre rise is enough to put most of southern Florida under water.
The floating ice of the Arctic Ocean is even more vulnerable to warming; in 30 years, its white reflecting ice, the area of the US, may become dark sea that absorbs the warmth of summer sunlight, and further hastens the end of the Greenland ice. The North Pole, goal of so many explorers, will then be no more than a point on the ocean surface.
Not only the Arctic is changing; climatologists warn a four-degree rise in temperature is enough to eliminate the vast Amazon forests in a catastrophe for their people, their biodiversity, and for the world, which would lose one of its great natural air conditioners.
The scientists who form the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reported in 2001 that global temperature would rise between two and six degrees Celsius by 2100. Their grim forecast was made perceptible by last summer's excessive heat; and according to Swiss meteorologists, the Europe-wide hot spell that killed over 20,000 was wholly different from any previous heat wave. The odds against it being a mere deviation from the norm were 300,000 to one. It was a warning of worse to come.
What makes global warming so serious and so urgent is that the great Earth system, Gaia, is trapped in a vicious circle of positive feedback. Extra heat from any source, whether from greenhouse gases, the disappearance of Arctic ice or the Amazon forest, is amplified, and its effects are more than additive. It is almost as if we had lit a fire to keep warm, and failed to notice, as we piled on fuel, that the fire was out of control and the furniture had ignited. When that happens, little time is left to put out the fire before it consumes the house. Global warming, like a fire, is accelerating and almost no time is left to act.
So what should we do? We can just continue to enjoy a warmer 21st century while it lasts, and make cosmetic attempts, such as the Kyoto Treaty, to hide the political embarrassment of global warming, and this is what I fear will happen in much of the world. When, in the 18th century, only one billion people lived on Earth, their impact was small enough for it not to matter what energy source they used.
But with six billion, and growing, few options remain; we can not continue drawing energy from fossil fuels and there is no chance that the renewables, wind, tide and water power can provide enough energy and in time. If we had 50 years or more we might make these our main sources. But we do not have 50 years; the Earth is already so disabled by the insidious poison of greenhouse gases that even if we stop all fossil fuel burning immediately, the consequences of what we have already done will last for 1,000 years. Every year that we continue burning carbon makes it worse for our descendants and for civilisation.
Worse still, if we burn crops grown for fuel this could hasten our decline. Agriculture already uses too much of the land needed by the Earth to regulate its climate and chemistry. A car consumes 10 to 30 times as much carbon as its driver; imagine the extra farmland required to feed the appetite of cars.
By all means, let us use the small input from renewables sensibly, but only one immediately available source does not cause global warming and that is nuclear energy. True, burning natural gas instead of coal or oil releases only half as much carbon dioxide, but unburnt gas is 25 times as potent a greenhouse agent as is carbon dioxide. Even a small leakage would neutralise the advantage of gas.
The prospects are grim, and even if we act successfully in amelioration, there will still be hard times, as in war, that will stretch our grandchildren to the limit. We are tough and it would take more than the climate catastrophe to eliminate all breeding pairs of humans; what is at risk is civilisation. As individual animals we are not so special, and in some ways are like a planetary disease, but through civilisation we redeem ourselves and become a precious asset for the Earth; not least because through our eyes the Earth has seen herself in all her glory.
There is a chance we may be saved by an unexpected event such as a series of volcanic eruptions severe enough to block out sunlight and so cool the Earth. But only losers would bet their lives on such poor odds. Whatever doubts there are about future climates, there are no doubts that greenhouse gases and temperatures both are rising.
We have stayed in ignorance for many reasons; important among them is the denial of climate change in the US where governments have failed to give their climate scientists the support they needed. The Green lobbies, which should have given priority to global warming, seem more concerned about threats to people than with threats to the Earth, not noticing that we are part of the Earth and wholly dependent upon its well being. It may take a disaster worse than last summer's European deaths to wake us up.
Opposition to nuclear energy is based on irrational fear fed by Hollywood-style fiction, the Green lobbies and the media. These fears are unjustified, and nuclear energy from its start in 1952 has proved to be the safest of all energy sources. We must stop fretting over the minute statistical risks of cancer from chemicals or radiation. Nearly one third of us will die of cancer anyway, mainly because we breathe air laden with that all pervasive carcinogen, oxygen. If we fail to concentrate our minds on the real danger, which is global warming, we may die even sooner, as did more than 20,000 unfortunates from overheating in Europe last summer.
I find it sad and ironic that the UK, which leads the world in the quality of its Earth and climate scientists, rejects their warnings and advice, and prefers to listen to the Greens. But I am a Green and I entreat my friends in the movement to drop their wrongheaded objection to nuclear energy.
Even if they were right about its dangers, and they are not, its worldwide use as our main source of energy would pose an insignificant threat compared with the dangers of intolerable and lethal heat waves and sea levels rising to drown every coastal city of the world. We have no time to experiment with visionary energy sources; civilisation is in imminent danger and has to use nuclear - the one safe, available, energy source - now or suffer the pain soon to be inflicted by our outraged planet.
The writer is an independent scientist and the creator of the Gaia hypothesis of the Earth as a self-regulating organism.
He considers for instance that the problems related to storage of nuclear waste are very greatly exaggerated in the public debate.
Very radioactive products generally disintegrate faster than those that are less radioactive which makes it easy to confine them for the necessary period of time, he says.
»Depleted uranium 238 on the other hand stays in the nature more than 3 billion years. That is a very long period (half life - the duration to decay 50% of the original amount of radioactivity) but in fact U238 is hardly radioactive at all (that's why it lasts so long) and such low levels of radioactivity that can be found in nature are not really dangerous», he argues.
»The radioactivity of the globe is now about 50 % of its level at the time of the appearance of evolved forms of life. The radioactivity is all the time slowly decreasing and the use of nuclear energy simply speeds up this decrease by using the uranium.»
Even the 1986 accident at Tchernobyl does not make Comby hesitate. »The accident was mainly due to the soviet system. All possible mistakes, one has to make to provoke an accident, were made in Tchernobyl », he says.
The threat of terrorism
Comby admits that terrorism is a threat to present nuclear plants because they have not been designed keeping this kind of threats in mind.
»The French plants for instance are designed to withstand the impact of a small air plane but it is possible, though very unlikely, that they may not resist a jumbo jet. The reactor vessel however would almost certainly stay unharmed as it is located behind several concrete walls rather far from the containment's outer wall. », he says.
Their attitude was 'let’s use the huge potential of the internet to make fantastic profits.' That’s really what triggered piracy and left the door open for file sharing networks. Perhaps they have now learned their lesson and will be ever so humble. But we ask you, does the RIAA look humble to you?
Each of these things, I think, ought really to be practiced by us. It is not sufficient for you alone to practice them, but so must all the priests in Galatia [in modern Turkey] without exception. Either make these men good by shaming them, persuade them to become so or fire them . . . Secondly, exhort the priests neither to approach a theater nor to drink in a tavern, nor to profess any base or infamous trade. Honor those who obey and expel those who disobey.
Erect many hostels, one in each city, in order that strangers may enjoy my kindness, not only those of our own faith but also of others whosoever is in want of money. I have just been devising a plan by which you will be able to get supplies. For I have ordered that every year throughout all Galatia 30,000 modii of grain and 60,000 pints of wine shall be provided. The fifth part of these I order to be expended on the poor who serve the priests, and the rest must be distributed from me to strangers and beggars. For it is disgraceful when no Jew is a beggar and the impious Galileans [the name given by Julian to Christians] support our poor in addition to their own; everyone is able to see that our coreligionists are in want of aid from us. Teach also those who profess the Greek religion to contribute to such services, and the villages of the Greek religion to offer the first-fruits to the gods. Accustom those of the Greek religion to such benevolence, teaching them that this has been our work from ancient times. Homer, at any rate, made Eumaeus say: "O Stranger, it is not lawful for me, even if one poorer than you should come, to dishonor a stranger. For all strangers and beggars are from Zeus. The gift is small, but it is precious." [Julian is quoting from the Odyssey, 14-531.] Do not therefore let others outdo us in good deeds while we ourselves are disgraced by laziness; rather, let us not quite abandon our piety toward the gods . . .
While proper behavior in accordance with the laws of the city will obviously be the concern of the governors of the cities, you for your part [as a priest] must take care to encourage people not to violate the laws of the gods since they are holy . . . Above all you must exercise philanthropy. From it result many other goods, and indeed that which is the greatest blessing of all, the goodwill of the gods . . .
We ought to share our goods with all men, but most of all with the respectable, the helpless, and the poor, so that they have at least the essentials of life. I claim, even though it may seem paradoxical, that it is a holy deed to share our clothes and food with the wicked: we give, not to their moral character but to their human character. Therefore I believe that even prisoners deserve the same kind of care. This type of kindness will not interfere with the process of justice, for among the many imprisoned and awaiting trial some will be found guilty, some innocent. It would be cruel indeed if out of consideration for the innocent we should not allow some pity for the guilty, or on account of the guilty we should behave without mercy and humanity to those who have done no wrong . . . How can the man who, while worshipping Zeus the God of Companions, sees his neighbors in need and does not give them a dime--how can he think he is worshipping Zeus properly? . . .
Priests ought to make a point of not doing impure or shameful deeds or saying words or hearing talk of this type. We must therefore get rid of all offensive jokes and licentious associations. What I mean is this: no priest is to read Archilochus or Hipponax or anyone else who writes poetry as they do. They should stay away from the same kind of stuff in Old Comedy. Philosophy alone is appropriate for us priests. Of the philosophers, however, only those who put the gods before them as guides of their intellectual life are acceptable, like Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics . . . only those who make people reverent . . . not the works of Pyrrho and Epicurus . . . We ought to pray often to the gods in private and in public, about three times a day, but if not that often, at least in the morning and at night.
No priest is anywhere to attend shameful theatrical shows or to have one performed at his own house; it is in no way appropriate. Indeed, if it were possible to get rid of such shows altogether from the theater and restore the theaters, purified, to Dionysus as in the olden days, I would certainly have tried to bring this about. But since I thought that this was out of the question, and even if possible would for other reasons be inexpedient, I did not even try. But I do insist that priests stay away from the licentiousness of the theaters and leave them to the people. No priest is to enter a theater, have an actor or a chariot driver as a friend, or allow a dancer or mime into his house. I allow to attend the sacred games those who want to, that is, they may attend only those games from which women are forbidden to attend not only as participants but even as spectators.
The legal protection for the national anthem and flag is part of a package of "internal security" measures that will become law next week amid strong public support but criticism from civil rights groups and intellectuals.
The move to ban abuse of the Republican symbols was a response to national anger last year, when youths booed the Marseillaise at a France v Algeria football match, causing M Chirac to leave his box in the stadium until an apology was made. Police say that the law, which provides for fines of up to £6,000 and six months in jail, will be unenforceable.
Also included in the security law, drafted by Nicolas Sarkozy, the tough-minded Interior Minister, are fines and imprisonment for youths who intimidate by congregating in stairwells; for beggars, squatters, travellers who trespass and women deemed to be "passively soliciting" for prostitution. Weakly defined, this offence can apply to any woman who dresses provocatively, rights activists say.
Insulting anyone who serves the public, from firemen and bus conductors to teachers and housing estate caretakers, also becomes a punishable offence. In another measure, police will no longer be required to advise criminal suspects of their right to remain silent.
The crackdown is the centrepiece of M Sarkozy’s campaign to reinstate the authority of the State and to calm the anxiety over crime and antisocial behaviour that dominated the presidential and general elections of last spring. Most of the measures are so popular that the Socialist Opposition voted with the Government on Thursday’s final passage through Parliament.
However, the Socialist and Communist groups from the Senate and National Assembly have lodged an appeal with the Constitutional Council, asking it to strike down as a "breach of the exercise of liberty" the clauses in the Security Bill dealing with prostitution, travellers and congregating youths.
They also asked it to rule that the penalties for insulting national symbols were excessive. As the ultimate legal authority, the council may annul laws that it deems breach the Republic’s Constitution.
The law on the flag and anthem have raised a chorus of ridicule from the intellectual world, including some right-wing thinkers, on the grounds that it smacks of American or Third World practices and reflects an attempt to impose a "new moral order" on France.
More than 100 university teachers have signed a petition: "Among other measures that have already provoked justified criticism, the law on the flag and anthem inspires particular concern," they said. "This forced obedience to the symbols of the nation evokes unhappy past times. Respect is earned. It cannot be imposed."
Alain-Gerard Slama, a conservative commentator who normally backs M Chirac, said that the flag and anthem law was a mistake.
The Government turned yesterday to a justice reform designed to strengthen the prosecutors’ arsenal against organised crime and to reduce the caseload of overburdened courts. This includes possible plea-bargaining and creating a guilty plea that leads to swift sentencing. At present people who admit their guilt are still given full trials."
It has been reported that BT could make cost savings of 40% if the directory work was switched. "
Last week America's Supreme Court weighed into what is rapidly becoming a nasty worldwide battle about the scope and enforcement of copyrights, by rejecting a challenge to the 1998 law on constitutional grounds. But even as it upheld the law, the court expressed misgivings. Blistering dissents from two justices dismissed the 20-year extension of copyright as unwarranted, and even the majority's opinion hinted that Congress's decision may have been "unwise"."
A really key, crass and totally avoidable omission is the lack of Arabic speakers and translators in the combat zone. One in four soldiers has a translation guide, although few are likely to be able to use it well. If you are trying to win "hearts and minds", you have to speak the local language.
The Americans showed their arrogance early on by referring to the proposed operation as a "crusade". But this war has clearly been in the offing for years and planned for months. It would not have been hard to pick one smart officer or NCO from each platoon and put them on a two-month Arabic course. Compared with the cost of weaponry, that would have been a negligible cost. In the Second World War, all the combatants had plenty of people who spoke their opponents' languages and spent months or even, in the case of the Japanese, years training translators and interpreters. Has the conceit of the English-speaking world really reached such dizzying heights?"
The Iraqis are fighting clever. A spokesman for the Iraqi Information Ministry yesterday morning said "the British are the Condottieri of this century". Condottieri were 15th-century Italian "soldiers of fortune". Mercenaries have a long and respectable tradition in military history. More than ten years ago, in an article in International Affairs, I suggested that, in the new world order, UK forces might become the "soldiers of fortune" of the international community. I meant the international community as represented by the UN, not the United States.
There was another Iraqi statement, too, that they would not leave the bodies of dead Allied troops lying but would bury them "in accordance with their religious principles". That is absolutely correct, under the Geneva Convention, if the locations are identified in such a way that the bodies can be recovered subsequently. In the current climate, I would not be surprised if someone takes offence at that Iraqi statement. But why? That is what we do with their dead.
"Know your enemy and know yourself." That is the lesson some Allied leaders seem to have forgotten.
Morally agile and rhetorically flexible, our Prime Minister is really worth watching. What will he come up with next? What mysterious position, for instance, is he building by his frequent repetition: "It is not military action that will create the humanitarian disaster"?
When asked about post-war reconstruction he always makes this point. It's nothing to do with the bombs. We've done nothing destructive.
It's not down to us that the place is going to be wrecked; it's already wrecked. It's not our fault. He's building a position so that he can sincerely believe in it later. He's very good at believing in things so he can be sincere about them. In legal language this is called "guilty but insane".
If Europe and America don't agree a common agenda (based on Tony Blair's view of justice) this bi-polarity will destabilise the world.
There is a totalitarian element in Tony Blair that he almost succeeds in hiding. But look, he says: our values are not Labour values, or even Western values. They are universal values. That is, everyone in the world, given the chance, wants to live in Islington.
Of course it's crackers. What would he do if the democratic system he has planned for Iraq produced a fundamentalist government based on sharia law?
He says it just won't happen. Why not? Because, he says: "People want to live under a broad-based government rather than trying to impose their will on other people."
We listen to this friendly piffle because the Prime Minister is such a nice young man. He sincerely believes in what he is saying. He has values. He wants the best for people. Oh, and the moral case.
There was a report on Sunday that British colorectal cancer victims were dying more quickly than they might have hoped because their operations were being delayed.
You can buy an awful lot of operations for the money they're using for regime change in Iraq. I'm not sure that a bedside Mr Blair could explain this moral calculation to a dying taxpayer, however genuine his sincerely held reasons were.
It's perfectly possible to be in favour of this war; but the more one listens to Mr Blair the more difficult it becomes.
Normally, after every Euro-conference where he's been spun around the Franco-German axis like a piece of strimmer cord, he returns to give an account of his personal triumph. So the Washington trip must have been very bad indeed.
All we know is that the war has not been going totally according to plan, absolutely according to plan, exactly according to plan as he insisted last week. You may not remember, but Downing Street sold us the war on the basis that if it lasted three days no one would be surprised. Now, 130,000 new troops are suddenly being committed. No one asked whether that was totally, absolutely, exactly part of the plan. Why not?
When Tories declare an interest they say they've got five Bentleys or a million shares in ICI: the interest this poor sap declared was that he lived next to the sewage farm in question. It's what comes of working four days out of six for Gordon Brown.
As the demolition guard were members of Saddam's most elite forces, their failure is notable, to say the least. The longer the commander of the demolition guard stayed at his post, with American tanks rumbling ever closer, the more dangerous his position. He didn't dare blow the bridge without orders but didn't want to wait, so he left his post before the order to blow was given. The safest course of action was to cross the bridge towards US forces, rather than risk being a deserter in soon-to-be invaded Baghdad.
Such sensible fellows learnt well from their British mentors. Sandhurst, whose motto is "Serve to Lead", had the unofficial creed "Skive to Survive". Which makes me wonder if a similar sense of self-preservation will be exercised by the remainder of the Medina Division as it defends Baghdad."
At the time, I was working for The Times. My story ran in full. Then an official of the Foreign Office lunched my editor and told him my report was "not helpful". Because, of course, we supported President Saddam at the time and wanted revolutionary Iran to suffer and destroy itself. President Saddam was the good guy then. I wasn't supposed to report his human rights abuses. And now I'm not supposed to report the slaughter of the innocent by American or RAF pilots because the British Government has changed sides.
It's a tactic worthy of only one man I can think of, a master of playing victim when he is in the act of killing, a man who thinks nothing of smearing the innocent to propagate his own version of history. I'm talking about Saddam Hussein. Geoff Hoon has learnt a lot from him.
The director general's comments will not have gone down well in America. Nor will the Ariel article silence the BBC's critics in the right-of-centre British press. The BBC may, as Dyke claims, have had a good war, but the media battle isn't over yet.
I have no doubt that the revisionists are already at their desks in the bowels of the Carlton, crafting apologia for her works. Until that day, we must rely on books like Maggie - the Private Story of a Public Life, by Brenda Maddox, which remind us that Mrs Thatcher was a bully and a bossy-boots from her school days onwards. The book is tied to a recent four-part television series - another example of the intertwining of TV history and publishing.
Maddox has interviewed scores of people from Thatcher's past - school friends, university contemporaries and political allies. There are revealing anecdotes about her ambition, superhuman capacity for work, and lobster flan. Maddox seems to soften towards her subject, and even suggests the Iron Lady had a streak of kindness. She kept it well-hidden.
From the organ-grinder to the monkey. Bernard Ingham's book, The Wages of Spin, describes what he calls "a clear case of communications gone wrong". It is an attack on Labour in government, and especially the role of spin doctors.
Hello kettle? This is pot. You're black.
The new material on Britain's attempts to inflict psychological damage on Germany is fantastic. Churchill authorised fake radio broadcasts and newspapers designed to create misinformation amongst the German people, advice to resistance groups to put laxatives in the water, and a postcard dropped over Germany by the million showing a fake photo of Hitler with his trousers down. A rumour was even spread that 200 man-eating sharks had been imported from Australia and let loose in the Channel to deter a German invasion.
Isn't it amazing what nonsense people will swallow in a time of war?
This is barely an exaggeration of how an important sub-theme of the Iraq war is being written up. Day after day now, we are reading stories about how the British are better. We are better at not killing our own side: most of the "blue on blue" deaths are caused by Americans. We are better at not killing innocent Iraqi civilians: it was US troops who failed to fire early-warning shots and so killed those women and children at a checkpoint. (Of course there are many more American troops out there, which tips the odds anyway.)
We are better at winning over hearts and minds: the Americans wear intimidating sunglasses and stay inside their armoured vehicles, while the British take off their helmets at the first opportunity, don picturesque regimental tam o'shanters and stride boldly into the middle of Iraqi crowds, handing out their own chocolate rations.
From Umm Qasr to the suburbs of Basra, it is British forces who have been busy distributing aid and working to get the water flowing again, while the American vengeance machine thunders north.
Yet if we British are better at making up, we are apparently better at killing, too, whether it's "a clean shot to the head" as one reporter cheerfully describes one Iraqi's death, almost like a six in cricket; or the dirty, dangerous business of street fighting, picked up by British regiments over the years in Northern Ireland.
Donald Rumsfeld, who so recently suggested the British contribution might not matter much in the coming war, is now said to feel the British troops in Basra have been superb, while American generals apparently indulge in "soul-searching" about their troops' performance. An anonymous British army source proudly explains: "The average British infantryman is far better. They're a tribe of feral monsters, but they're highly disciplined monsters. You don't want to get in their way."
Assuming Blair can spell "world" backwards, name a pen and a watch, write a simple sentence, count backwards in sevens and follow a three-stage command, he is likely to sail through the rest of his examination, but one senses that this may not be enough to reassure those who share Mr Parris's fears that their premier is a dangerous lunatic. Obviously you could get full marks in the MMSA and still be quite mad. The five-minute test does not begin to cover the more bizarre aspects of Blair's behaviour, from his recent decision to dress entirely in purple, to the question of his incoherent behaviour. How can this career European have exiled himself from Europe? How can this devoutly observant would-be Catholic countenance a war denounced by his adopted spiritual leader? Why does the man who has offered affecting funerary tributes to Princess Margaret and Frank Sinatra not meet the coffins of young servicemen whom he sent to their deaths?
Looking through Porter's Faber anthology, the first explanation to suggest itself is "the frequent and immoderate use of tea", as William Pargeter described it in 1792. As everybody knows, mugs of tea are to Blair as essential a prop as erect machine guns are to Iraqi information officers. And tea, Pargeter explains, is a dire and "inflammatory" substance, "every active instrument of health is mutilated and maimed - our bodies become enervated - our intellectual faculties impaired, and the date of life abridged ..."
Rumsfeld, the most arrogant of the repulsive bunch, doesn't want disturbing images of the dead, especially American dead, broadcast at home, because it is demoralizing, which is another way of saying it undermines support for the killing.
These are not things eight-year old girls should die for. These are not things two-year old children should be killed for. These are not things American soldiers should make the ultimate sacrifice for. But they are the things the people in Washington hold dear, and will kill and maim to get.
Horribly, it doesn't end in Iraq, unless we make it end there. "This is just the beginning," an administration official told the New York Times. "I would not rule out the same sequence of events for Iran and North Korea as for Iraq."
And so there are plans to mangle the bodies of more children, to crush the skulls of more infants, to make more mothers weep bitter tears long into the night, so that people like Perle can take advantage of new business opportunities abroad and men like Cheney can line their pockets with lucrative contracts to rebuild countries the Pentagon will devastate. As a consequence, more American soldiers will be captured and shot through the head in future wars by foreigners who become more infuriated, more hostile, more enraged by American arrogance, bullying and atrocities. If a mainstream politician from Canada, a country that regards the US as its closest friend and ally, can blurt out in anger that she "hates those Americans bastards," you can imagine the depth of animosity in those parts of the world in which the US is held in less esteem.
The existence of nannobacteria is one of the most controversial of scientific questions - some experts claim they are simply too small to be life forms.
But US scientists report they have now isolated these cell-like structures in tissue from diseased human arteries.
The tragedy for Prime Minister Tony Blair is that by following his convictions he has destroyed each of the foreign policy pillars that defined his worldview. He had a foreign policy that was based on the international rule of law, European engagement, and engaging the Americans in a progressive project for international community. Today he must face the facts: by exercising his incredible willpower to do the right thing, he has ended up in exactly the wrong place.
People I speak to from Sweden to South Africa warn that Blair is now widely seen as an American poodle who puts power politics above international law. A Saudi journalist describes the exasperation: "The British are trying to be more royalist than the king. It's worse than Guam, and that's a US territory." A South African who knows Mbeki well, warns: "I've detected a major realignment, among those in power in South Africa, away from Tony and towards Jacques. We feel that Chirac is 'someone we can do business with'. Let's go for the cynical bastard who wants to rape us rather than the missionary who wants to save us". Even in sympathetic European countries the outlook is bleak: a confidant of the Swedish Prime Minister fears that they will have trouble working with Britain "now that you have put your relationship with the Americans above international law".
The man hand-picked by Britain to rule over this unwieldy conglomerate was Faisal, a Hashemite prince from Arabia and one of the leaders of the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Turks.
After the French evicted Faisal from Syria and put an end to his short-lived kingdom, Britain procured the throne of Iraq for him as a consolation prize. It cleared his path by neutralising opposition, deporting the leading contender and organising a plebiscite in which 96 per cent of the people were implausibly said to have voted for Faisal as king.
The 1921 settlement not only sanctioned violent and arbitrary methods: it built them into the structure of Iraqi politics. Its key feature was lack of legitimacy: the borders lacked legitimacy, the rulers lacked legitimacy and the political system lacked legitimacy.
The settlement also introduced anti-British sentiment as a powerful force in Iraqi politics. In 1941, Rashid Ali al-Gailani led a nationalist revolt against Britain which was put down by force. In 1958, as a direct result of its folly over Suez, Britain witnessed the defenestration of its royal friends in Baghdad in a bloody military coup.
In 1980, Saddam attacked Iran. During the eight years of the Iran-Iraq War, Britain and its Western allies increasingly tilted towards Iraq. The Scott inquiry of 1996 documented the Thatcher Government's duplicitous record in selling arms to Iraq and in providing military credits.
A billion pounds of taxpayers' money was thrown away in propping up Saddam's regime and doing favours to arms firms. It was abundantly clear Saddam was a monster in human form. Britain did not manufacture this monster, but it turned a blind eye to the savage brutality of his regime. Britain also knew Saddam had chemical and biological weapons because Western companies sold him all the ingredients necessary.
Saddam was known to be gassing Iranian troops in their thousands in the Iran-Iraq War. Failure to subject Iraq to international sanctions allowed him to press ahead with the development of weapons of mass destruction.
In March 1988, Saddam turned on his own people, killing up to 5,000 Kurds with poison gas in Halabja. Attacking unarmed civilians with chemical weapons was unprecedented. If ever there was a time for humanitarian intervention in Iraq, it was 1988. Yet no Western government even suggested intervention. Neither was an arms embargo imposed on Iraq.
In 1990, Britain belatedly turned against Saddam only because he trod on our toes by invading Kuwait. He had a point when he said Kuwait was an artificial creation of British imperialism. But Iraq's other borders were no less arbitrary than the border with Kuwait, so if that border could be changed by force, the entire post-World War I territorial settlement might unravel.
In order to topple Saddam, it was not necessary for the allies to continue their march to Baghdad, my hometown. It would have been sufficient to disarm the Republican Guard units as they retreated from Kuwait through the Basra loop. This was not done. They were allowed to retain their arms, to regroup and to use helicopters to ensure the survival of Saddam and his regime. The Kurds in the North were crushed and fled to the mountains. The Shias in the South were crushed and fled to the marshes.
In calling for Saddam's overthrow, Bush Snr evidently had in mind a military coup, a reshuffling of Sunni gangsters in Baghdad, rather than establishing a freer and more democratic political order. As a result of his moral cowardice, he snatched defeat from the jaws of victory. Saddam stayed in power and continued to torment his people, while Kuwait remained a feudal fiefdom.
Later in the same article he says: 'Globalisation and global supervisory organisations enable the United States to harness the rest of the world to its own rhythms and structures.'
In other words, we are dancing to the American tune, probably much more than any of us in the cushioned West appreciate. In the developing world, however, there is a strong yet ill-defined sense that living standards are kept low in order to allow Americans to consume far more than they actually produce.
Tony Blair must have been really sick this week when Donald Rumsfeld casually let drop that Mr.Bush and his team couldn't give a toss about Britain sending soldiers to Iraq. Truth is, they'd probably prefer it if we didn't, but our participation at least means they can pretend it's an international force.
But I bet Tony feels terribly slighted - after all he's gone through to prove his devotion to the ideals of extremist Republican militarism. He's practically split his party, put his own leadership in jeopardy and made himself look thoroughly ill in the process. And what has he got out of it? A few pats on the back and nice Christmas card from the White House, I expect.
I mean it's simply not fair. Here he is - Prime Minister of Great Britain (just) - and he's doing everything he possibly can including leaning over backwards and licking his own bottom. He's spending vast amounts of money he hasn't got on sending men to the Gulf. He's put his entire nation in the front line for terrorist reprisals. He's upset his other admirers in Europe, and - to cap it all - he's put his name to a plan that is not just plain stupid but is actually wicked, and in return? Zilch.
All the contracts for reconstructing Iraq are to go to American companies - preferably ones like Haliburton, which remain such good friends with their old boss vice-president Dick Cheney. But not a single British company is to benefit from all the mayhem and destruction that the bombing is going to cause.
Poor old Tony doesn't even get a bone.
I suppose he should have been more careful about who he was playing with in the first place.
But they took him for a sucker.
He thought he'd be able to cut a decent figure as the elder statesman, sagely steering his impetuous American friends away from actions they would later regret. And for that he was prepared to subscribe to the most hawkish, aggressive regime that has ever held power in the good ole US of A. A regime whose planners spelled out their schemes for American military world domination in a report for the Project for the New American Century published in September 2000, before the George Bush seized power. (You can look it up on www.newamericancentury.org).
Their aim, they say in their report, is "to shape a new century favourable to American principles and interests". And they make it quite clear that they envisage achieving those aims not by diplomacy but through military might. For which reason they need "increase defense spending gradually to a minimum level of 3.5 to 3.8 percent of gross national product, adding $15 billion to $20 billion to total defense spending annually."
At the time they knew there was little hope of the American public buying into such imperialistic dreams. What was needed they said in their pre Sept 11th report was: "some catastrophic and catalyzing event like a new Pearl Harbour." Well the dreams came true.
And now it's quite obvious that instead of Mr Rumsfeld and Mr. Cheney listening attentively to Mr Blair's sage advice, they've simply been using him as a patsy - a convenient fig-leaf.
Tony Blair has merely been helping to give Mr. Bush's barbaric planners for World domination credibility amongst the American public.
The only conceivable hope of stopping their militaristic global ambitions is for the rest of the world to oppose them. There might then be some hope that the American public would wake up to what sort of a government they currently have. The reawakening of American democracy is the only hope for a future world that is not ridden by terrorism and global warfare.
Aware of the power of these pictures and their potential to inflict political damage on Mr Bush as he campaigns for re-election, his chief political adviser, Karl Rove, is desperate that they should not be published. Under a White House directive, the press has not been permitted to photograph the return of such coffins for more than a year. But last week 361 images of military coffins being returned to Dover air force base in Delaware were released to an internet news site under the Freedom of Information Act.
This week the Pentagon decided it should not have provided the pictures after all, and barred further releases. "Quite frankly, we don't want the remains of our service members who have made the ultimate sacrifice to be the subject of any kind of attention that is unwarranted or undignified," said John Moline, a deputy undersecretary of defence.
Almost 700 American troops and thousands of Iraqi civilians and insurgents have been killed since the US-led operation to oust Saddam Hussein began. From the US perspective at least, the past month has perhaps been the deadliest, with about a hundred soldiers and marines being killed.
Mr Bush admitted this himself, saying recently there was "no question it's been a tough, tough, tough series of weeks for the American people". Despite this, Mr Bush has not yet attended a single funeral service for any of those killed in Iraq something that has outraged many of the families. Polls suggest that public approval of the President's handling of the war and the occupation is down from 51 per cent to 44 per cent.
Since their release, the photographs have been published prominently by newspapers and received widespread coverage by the television networks triggering further debate about the war. Only Rupert Murdoch's Fox News has declined to show the pictures or report any discussion about the White House's decision to prevent their publication.
The images the White House wanted to censor were obtained by Russ Kick, from Tucson, Arizona, who runs a website called The Memory Hole (www.thememoryhole.org) and who filed a Freedom of Information Act application. Air force officials denied the request but decided to release the photos after Mr Kick appealed against their decision. Mr Kick was unavailable for comment yesterday, but on his website he wrote: "These are the images that the Pentagon prevented the public from seeing."
Controversy over such images was further fuelled by the Seattle Times's decision to publish similar photographs on its front page last Sunday.
Those pictures were taken in Kuwait by Tami Silicio, who worked for a cargo aircraft contractor, Maytag Aircraft Corp, based in Los Angeles
Ms Silicio, 50, was fired by the company on Wednesday after concerns were raised by military officials. The company's president, William Silva, told the Seattle Times that while the decision to fire Ms Silicio had been the company's, the US military had identified "very specific concerns" about her actions. He declined to detail those concerns.
Ms Silicio told ABC television: "I think if the administration were more sympathetic, they would see that this is a positive thing. [Family members] want to see how our loved ones, how our heroes, are being taking care of and how they get home." The Pentagon says it has barred publication out of respect to "families' feelings and requests". But many relatives of soldiers who died in Iraq believe the White House is trying to cover up what is happening there. Sue Niederer said she was refused permission to see the return of her son Seth Dvorin's body as it was flown into the Dover base. Lieutenant Dvorin, 24, from the 101st Airborne Division, was killed in February while trying to disarm a roadside bomb, a task for which he was not trained.
Speaking from her home in New Jersey, Mrs Niederer said: "They killed my son and they did not permit me to be there to see the coffin. They said it was for health reasons, and ... they did not want the public to see it and they did not want the newspapers there." She added: "They don't want any of this being shown because it's reality. A coffin strikes home. If you don't see the coffin you just say: 'Oh, there's another one who has died.' But when you show the coffin, you show families, you show people and emotions. This is what they are doing this is what they do not want you to see."
The poll, conducted by the University of Maryland, showedmost respondents were unaware of the testimony of David Kay, the administration's chief weapons inspector, that he had found no weapons, or that of Richard Clarke, the former counter-terrorism tsar whose book Against All Enemies has been the talk of Washington.
A staggering 82 per cent of respondents believed most experts supported the notion that Iraq was providing "substantial support" to al-Qa'ida - a contention that President Bush has been forced to disavow. Almost 60 per cent were unaware that world opinion was against the war in Iraq, with 21 per cent saying the world was behind the US-led invasion and 38 per cent saying views were "evenly divided".
The poll also showed a correlation between people's ignorance and their political affiliation. Among those who believed WMD had been found in Iraq, 72 per cent said they would vote to re-elect Mr Bush in November and 23 per cent said they supported his Democratic challenger, John Kerry. Among those who knew that no WMD had been found,74 per cent supported Mr Kerry and 23 per cent backed the President.
Told in their own words, this compelling story reveals the disastrous consequences for GIs and Iraqis alike when armchair generals overruled the professionals to launch a war many real generals opposed. A growing mutiny in the ranks is seeing desertions and refusals to reenlist - combined with a drastic drop in enlistments across the USA - stretching the army to the breaking point. Will the grunts finally stop America’s latest war - just as their counterparts stopped the war in Vietnam? Read this book and find out.
The US President also defended Donald Rumsfeld amid growing criticism about the Defence Secretary's handling of the war and his arrogant manner in dealing with Congress. He came under fire most recently after it was revealed that he had not personally signed letters of condolence to the relatives of soldiers killed in action in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Mr Bush said: "Next month, Iraqis will go to the polls and express their will in free elections. Preparations are under way for an energetic campaign and the participation is wide and varied. More than 80 parties and coalitions have been formed and more than 7,000 candidates have registered for the elections.
"No one can predict every turn in the months ahead, and I certainly don't expect the process to be trouble free. Yet I am confident of the result."
Mr Bush's comments at his "end of the year" press conference came the day after bomb attacks by insurgents in the holy cities of Najaf and Karbala killed dozens and left more than 120 wounded. In Baghdad, three election officials were dragged from their car by a group of around 30 insurgents and shot dead.
But the President again claimed that the public were not seeing the full picture of events in Iraq - a country from which almost all aid groups have withdrawn because of a lack of security - and that there were positive signs.
"I can understand why people - they're looking on your TV screen and seeing indiscriminate bombing, where thousands of innocent or hundreds of innocent Iraqis are getting killed, and they're saying whether or not we're able to achieve the objective," he said. "What they don't see are the - you know, the small businesses starting, 15 of the 18 provinces are relatively stable, where progress is being made. Life is better now than it was under Saddam Hussein."
Independent studies suggest that many thousands of Iraqi civilians have died as a result of the American-led invasion. A recent study published in The Lancet estimated that more than 100,000 civlians had been killed. The British Government still claims that fewer than 4,000 civilians have died. About 1,300 US troops have been killed.
John McCain, the Republican senator is one of several high-ranking figures who have recently expressed doubts about Mr Rumsfeld. And Mr Bush went out of his way yesterday to defend him. "I know Secretary Rumsfeld's heart," Mr Bush said. "He's a good, decent man. He's a caring fellow. You know, sometimes perhaps his demeanour is rough and gruff, but beneath that rough and gruff no-nonsense demeanour is a good human being who cares deeply about the military and deeply about the grief that war causes."
Two weeks ago, The Independent reported claims by an army veteran, Colonel David Hackworth, that Mr Rumsfeld did not personally sign his name on so-called "killed-in-action" (KIA) letters sent to relatives of troops killed in Iraq and Afghanistan. Many family members have complained and Mr Rumsfeld has apologised and promised to sign all future correspondence himself.
Best wishes Ralph
After the horrific events of September 11 2001, and throughout the battle in Afghanistan, the groundwork was being laid for the invasion of Iraq. "Shock and awe" were the words used to describe the display of power that the world was going to view upon the start of Operation Iraqi Freedom. It was to be an up-close, dramatic display of military strength and advanced technology from within the arsenals of the American and British military.
But as a soldier preparing to take part in the invasion of Iraq, the words "shock and awe" rang deep within my psyche. Even as we prepared to depart, it seemed that these two great superpowers were about to break the very rules that they demanded others obey. Without the consent of the United Nations, and ignoring the pleas of their own citizens, the US and Britain invaded Iraq. "Shock and awe"? Yes, the words correctly described the emotional impact I felt as we embarked on an act not of justice, but of hypocrisy.
From the moment the first shot was fired in this so-called war of liberation and freedom, hypocrisy reigned. After the broadcasting of recorded images of captured and dead US soldiers on Arab television, American and British leaders vowed revenge while verbally assaulting the networks for displaying such vivid images. Yet within hours of the deaths of Saddam Hussein's sons, the US government released horrific photographs of the two dead brothers for the entire world to view. Again, a "do as we say and not as we do" scenario.
As soldiers serving in Iraq, we have been told that our purpose is to help the people of Iraq by providing them with the necessary assistance militarily, as well as in humanitarian efforts. Then tell me where the humanity is in the recent account in Stars and Stripes (the newspaper of the US military) of two young children brought to a US military camp by their mother in search of medical care.
The two children had, unknowingly, been playing with explosive ordnance they had found, and as a result they were severely burned. The account tells how, after an hour-long wait, they - two children - were denied care by two US military doctors. A soldier described the incident as one of many "atrocities" on the part of the US military he had witnessed.
Thankfully, I have not personally been a witness to atrocities - unless, of course, you consider, as I do, that this war in Iraq is the ultimate atrocity.
So what is our purpose here? Was this invasion because of weapons of mass destruction, as we have so often heard? If so, where are they? Did we invade to dispose of a leader and his regime because they were closely associated with Osama bin Laden? If so, where is the proof?
Or is it that our incursion is about our own economic advantage? Iraq's oil can be refined at the lowest cost of any in the world. This looks like a modern-day crusade not to free an oppressed people or to rid the world of a demonic dictator relentless in his pursuit of conquest and domination, but a crusade to control another nation's natural resource. Oil - at least to me - seems to be the reason for our presence.
There is only one truth, and it is that Americans are dying. There are an estimated 10 to 14 attacks every day on our servicemen and women in Iraq. As the body count continues to grow, it would appear that there is no immediate end in sight.
I once believed that I was serving for a cause - "to uphold and defend the constitution of the United States". Now I no longer believe that; I have lost my conviction, as well as my determination. I can no longer justify my service on the basis of what I believe to be half-truths and bold lies.
With age comes wisdom, and at 36 years old I am no longer so blindly led as to believe without question. From my arrival last November at Fort Campbell, in Kentucky, talk of deployment was heard, and as that talk turned to actual preparation, my heart sank and my doubts grew. My doubts have never faded; instead, it has been my resolve and my commitment that have.
My time here is almost done, as well as that of many others with whom I have served. We have all faced death in Iraq without reason and without justification. How many more must die? How many more tears must be shed before Americans awake and demand the return of the men and women whose job it is to protect them, rather than their leader's interest?
Tim Predmore is a US soldier on active duty with the 101st Airborne Division, based near Mosul in northern Iraq. A version of this article appeared in the Peoria Journal Star, Illinois
But as a soldier preparing for the invasion of Iraq, the words "shock and awe" rang deeper within my psyche. These two great superpowers were about to break the very rules they demand of others. Without the consent of the United Nations, and ignoring the pleas of their own citizens, the United States and Britain invaded Iraq.
"Shock and Awe"? Yes, the words correctly described the emotional impact I felt as we prepared to participate in what I believed not to be an act of justice but of hypocrisy. L
From the moment the first shot was fired in this so-called war of liberation and freedom, hypocrisy reigned. Following the broadcasting of recorded images of captured and dead U.S. soldiers over Arab television, American and British leaders vowed revenge while verbally assaulting the networks for displaying such vivid images. Yet within hours of the deaths of Saddam's two sons, the American government released horrific photos of the two dead brothers for the entire world to view. Again, a "do as we say and not as we do" scenario.
As soldiers serving in Iraq, we have been told that our purpose here is to help the people of Iraq by providing them the necessary assistance militarily as well as in humanitarian efforts. Then tell me where the humanity was in the recent Stars and Stripes account of two young children brought to a U.S. military camp by their mother, in search of medical care? The two children had been, unbeknown to them, playing with explosive ordinance they had found and as a result were severely burned. The account tells how the two children, following an hour-long wait, were denied care by two U.S. military doctors. The soldier described the incident as one of many "atrocities" he has witnessed on the part of the U.S. military.
So then, what is our purpose here? Was this invasion due to weapons of mass destruction as we so often heard? If so, where are they? Did we invade to dispose of a leader and his regime on the account of close association with Osama bin Laden? If so, where is the proof? Or is it that our incursion is a result of our own economic advantage? Iraq's oil can be refined at the lowest cost of any in the world. Coincidence?
This looks like a modern-day crusade not to free an oppressed people or to rid the world of a demonic dictator relentless in his pursuit of conquest and domination but a crusade to control another nation's natural resource. At least for us here, oil seems to be the reason for our presence.
There is only one truth, and it is that Americans are dying. There are an estimated 10- to 14-attacks on our servicemen and women daily in Iraq. As the body count continues to grow, it would appear that there is no immediate end in sight.
I once believed that I served for a cause: "to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States."
Now, I no longer believe; I have lost my conviction, my determination. I can no longer justify my service for what I believe to be half-truths and bold lies. My time is done as well as that of many others with whom I serve. We have all faced death here without reason or justification.
How many more must die? How many more tears must be shed before America awakens and demands the return of the men and women whose job it is to protect them rather than their leader's interest?
Tim Predmore is on active duty with the 101st Airborne Division near Mosul, Iraq. A 1985 Richwoods High School graduate and native Peorian, he has been in Iraq since March and in the military for about five years.
This is not the only soldier who has told me this. I heard this same story from scores of young women who had joined the Army and then decided it was not for them. Pregnancy and Abortion is an easy free ticket back to civilian life for female soldiers. It keeps me awake night when I think about those poor unborn children who must be sacrificed in the name of freedom from military service, but that is my cross to bear.
A CONCERNED ARMY CHAPLAIN
To: secretary@state.gov
Subject: Soldier in Iraq
Honorable Mr. Powell,
A cancer has begun to spread in the military - especially those currently serving in Iraq. Sir, that cancer - as you probably already are aware of - is the dissatisfaction of service members for having been lied to by our Commander in Chief and his staff.
Sir, we know now that this war was not about Weapons of Mass Destruction. Sir, we know that this war was not about terrorism. Sir, we are unsure anymore of what exactly this war was about.
No one serving with me over here will deny that the removal of Saddam Hussein and his regime of tyrants was a great thing and we are proud of what we accomplished. I will continue to serve my country with honor and I am proud of the men and women and civilians with whom I work. They are all heroes.
But the men and women of Iraq know why we are here. They are very intelligent people and are able to see right through the lies that our President used to justify this war. That is why they view us now as an occupying force and believe it is their Muslim duty to fight us. Sir, you see the trends probably better than I do as an Intelligence Analyst. The attacks are on the rise and it is not the former Ba'ath party members conducting them. The attack last week on a convoy near Al Fallujah that killed 3 soldiers was carried out by a local man fighting for his Islamic belief. He left behind a letter to his family telling them not to mourn his death, but to rejoice it in the name of Allah. The people in his neighborhood call him a martyr. Sir, my unit commander visited the Abu Ghurayb prison to see the damage done by a mortar shell which killed 2 soldiers. His convoy took a wrong turn which took them through a nearby neighborhood. The people were unfriendly and some shouted, "Die, Americans! Die!".
Sir, I am wondering how you sleep at night knowing that America's sons and daughters are being wounded and killed every day by a people that we "Liberated" and for reasons that were untrue. I can see it in your eyes whenever you are before a camera. You are a good man and you were a great General. You need to speak out, sir. You need to tell us the truth. I know we are not going to be pulled out of Iraq any time soon. I can live with that and continue to do my job honorably if only we can hear the truth. That is all I ask for. And you, Mr. Secretary, will be viewed as a hero again.
Respectfully,
SSG United States Army
The countryside is getting more safe by the day despite all the attacks you are hearing about. Imagine if every shooting incident or robbery committed in Los Angeles was blown way out of proportion. This is a country where most of the Saddam Hussein thugs are being chased around like scared rabbits by coalition forces. It is literally open season on them! We hunt them down like animals.
There were about a million soldiers in the Iraqi army at the beginning of hostilities and most of them took off before we attacked. There are some that were very loyal to Saddam that are trying to sneak around and take pot-shots at us. We are cleaning them up pretty fast. There are also thugs from other countries like Iran and Syria running around. Well, the Iraqis hate these thugs as much as we do. So the Iraqi people are hunting them down too! I can honestly say 98 percent of the population of Iraq loves us and they do not want us to leave - ever! They say as long as we are here they feel safe.
What is going on with the country’s infrastructure?
Everything is going well. The railroad is running again. The railroad has not run since 1991. In the city of Hillah, the power stays on 24 hours a day and it has more power than prior to the war. Some Iraqis are worried about getting too much food from the coalition because they don’t have enough room in their homes to store it. The markets are open. The Seabees have rebuilt all of the schools and put in furniture and chalkboards. The kids used to sit on the floor! Now they have nice desks to sit at. Commerce is running.
New money is being printed. The Iraqi Dinar has stabilized and is now increasing in value. Most of the Iraqi men want to buy Chevy pickups (I told them a Dodge Ram with a Cummins Diesel is better). They pretty much want any vehicle made by General Motors. The highways and bridges are being repaired.
In the universities, the girls have tossed their deshakas (long black dresses with head and face coverings) and are now wearing western-style clothes and even some are wearing short sleeves. The favorite drink is Pepsi, followed by Coke. They want us to bring them any and everything American. Any item made in America or that is from America is worth money over here.
The newspapers and television paint a picture of doom and gloom and that we are having major problems over here. That is just not the case.
The Iraqis have a saying about the situation over here: "Every day is better than the day before." Life is flowing back into this country and it is fun to watch. And I am so glad that I got to watch it happen.
Some days watching the Iraqi people is like watching the faces of little kids on Christmas Day! Many of them are walking around in a daze wondering what to do with their freedom.
They are starting businesses everywhere. They want to build shopping malls and factories, they want McDonalds and Jack in the Box and Pizza Hut. Of course, anything American fast food, because of the stories the troops are telling them. We give them our old newspapers and magazines that people have been sending us and they are absolutely flabbergasted when they read them. They want us to keep bringing them. They read every single page even the advertisements over and over.
Thanks again to all of you for your support.
Senior Chief Art Messer is a member of the U.S. Navy Seabees currently serving in Iraq. This letter to friends at home was forwarded to DefenseWatch.
She spoke on the condition that she remain anonymous after her commander ordered troops not to give media interviews. Her colleague, a 26-year-old reservist from Houston who was studying to become a police officer, said she planned to quit the army as soon as she got home. "I've been in the army eight years and I can't do it any more, not after this. We're sitting here like targets and the Iraqis are getting bolder. They're taking a pop in broad daylight." One of the military policemen from her squad had cracked up and been sent home this week after a skirmish with Iraqi attackers, she said. "When I heard we might get another six months I wanted to cry."
I accept this award on behalf of all the people behind the camera whom you never see. And for all those scientists, advocates, activists, and just plain citizens whose stories we have covered in reporting on how environmental change affects our daily lives. We journalists are simply beachcombers on the shores of other people's knowledge, other people's experience, and other people's wisdom. We tell their stories.
The journalist who truly deserves this award is my friend, Bill McKibben. He enjoys the most conspicuous place in my own pantheon of journalistic heroes for his pioneer work in writing about the environment. His bestseller The End of Nature carried on where Rachel Carson's Silent Spring left off.
Writing in Mother Jones recently, Bill described how the problems we journalists routinely cover - conventional, manageable programs like budget shortfalls and pollution - may be about to convert to chaotic, unpredictable, unmanageable situations. The most unmanageable of all, he writes, could be the accelerating deterioration of the environment, creating perils with huge momentum like the greenhouse effect that is causing the melt of the artic to release so much freshwater into the North Atlantic that even the Pentagon is growing alarmed that a weakening gulf stream could yield abrupt and overwhelming changes, the kind of changes that could radically alter civilizations.
That's one challenge we journalists face - how to tell such a story without coming across as Cassandras, without turning off the people we most want to understand what's happening, who must act on what they read and hear.
As difficult as it is, however, for journalists to fashion a readable narrative for complex issues without depressing our readers and viewers, there is an even harder challenge - to pierce the ideology that governs official policy today. One of the biggest changes in politics in my lifetime is that the delusional is no longer marginal. It has come in from the fringe, to sit in the seat of power in the oval office and in Congress. For the first time in our history, ideology and theology hold a monopoly of power in Washington. Theology asserts propositions that cannot be proven true; ideologues hold stoutly to a world view despite being contradicted by what is generally accepted as reality. When ideology and theology couple, their offspring are not always bad but they are always blind. And there is the danger: voters and politicians alike, oblivious to the facts.
Remember James Watt, President Reagan's first Secretary of the Interior? My favorite online environmental journal, the ever engaging Grist, reminded us recently of how James Watt told the U.S. Congress that protecting natural resources was unimportant in light of the imminent return of Jesus Christ. In public testimony he said, 'after the last tree is felled, Christ will come back.'
Beltway elites snickered. The press corps didn't know what he was talking about. But James Watt was serious. So were his compatriots out across the country. They are the people who believe the bible is literally true - one-third of the American electorate, if a recent Gallup poll is accurate. In this past election several million good and decent citizens went to the polls believing in the rapture index. That's right - the rapture index. Google it and you will find that the best-selling books in America today are the twelve volumes of the left-behind series written by the Christian fundamentalist and religious right warrior, Timothy LaHaye. These true believers subscribe to a fantastical theology concocted in the 19th century by a couple of immigrant preachers who took disparate passages from the Bible and wove them into a narrative that has captivated the imagination of millions of Americans.
Its outline is rather simple, if bizarre (the British writer George Monbiot recently did a brilliant dissection of it and I am indebted to him for adding to my own understanding): once Israel has occupied the rest of its 'biblical lands,' legions of the anti-Christ will attack it, triggering a final showdown in the valley of Armageddon. As the Jews who have not been converted are burned, the messiah will return for the rapture. True believers will be lifted out of their clothes and transported to heaven, where, seated next to the right hand of God, they will watch their political and religious opponents suffer plagues of boils, sores, locusts, and frogs during the several years of tribulation that follow.
I'm not making this up. Like Monbiot, I've read the literature. I've reported on these people, following some of them from Texas to the West Bank. They are sincere, serious, and polite as they tell you they feel called to help bring the rapture on as fulfillment of biblical prophecy. That's why they have declared solidarity with Israel and the Jewish settlements and backed up their support with money and volunteers. It's why the invasion of Iraq for them was a warm-up act, predicted in the Book of Revelations where four angels 'which are bound in the great river Euphrates will be released to slay the third part of man.' A war with Islam in the Middle East is not something to be feared but welcomed - an essential conflagration on the road to redemption. The last time I Googled it, the rapture index stood at 144-just one point below the critical threshold when the whole thing will blow, the son of god will return, the righteous will enter heaven, and sinners will be condemned to eternal hellfire.
So what does this mean for public policy and the environment? Go to Grist to read a remarkable work of reporting by the journalist, Glenn Scherer - 'the road to environmental apocalypse. Read it and you will see how millions of Christian fundamentalists may believe that environmental destruction is not only to be disregarded but actually welcomed - even hastened - as a sign of the coming apocalypse.
As Grist makes clear, we're not talking about a handful of fringe lawmakers who hold or are beholden to these beliefs. Nearly half the U.S. Congress before the recent election - 231 legislators in total - more since the election - are backed by the religious right. Forty-five senators and 186 members of the 108th congress earned 80 to 100 percent approval ratings from the three most influential Christian right advocacy groups. They include Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, Assistant Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, Conference Chair Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania, Policy Chair Jon Kyl of Arizona, House Speaker Dennis Hastert, and Majority Whip Roy Blunt. The only Democrat to score 100 percent with the Christian coalition was Senator Zell Miller of Georgia, who recently quoted from the biblical book of Amos on the senate floor: "the days will come, sayeth the Lord God, that i will send a famine in the land.' he seemed to be relishing the thought.
And why not? There's a constituency for it. A 2002 TIME/CNN poll found that 59 percent of Americans believe that the prophecies found in the book of Revelations are going to come true. Nearly one-quarter think the Bible predicted the 9/11 attacks. Drive across the country with your radio tuned to the more than 1,600 Christian radio stations or in the motel turn some of the 250 Christian TV stations and you can hear some of this end-time gospel. And you will come to understand why people under the spell of such potent prophecies cannot be expected, as Grist puts it, "to worry about the environment. Why care about the earth when the droughts, floods, famine and pestilence brought by ecological collapse are signs of the apocalypse foretold in the bible? Why care about global climate change when you and yours will be rescued in the rapture? And why care about converting from oil to solar when the same god who performed the miracle of the loaves and fishes can whip up a few billion barrels of light crude with a word?"
Because these people believe that until Christ does return, the lord will provide. One of their texts is a high school history book, America's providential history. You'll find there these words: "the secular or socialist has a limited resource mentality and views the world as a pie…that needs to be cut up so everyone can get a piece.' however, "[t]he Christian knows that the potential in god is unlimited and that there is no shortage of resources in god's earth……while many secularists view the world as overpopulated, Christians know that god has made the earth sufficiently large with plenty of resources to accommodate all of the people." No wonder Karl Rove goes around the White House whistling that militant hymn, "Onward Christian Soldiers." He turned out millions of the foot soldiers on November 2, including many who have made the apocalypse a powerful driving force in modern American politics.
I can see in the look on your faces just how had it is for the journalist to report a story like this with any credibility. So let me put it on a personal level. I myself don't know how to be in this world without expecting a confident future and getting up every morning to do what I can to bring it about. So I have always been an optimist. Now, however, I think of my friend on Wall Street whom I once asked: "What do you think of the market?" "I'm optimistic," he answered. "Then why do you look so worried?" And he answered: "Because I am not sure my optimism is justified."
I'm not, either. Once upon a time I agreed with the Eric Chivian and the Center for Health and the Global Environment that people will protect the natural environment when they realize its importance to their health and to the health and lives of their children. Now I am not so sure. It's not that I don't want to believe that - it's just that I read the news and connect the dots:
I read that the administrator of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency has declared the election a mandate for President Bush on the environment. This for an administration that wants to rewrite the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act and the Endangered Species Act protecting rare plant and animal species and their habitats, as well as the National Environmental Policy Act that requires the government to judge beforehand if actions might damage natural resources.
That wants to relax pollution limits for ozone; eliminate vehicle tailpipe inspections; and ease pollution standards for cars, sports utility vehicles and diesel-powered big trucks and heavy equipment.
That wants a new international audit law to allow corporations to keep certain information about environmental problems secret from the public.
That wants to drop all its new-source review suits against polluting coal-fired power plans and weaken consent decrees reached earlier with coal companies.
That wants to open the artic wildlife refuge to drilling and increase drilling in Padre Island National Seashore, the longest stretch of undeveloped barrier island in the world and the last great coastal wild land in America.
I read the news just this week and learned how the Environmental Protection Agency had planned to spend nine million dollars - $2 million of it from the administration's friends at the American Chemistry Council - to pay poor families to continue to use pesticides in their homes. These pesticides have been linked to neurological damage in children, but instead of ordering an end to their use, the government and the industry were going to offer the families $970 each, as well as a camcorder and children's clothing, to serve as guinea pigs for the study.
I read all this in the news.
I read the news just last night and learned that the administration's friends at the international policy network, which is supported by ExxonMobil and others of like mind, have issued a new report that climate change is 'a myth, sea levels are not rising, scientists who believe catastrophe is possible are 'an embarrassment.
I not only read the news but the fine print of the recent appropriations bill passed by Congress, with the obscure (and obscene) riders attached to it: a clause removing all endangered species protections from pesticides; language prohibiting judicial review for a forest in Oregon; a waiver of environmental review for grazing permits on public lands; a rider pressed by developers to weaken protection for crucial habitats in California.
I read all this and look up at the pictures on my desk, next to the computer - pictures of my grandchildren: Henry, age 12; of Thomas, age 10; of Nancy, 7; Jassie, 3; Sara Jane, nine months. I see the future looking back at me from those photographs and I say, 'Father, forgive us, for we know now what we do.' And then I am stopped short by the thought: 'That's not right. We do know what we are doing. We are stealing their future. Betraying their trust. Despoiling their world.'
And I ask myself: Why? Is it because we don't care? Because we are greedy? Because we have lost our capacity for outrage, our ability to sustain indignation at injustice?
What has happened to out moral imagination?
On the heath Lear asks Gloucester: 'How do you see the world?" And Gloucester, who is blind, answers: "I see it feelingly.'"
I see it feelingly.
The news is not good these days. I can tell you, though, that as a journalist I know the news is never the end of the story. The news can be the truth that sets us free - not only to feel but to fight for the future we want. And the will to fight is the antidote to despair, the cure for cynicism, and the answer to those faces looking back at me from those photographs on my desk. What we need to match the science of human health is what the ancient Israelites called 'hocma' - the science of the heart…..the capacity to see….to feel….and then to act…as if the future depended on you.
Believe me, it does."
Today, a growing number of soldiers are speaking out about another doomed military adventure. This time they're using email - and those electronic dispatches are finding their way to the web. Check out "Soldiers for Truth," a revolutionary site allowing U.S. soldiers in Iraq to directly communicate their plight to the world. Don't get the wrong idea. This ain't no peacenik site. It's fervently pro-military, and fundamentally pro-war. But it is increasingly anti-administration. The site's spiritual leader seems to be retired U.S. Army Col. David Hackworth, the self-described Most Decorated Soldier in America. Hackworth can walk the walk. He was shot eight times in Vietnam, and went on to write the so-called "Vietnam Primer," referred to as the military's bible on counter-insurgency warfare.
As a profile in today's Salon describes, Hackworth has become one of the administration's most vocal critics. The Colonel is best known for being one of the loudest detractors of the Pentagon's invasion strategy in the early stages of the war. His main gripe - Rumsfeld did it "light" and "on the cheap," leaving U.S. forces without the manpower to properly secure the peace. During the invasion, his (and others') comments drew the ire of the neo-con junta, prompting Rummy to lash out at the media and what he called the "television generals" - Hackworth being one. But Hackworth didn't back down. He set up his own site, hackworth.com, where you can read his scathing critiques of the war planners.
In an interview with Salon (excepted below), Hackworth hits back, explaining why he thinks the Secretary of Defense is an "asshole," why the war is far from over, and why Saddam Hussein could be the next Ho Chi Minh.
Salon: How long do you think U.S. troops will be needed in Iraq?
Hackworth: God only knows, the way things are going. At least 30 years. Tommy Franks [recently retired commander of U.S. troops in Iraq] said four to 10 years. Based on Cyprus and other commitments in this kind of warfare, it is going to be a long time -- unless the price gets too heavy.
We say it is costing the U.S. $4 billion a month; I bet it is costing $6 billion a month. Where the hell is that money going to come from?
Salon: How do you see the combat situation evolving in Iraq?
Hackworth: There is no way the G [guerrilla] is going to win; he knows that, but his object is to make us bleed. To nickel and dime us. This is Phase 1. But what he is always looking for is the big hit -- a Beirut [-style car-bomb attack] with 242 casualties, something that gets the headlines! The Americans have their head up their ass all the time. All the advantages are with the G; he will be watching. He is like an audience in a darkened theater and the U.S. troops are the actors on stage all lit up, so the G can see everything on stage, when they are asleep or when his weapons are dirty. The actor can't see shit in the audience.
Salon: For many weeks your Web site has described conditions in Iraq as being far more chaotic and unstable than generally reported. Why did the Pentagon try to downplay the problems instead of playing it straight and saying this is a long- term problem for America?
Hackworth: Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and his deputy Paul Wolfowitz made a very horrible estimate of the situation. They concluded that the war would be Slam Bam Goodbye Saddam, followed by victory parades with local Iraqi folks throwing flowers and rice and everything nice, then the troops would come home.
When I examined the task organization, my estimate was totally contrary to this asshole Rumsfeld, who went in light and on the cheap, all based upon this rosy scenario. I never thought this would be a fight without resistance. And there was another guy who thought the same way I did; his name is Saddam Hussein. He looked at the awesome array of forces being set up against him and said, "Wait a minute, no way can I prevail, I tried that in '91 and just saw in Afghanistan what happened to Taliban and Al-Qaida, I will run away for another day."
Saddam is saying, "I am going to copy Ho Chi Minh and the Taliban and go into a guerrilla configuration." It [the invasion of Baghdad] did go Slam Bam Goodbye Saddam, but we are in there so light that we don't have sufficient force to provide the stability after the fall of the regime. We can't secure the banks, the energy facilities, the vital installations, the government, the ministry, the museums or the library. The world was witness to this great anarchy, the looting and rioting that set over Baghdad. There was that wonderful quote by Rumsfeld. "Stuff happens," he said. He flipped it off.
Salon: Do you see any similarities to the U.S. engagement in Vietnam?
Hackworth: The mistake in Vietnam was we failed to understand the nature of the war and we failed to understand our enemy. In Vietnam we were fighting World War II. Up to now in Iraq we have been fighting Desert Storm with tank brigade attacks. The tanks move into a village, swoop down, the tank gunner sees a silhouette atop a house, aims, fires, kills and it turns out to be a 12-year-old boy. Now, the father of that boy said, "We will kill 10 Americans for this." This is exactly what happened in Vietnam; a village was friendly, then some pilot turns around and blows away the village, the village goes from pro-Saigon to pro-Hanoi.
The $87 billion "down payment" the administration is asking for re-building Iraq, for instance, is twice what we're spending on Homeland Security.
Last week, PBS' Bill Moyers talked with a real conservative who says the President's policies are not misguided, they are immoral. GNNers may not like his politics or his pedigree, but when the chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York is worried about the future we are leaving his grandchildren, you sit up and take notice:
BILL MOYERS: Those of you who are faithful to NOW will recognize the deficit clock, just a few blocks from our office here in New York silently measuring how fast the United States government is spending money it doesn't have. Standing there you get the impression you're looking at the digital Doomsday deficit clock and you have the urge to talk to Peter Peterson.
So here he is. Mr. Peterson is chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York as well as of his own investment firm, the Blackstone Group. He's a lifelong Republican who served as Secretary of Commerce in Richard Nixon's cabinet. Mr. Peterson is chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York as well as of his own investment firm, the Blackstone Group. He's a lifelong Republican who served as Secretary of Commerce in Richard Nixon's cabinet.
A dozen years ago when the deficit clock was also going haywire he helped to found the non-partisan Concord Coalition whose members set out to alert their fellow citizens to a crisis in the making. Now he's back, déjà vu all over again. Welcome to NOW.
PETER PETERSON: Thank you, Bill.
BILL MOYERS: What do you see when you look at that clock?
PETER PETERSON: Well, I see both a fiscal economic crisis in the making. I also see a moral crisis. And maybe that doesn't come very convincingly from an investment banker. But let me explain that to you. The fiscal crisis is both domestic and foreign. We are now facing a situation during a decade when we should have been saving for the Boomer revolution that's coming and the retirement costs. Instead of saving during that decade we're squandering it. The Concord Coalition, Goldman Sachs, the Committee for Economic Development predict that over the next ten years we're going to be adding $5 trillion of deficits. So we have a domestic fiscal crisis. Much less understood, Bill, is the foreign deficit, what we call the Current Account Deficit, that's caused by the biggest trade deficit we've ever had. Plus--
BILL MOYERS: We're buying a lot more overseas than they're buying from us.
PETER PETERSON: Precisely. And we have a lousy savings rate, the lowest in the world. And we are now going to be importing-- something like $500 billion to $600 billion in foreign capital. We've become hooked, we've become addicted to foreign capital.
BILL MOYERS: You mean they are paying for our deficit?
PETER PETERSON: They're paying for our deficits, our various deficits.
BILL MOYERS: Somebody watching says, "But why don't we want them to pay our debt? The foreigners, why don't we want them?"
PETER PETERSON: Well-- because at some point we're going to have to pay it back. And in the meantime they end up owning a great deal of America. And the interest costs get to be very terrific.
One of the crisis scenarios, of course, is we have this mammoth debt. The foreigners lose confidence in us. The dollar fall, the-- stock markets fall, the bond markets fall, the interest rates go way up. Then the debt burden goes up astronomically.
And the foreign deficit-- Bill, is at five percent of the GDP heading towards six. And the previous record during the Reagan Years was only 3 1/2. So we have this fiscally speaking, we have this dual crisis in the making. Now--
BILL MOYERS: The deficit and the foreign deficit.
PETER PETERSON: And the foreign deficit. Now the moral crisis. There's a German philosopher named Bonhoeffer who said the ultimate test of a moral society is the kind of world it leaves to its children.
When we sit around here and talk about all these tax cuts and we say it's our money, your money and mine, I think we ought to be honest with the American people. In the first place, it's also our debt and it's our children's debt.
But secondly, a tax cut isn't really a tax cut long-term unless you reduce spending. Because then it becomes a tax increase on your children. So we're inflicting this awful bill not simply on ourselves but most importantly on our kids. And it is that phenomenon that is very troublesome when we have to consider that ten years from now 77 million Boomers are retiring.
All of those liabilities are not funded. The Trust Fund is one of the ultimate fiscal oxymorons of our time. There's nothing in it that's not funded and you shouldn't trust it. And whether you had it or didn't have it, you'd still have to go out and do the same thing. Increase payroll taxes to pay for Social Security and Medicare.
You realize, Bill, at the present time, the Social Security Administration believes that my children and grandchildren will have to pay between 25 and 35 percent of payroll to fund these programs. So when we say you and I, fat cats that we are, are getting tax cuts, I prefer to think of it as a tax increase on my own kids and grandkids. And I find that a fundamentally unacceptable immoral proposition.
BILL MOYERS: The national debt could increase by the Year 2000-- 2013 to $14 trillion. That's a tripling of the debt today. What does that mean in practical terms?
PETER PETERSON: That number is roughly correct for the so-called official debt. But we have not told the American people is there's $25 trillion of unfunded liabilities for Social Security and Medicare. $25 trillion--
BILL MOYERS: That we don't know about.
PETER PETERSON: And it's off the books. We don't even talk about it. So that's a gross understatement of the amount of liabilities that we now have.
BILL MOYERS: You know, these are breathtaking numbers Pete Peterson. Help us to translate them into their impact on my team here in the studio, on the people watching, on our individual lives.
PETER PETERSON: I want to present a picture to you. There's 77 million Boomers we're talking about. A doubling of the elderly. Half of the people getting Social Security make less than $20,000 and they depend enormously on Social Security as part of that. It's over half of it. Unfortunately, our country has staggering amounts of elderly that have no savings at all, about 20 percent.
Imagine politically 77 million Boomers. They don't have savings. They depend on Social Security and somebody's saying to them, "Sorry, folks, we're out of money. You're not going to get your benefits."
And they've been told-- they've been misled by politicians all their lives that this Trust Fund is going to take care of them. My father went to his deathbed thinking that there was real money there. And he said, "My son, I don't know what you're talking about because it's like a savings account."
And I kept saying, "Dad, there's nothing in there. It's just liabilities." So I think that political-- implications would be devastating. But more than that, the social implications. It's the richest nation in the world. And you're going to sit there and tell me we're going to throw tens of millions of Americans into a destitute situation without advanced notice? I don't think so.
The Bush administration is feeling threatened.
You can tell because, one, it stonewalled far too long in permitting national security adviser Condoleezza Rice to testify under oath before the independent 9/11 commission. This act alone shows an already secretive, stubborn Bush White House verging on utter intransigence.
You can tell the White House feels threatened also because it responded in a childish manner to a matter of religion - the purported essence of this president's character and leadership. Last Sunday, John Kerry, the likely Democratic presidential nominee, worshiped at a black church in St. Louis and used a Bible verse to describe President Bush's leadership as one that has "faith but has no deeds."
Specifically, Kerry summed up Bush by citing James 2:14: "What good is it, my brothers, if a man claims to have faith but has no deeds?"
Permit me to digress. Obviously, given the pedestrian tone of the verse, Kerry did not quote from the King James Version, my favorite. Being a Bible buff, I went to the King James and found that, sure enough, Kerry had missed the poetic beauty and, therefore, the verse's damning judgment: "What doth it profit, my brethren, though a man say he hath faith, and have not works? Can faith save him?"
These are the opening lines of 'The Moon is Down', John Steinbeck's brilliant novel about the German occupation of Norway, a story about conquerors-decent, home-loving soldiers under the sway of nationalism-who occupy a foreign land. What happens when an invading army proclaims "mission accomplished" prematurely?
It is impossible to read Steinbeck's masterpiece without thinking about our own soldiers in Iraq and Fallujah, about their daily fear, the growing tendency for revenge, the agony of conquest.
'The Moon is Down' is not primarily about the Norwegian people, or even about the resistance. It's about the terror, the self-doubts, the slow transformation of arrogance to self-loathing, under which invaders live.
Steinbeck conveys the breakdown of morale, the shock of recognition, in a series of dialogues-outbursts and remarks of tense and frazzled soldiers.
"They hate us," says one. "They hate us so much. I don't like it here, sir."
A lieutenant exclaims: "The enemy's everywhere. Every man, woman, even children. The faces look out of doorways. The white faces behind the curtains, listening. We have beaten them, we have won everywhere, and they wait and obey, and they wait."
Commanders try vainly to instill hope and confidence. "When we have killed the leaders," says one, "the rebellion will be broken." "Do you really think so?" responds a skeptical German.
When a lieutenant is upset by the hostility of the local population, his commander admonishes him: "I will not lie to you, Lieutenant. They should have trained you for this, and not for flower-strewn streets. They should have built your soul with truth, not led you along with lies. But you took the job, Lieutenant. We can't take care of your soul."
The occupiers are not pacified. "Captain, is this place conquered?" "Of course," the captain replies. But the listener cracks. "Conquered and we're afraid, conquered and we're surrounded. The flies have conquered the fly paper!"
'The Moon is Down' is not about the violence; it's about the psychology of occupation. Steinbeck focuses on the inability of occupying soldiers to cope with the ingratitude of a "liberated" people. Germans trusted their leaders and expected to be greeted with flowers, not contempt. The public hatred of the occupation, not sabotage alone, destroys German morale.
"The cold hatred grew with the winter, the silent sullen hatred. Now it was that the conqueror was surrounded, the men of the battalion alone with silent enemies, and no man might relax guard even for a moment. If he did, he disappeared. If he drank, he disappeared. The men of the battalion could sing only together, could dance only together, and dancing gradually stopped and the singing expressed a longing for home. The talk was of friends and relatives who loved them and their longings were for warmth and love, because a man can be a soldier for only so many hours a day and only so many months a year, and then he wants to be a man again.
"And the men thought always of home. The men of the battalion came to detest the place they had conquered and they were curt with the people and the people were curt with them, and gradually a little fear began to grow in the conquerors, a fear that it would never be over, that they could never relax and go home, a fear that one day they would crack and be hunted....
"Then the soldiers read the news from home and from other conquered countries, and the news was always good, and for a little while they believed it. And their sleep was restless and their days were nervous. Thus it came about that the conquerors grew afraid of the conquered and their nerves wore thin and they shot at shadows in the night. Fear crept in on the men, crept into the patrols and it made them cruel. Sometimes the sentries shot a man with a lantern and once a girl with a flashlight. And it did no good. Nothing was cured by the shooting.
"They were under a double strain, for the conquered people watched them for mistakes and their own men watched them for weakness, so that their spirits were taut to the breaking point. The conquerors were under a terrible spiritual siege."
If you want to get a feel of what American troops go through in Iraq, read Steinbeck's "The Moon is Down".
The flies have conquered the fly paper.
Dean knows what he's talking about. He was the one who dared tell Nixon in 1973 that the web of lies surrounding the Watergate break-in of the Democratic Party headquarters had formed "a cancer on the presidency." When Dean went public about that conversation, the Nixon White House smeared him as a liar. Fortunately, the conversation had been taped, and Dean was vindicated.
The dark side of the current White House was on full display last week when top officials of the Bush administration took to the airwaves to destroy the credibility of a man who had honorably served presidents Reagan, Clinton and both Bushes.
The character assassination of Richard Clarke, the former White House anti-terrorism chief, was far more worrisome than Nixon's smears of Dean because it concerned not petty crime in pursuit of partisan political ambition but rather the attempt to deceive the nation and the world as to the causes of the 9/11 assault upon our national security — and to justify an unnecessary war in Iraq.
First, Bush's aides suggested that Clarke had invented the meeting in which Clarke said the president pressured him to find a link between the 9/11 attack and Iraq, ignoring Clarke's insistence that intelligence agencies had concluded that no such link existed. But on Sunday, national security advisor Condoleezza Rice was forced to admit that Bush had pressed Clarke on an Iraq connection. This backed up earlier assertions by former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill as to Bush's obsession with Iraq from the very first days of his administration at the expense of focusing on Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda.
That the Bush lies didn't work this time may be because just too many veterans of the U.S. intelligence community are finding their voices and are willing to denounce an administration that has seriously undermined the nation's security.
They are speaking out, as 23 former CIA and other defense intelligence agents did in Robert Greenwald's devastating documentary, "Uncovered." They have stepped forward, as did David Kay, Bush's former chief weapons inspector in Iraq.
This is an administration that has been dominated by the neoconservative ideologues who condemned the logical restraint of the first Bush administration on foreign policy as a betrayal of the national interest.
These neocons have made a horrible mess of things, but that gives them no pause. They went to war with a nation that had no weapons of mass destruction and few connections to terrorism — but have coddled Pakistan, which sponsored the Taliban and Al Qaeda and which recently was revealed as the source of nuclear weapons technology for North Korea, Iran and Libya.
The president's team is wrong to believe its outrageous lies can continue to lull a gullible public. Nixon's lies won him a second election, but then he lost the country.
Bush smiles better than Nixon, but when the lies are exposed, the smile turns into a character-revealing smirk. That happened last week when the White House released photos of a skit, performed for the amusement of jaded media heavyweights, in which the president pretended to look under his desk for the missing weapons of mass destruction. This may have amused his cynical audience, but to the general public, the carefully lip-synced policy pronouncements of the man who cried wolf has morphed into a sick joke.
Wake, they will, to the increasingly obvious fact that their beloved smirkin' president, the one who seemed to care about them so deeply just a couple weeks ago and who reached out to them and promised them the gun-happy gay-unfriendly moon in exchange for full access to their civil rights and a blank check to do whatever the hell he likes, he apparently doesn't give a damn about them. Not anymore.
The truth will soon be hitting much of the conservative nation like a redneck smacks a dog: now that the fear-saturated Right has handed this failed oilman four more unrestrained years to do his dirtiest deeds and a deeply contaminated, well-greased Congress to do it with, he no longer needs their support and he couldn't care less about their "moral values" or their positions on Social Security reform or the war in Iraq or just what the hell he meant about spending the "political capital" he claims he's earned by winning the election (by the slimmest margin of any incumbent president in history).
Oh, sure, Bush reached out, didn't he, Mrs. Moderate Republican? He made you a believer. He promised more intolerance for gays and more Bible classes in the White House and more laughably irresponsible tax breaks you don't really need and more dumbed-down, black-and-white, good-versus-evil perspectives that take all the pressure off of having to, you know, think.
And because he unconditionally refused to acknowledge any sort of mistake, any sort of massive error in judgment or policy related the appalling Vietnam-grade quagmire that is Iraq, because he stayed "on message" and never fired Rumsfeld for gross incompetence and because he let the lower-rank military plebes take the fall for Abu Ghraib and never once wavered in the most disgusting of lies about why we needed to invade Iraq and kill over 100,000 of their people in the first place, why, he "earned" your vote.
It's so true, isn't it? Despite proof after proof and report after report and dead U.S. soldier after dead U.S. soldier, you thought Bush would do better than Kerry in "defeating" terrorism. No matter that Bush's very actions, his ugly little war, his very poisonous foreign policy that has so violently destabilized the Middle East, no matter that this is what has, in fact, amplified the terror threat a hundredfold and made the U.S. more detested than ever. Ahh, irony. It's what's for dinner.
And now, your reward. You get to be as misrepresented, as tossed aside, as openly ignored as the rest of us. Isn't politics fun?
We are all suckers, all losers in this election. Are you a Democrat? Republican? Doesn't matter. The line is no longer liberal/conservative. It is no longer tax 'n' spend versus cut 'n' deficit, Toyota Prius versus Ford Expedition, happy godless heathen sodomite versus Mel Gibson.
It is now ultrawealthy, power-hungry Bushite CEO versus, well, the rest. Do you see? News flash to conservatives: Bush just pretended to care about you, because he had to, because Karl Rove told him to, because he needed your fear and your blind faith to win another term. You matter about as much as a U.S. soldier in Fallujah, now.
Oh how you will be disappointed from here on out. Oh how you will gnash your teeth and sigh your sighs and wonder what the hell happened to your fearful leader, why you feel so abandoned as your schools implode and your health-care costs explode and your air quality suffers and your jobs vanish and your women get smacked back to 1953 and your kids die miserable and forgotten in Iraq.
Because now you get to sit by with the "liberal elite" as we watch in bitter satisfaction as Bush will now have to wallow in his own nasty, vicious mess, lie in his own snide and war-torn and economically gutted bed for four more years, as much of the country sits deeply ashamed and the international community sits stunned and horrified at our sheer ignorance and gall.
But wait, there's more. See, we know that Bush has never been so beautifully set up than now for a cataclysmic, Nixon-like fall. This most secretive and corruption-filled and Rove-stained administration in history, with its 9/11 cover-ups and well-documented stack of fumbles and flubs and murderous misprisions leading up to the Iraq mess, it is positively bursting at the seams with potential impeachment-level calamity. You think the Nixon tapes were ruinous? Just wait for the Bush mumbles.
Every sign points to the fact that history will look back on Dubya Dubya II as one of the worst-run, least accountable and most abusive, warmongering, homophobic, environmentally unfriendly presidencies in American history. Which means either one of two things: there is a very slight chance that Dubya will now try to ease off some of his party's more heartless and voracious of policies, if just to try to create a more appetizing and appealing "legacy."
But don't bet on it. If Rove's recent spittle-filled announcement that Shrub will again seek a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage is any indication, Bush might very well go the other direction entirely, making history the cold-blooded, autocratic way: through policies so hollow and self-righteous and smirking, history can't help but be impressed. After all, neofascism makes great textbook fodder.
What else? Well, now BushCo has no one to blame but themselves. The neocons own the White House and Congress. All fingers of blame for most impending disasters and war ills and social meltdowns point straight back to the GOP. Furthermore, the U.S. has already crashed through the $7.3 trillion debt limit, thanks to Bush. Unless Congress raises the debt ceiling ASAP, as BushCo so desperately demands they do, the U.S. government will run out of cash. We are, in NASCAR parlance, running on fumes.
This, then, is the sour truth for the Repubs and the born-agains, and the sliver of bittersweet solace for the liberals. Will it not be laughable, in a soul-deadening, kill-me-now sort of way, to watch BushCo try to pin the imminent economic implosions and cultural backlashes and catastrophic social-service breakdowns this nation now faces on, say, Bill Clinton? Will it not be horribly amusing to watch this administration sink into its own self-made quicksand?
Will it not be, in short, just all sorts of tragic fun to watch the cancer eat itself?
Did you sense, in other words, the very presence of Satan himself as he laughed maniacally and tossed around bucketfuls of ultrathin condoms and little travel-size packets of Astroglide like confetti while riding his Harley Softail up to Toronto or maybe Edmonton to join the ghastly and sodomitic celebrations?
Because it's happened. Canada's high court just ruled that the government can, if it so desires, redefine marriage to include gay couples, which it has declared it will do almost immediately, thus solidifying Canada's place as the chilly yet mellow and gay friendly and hockey-riffic epicenter of all known hell.
It's true. It's rather amazing. Gay marriage will be completely legal in Canada very soon. It's been oddly ignored in much of the U.S. media and hasn't really been much discussed among those in the terrified red states except when, deep in the night, from their respective lumpy twin beds, they whisper to each other across the room as they pop their Ambien and stroke their portfolios and curse their very genitals: oh my God what's wrong with those freakin' Canadians?
I mean (they continue), I thought they loved red meat and brutish sports and manly hunting. Are they all just freaks and perverts now? Have they been sniffing too many elk pelts? Is it something in the clean and plentiful water up there? Something to do with those weird French-esque people in Quebec, maybe?
I knew we should've been paying more attention to that border! Didn't I say so, honey? Didn't I say we should keep an eye on those northern weirdos after they dissed the Iraq war and legalized medical pot and sort of went about their happy and calm Canadian business whilst we here in panicky red-blooded America chewed our own karmic legs off in a paranoid and jingoistic rage? Hippies and perverts, I said! Save a few bombs for Ontario, George, I say!
Let us now do the naughty math: Canada has roughly 32 million inhabitants, of whom about 75 percent are over 18, of whom it can be loosely estimated that anywhere from 2 to 8 percent are gay (depends, of course, on who you ask).
All of which translates into a ballpark figure of anywhere from 1 million to 2 million gay Canadians of legal marrying age who will now eagerly laugh and kiss in the streets and confound poor reactionary born-again George W. Bush, and they will flash their wedding rings at parties and annoy all the single people, all while proving for the umpteenth time that love knows no gender limitations or legal restrictions and will trump your whiny sanctimonious religious puling any given Sunday. Heathens!
It's getting more confusing by the minute, isn't it? I mean, Canada now has legal medical pot and legal gay marriage and universal health care and no known terrorist enemies and a relatively successful multiparty political system. They also have, according to U.N.'s Human Development Index, one of the highest qualities of life in the world. All coupled with a dramatically reduced rate of gun violence and far better gun-control legislation than the U.S., despite having the exact same per capita rate of gun ownership and gun-sport enthusiasm.
What the hell? How is this possible? Why aren't they scared to death like whiny red-state Americans? Why don't they want to kill each other along with anything that might threaten their access to televised hockey and cheap beer and yummy poutine?
Aren't they aware of what's happening in the world? Don't they know they are openly hated for their freedoms and their cafés and their vinegared french fries? Aren't they human, fer Chrissakes? Oh, red states. How confused and irritated you must be.
After all, unlike the U.S., Canada backed the Kyoto Treaty (along with 165 other heathen nations). They also spend more per capita on education and less on health-care overhead than the U.S. They have a $10 billion federal surplus, a new record. They are not, as of yet, abusing the hell out of their vast natural resources (freshwater, huge forests, oil and natural gas, mineral deposits, etc.) and embarrassing themselves on a global scale every single day and making a mockery of their constitution or their citizens' civil liberties. What the hell is wrong with them?
Yes yes, I know, Canada's universal health care is flawed and not always of the best quality, and a great many Canadians think their prime minister is a bit of a schmuck and they hate paying taxes and of course they can be all profitable and progressive when they don't have a massive bogus unwinnable war to pay for, one run by a ravenous and fiscally idiotic federal government, and they only have one-tenth of our population and one-fiftieth of our desperate consumeristic gluttony. They have it easy, right?
Remember, Canada is boring. Canada is rarely in the news. Canada has no massive belching socioeconomic engine like America does, what with our NASCAR and Hollywood and Fox News and bad porn and the absolute best medical care on the planet despite how only a tiny fraction of us have access to it while the rest languish in bloated abusive HMOs and poverty and disease and 40 percent of us have no access to health care whatsoever. Take that, Canada! Oh wait.
We hate gays and love guns and think pot is evil but hand out Prozac and Zoloft like Chiclets. Meanwhile (as "Bowling for Columbine" so beautifully illuminated), Canadians leave their doors unlocked and don't feature violence and death on every newscast and still value community and diversity and discussion over solipsism and protectionism and a general hatred of foreigners and the French. See? We rule! Oh wait.
All of which makes you wonder: how many more countries will it take? How many more nations will have to, for example, prove that gun licensing works, or that gay-marriage legislation is a moral imperative, or that health care for all is mandatory for a nation's well being, before America finally looks at itself and says, whoa, damn, we are so silly and small and wrong? Is there any number large enough? After the announcement that gay Chinese and gay Russians may legally marry and grow lovely gardens of marijuana as they all get free dental care, will America remain terrified of nipples and queers?
Canadians. So mellow. So laid back. So gay. So not producing any truly superlative modern-rock music or ultraviolent buddy-cop movies and not actively siccing Wal-Mart or Starbucks or Paris Hilton on the rest of the world like a goddamn cancer. They're just so ... nice. And boring. And calm. And solid. And friendly.
And they simply beat us senseless on the whole open-minded, progressive thing. Kicked our flag-wavin' butts. Trounced our egomaniacal self-righteous selves and made the red states look even more foolish and backward than the whole world already knows them to be.
They did it. Canada made the whole gay marriage issue look effortless and obvious and healthy, and a massive black rain of hellfire did not pour down upon them and the very idea of hetero marriage did not immediately explode and their economy did not unravel like all the sneering cardinals and right-wing nutballs screamed it would. We must ask, one last time: what the hell is wrong with them?
Oh wait. Maybe we should rephrase. What the hell, we should be asking, is wrong with us?
Right now. This minute. As I type this and as you read this and as false Texas dictators rise and sad empires crumble and as this mad bewildered world spins in its frantically careening orbit, there's a nearly 50/50 chance that some sort of devious synthetic chemical manufactured by some massive and largely heartless corporation is coursing through your bloodstream and humping your brain stem and molesting your karma and kicking the crap out of your libido and chattering the teeth of your very bones.
Maybe it's regulating your blood pressure. Maybe it's keeping your cholesterol in check. Maybe it's helping you sleep. Maybe it's helping you wake the hell up. Maybe it's opening your bronchial tubes. Maybe it's brightening your terminally bleak outlook.
Maybe it's adjusting your hormone levels or controlling your urge to weep every minute or relaxing the blood vessels in your penis or cranking the serotonin to your brain or pumping carefully measured slugs of alprazolam or fluoxetine or sertraline or atorvastatin or esomeprazole or buspirone or venlafaxine or any number of substances with Latin-rooted jawbreaker names through your flesh in a bizarre dance of miraculous vaguely disturbing death-defying scientific wonder.
Forty-four percent of all Americans. That's the latest number. Almost half us are popping at least one prescription drug and fully one in six are popping three or more, and the numbers are only increasing and this of course doesn't count alcohol or cigarettes or bad porn and it doesn't count the mad megadoses of jingoistic flag-waving God-slappin' fear -- which is, as evidenced by the last election, a stupendously popular FDA-approved drug in its own right. But that's another column.
Have a teenager? She's probably on drugs, too. One in four of all teens are, according to new research. And we ain't talking pot or ecstasy or meth or fine cocaine or Bud Light or any of those oh-my-God-not-my-baby devil drugs that are so demonized by the government, but that by and large are no more (and are often far less) toxic and addictive and caustic than any of your average 8-buck-a-pop silver-bullet chemical bombs shot forth from the likes of Eli Lilly and Glaxo and Pfizer, et al. Ahh, irony. It's the American way.
All of which means one of two things: either it's the goddamn finest time in history to be an American, living as we are in the age of incredible technology and miracle medicines and longer life expectancies and $5 coffee drinks and a happy synthetic chemical to match any sort of ache or pain or lump or rash or spiritual crisis you might be facing.
Or it's the absolute worst, what with so many of us heavily drugged and over half of us massively obese and IQs dropping like stones and our overall quality of life deteriorating right under our noses and shockingly huge numbers of us actually finding Shania Twain somehow interesting. Which perspective is right for you? Ask your doctor.
It's become so you can't crack a joke about Prozac or Xanax at a party without at least three or four faces suddenly going still and unsmiling and you're like, whoops, as you suddenly realize that you can, as you walk the streets of this fine and heavily narcotized nation, imagine at least one very expensive drug pumping through the time-ravaged body of nearly every other person you pass. It's a bit like knowing their secret fetish or favoritest dream or on which nether part they want to get a tattoo. Except totally different.
And you might say, well, so what? So what if pharmaceuticals help us cope, relieve the pressure, help us survive this ugly and irritating world? Better living through chemistry, baby, so long as you don't mind the numbness and the glazed eyeballs and the heart palpitations and the lack of true feeling in your fingertips and the nightmares about snakes. Right?
So long as you don't mind the slightly nauseating sense that you have lost some sort of vital and perhaps irreplaceable link to the animal world and the luminous organic planet. But, as Dubya says, who the hell cares about that crap when you got baseball and war and apple pie?
Because here's the nasty truth: it's a highly toxic BushCo world right now and we've set it up so it's only getting worse, darker, more poisonous and unsettled and unsanitary. Maybe all our meds just help us maintain some sort of jittery and numbed balance, some sort of sad equilibrium. The BushCo doctrine dictates detachment, exploitation, abuse of every known ecological resource and profiteering from every known loophole and caring not a whit for nature and organic systems and balance? Hey, like nation, like body.
But let's be fair. It must be said right here that many of these drugs indeed help an enormous number of people and restore lives and bring light where only darkness once reigned and far be it from me to begrudge anyone his or her chemical-assisted reprieve from genuine suffering.
But here's the thing: it's still only a fraction. Only a small number of people whose doctors prescribe these meds like candy actually need them, and as for the rest there are these things called lifestyle change and dietary change and perspective change and even spiritual shift that can affect the overall health of your life like a goddamn miracle, like a thousand drugs combined, changes that millions simply refuse to undertake because, well, it's just too damn hard.
We don't want to know. We don't want to understand deeper, complex natural systems. We want pills, not awareness. We want magic bullets, not true magic. We want to eat what we want and exercise not at all and pay no attention to our bodies and our quality of life and expect it all to work sufficiently well until we die at 90 and they forklift us into our refrigerator-size coffins. After all, we're Americans. We're not supposed to care.
Nevertheless, it bears repeating: maybe what's lacking most in this society is a true and thoughtful and nuanced connection to and understanding of the natural systems, soil and sunlight and sustainability, lunar rhythms and whole food and maybe knowing where the hell your water really comes from. You think?
Because the truth is, it's not all that hard to get informed. It's not all that hard to affect serious change in your life and eat better and kiss better and require less chemical crap in your bloodstream and slowly but surely reduce the need for medication in your life. It is far from impossible to clear out the toxins and flush the BushCo-endorsed crap and defy the demonic corporate pharmaceutical PR and reevaluate just how you tread this life. They just want you to think it is.
And you look at the photos and see the breathtakingly elegant architecture (it was built by the same company that did the Eiffel Tower) and you read about the bridge's world-record height and its classy designer, renowned British architect Norman Foster, the man who also designed the Millennium Bridge in London and who believes, crazily, that "works of man should fuse with nature," and his bridge is already being hailed as an instant landmark.
The Millau. Its pillars poke the clouds and its design inspires the spirit and it will surely be a major tourist attraction for decades to come -- a fact that, of course, means little to most Americans, because most red-blooded patriots never venture past the Wal-Mart on the outskirts of their home state. But still.
And if you care at all about industrial design and the splendor of pure function and of humankind's aspirations toward anything resembling ideals of grace and simplicity and beauty, you take one look and you can only go, whoa.
And then you get to spin right around just in time to have your face slapped by Arnold Schwarzenegger, a giant slab of a B-grade actor and C-grade politician who is right this minute advocating throwing a giant slab across S.F. Bay and calling it the new Bay Bridge redesign, when anyone who looks at the artist rendering just sort of feels this nasty tightening in their colon and they go, oh Jesus, what the hell is wrong with us?
Simple questions, really. Why can't we have something like the Millau? Are we really that far gone? Are American-bred notions of imagination and creativity and inspired beauty really that dead?
Are we really all that twisted into little knots of bureaucracy and fiscal congestion and small-hearted egomania and impotent political correctness and a numb and tasteless BushCo-brand blandness like a national disease? You already know the answer.
It is to be an ugly viaduct thing, S.F.'s new bridge approach, a flat, featureless "freeway on stilts" that looks like something regurgitated from an abandoned East L.A. aqueduct, a long sloping ramp of constipation-gray concrete without a design feature or a graceful note or a soaring architectural anything to its name.
This is the current plan now grunted forth by Arnie. It is supposed to lop $300 million or so off the ridiculously high cost of the current new Bay Bridge plan, costs that have exploded to upward of a staggering $5 billion for some unknowable Caltrans reason and is now a good time to mention the real kicker about the Millau? How France's gorgeous and epic 1.6-mile span cost only $550 million? Shhh.
And sure, the Bay Area has seismic issues and environmental issues and a difficult terrain that the Millau might not have faced, but is it really 10 times more difficult and expensive? Is it really so utterly impossible, given the current social climate, to obtain designs at once visionary and affordable? Maybe you already know the answer to that one, too.
There is no longer any choice. Arnie's Slab Plan is the almost-foregone conclusion now advocated by Bay Area politicos, and many now say that if we want any damn bridge to be completed anytime in the next decade, we have to stop bickering over design and accept Arnie's butt-ugly plan and get down to the real business of who's gonna pay for the damn thing. What fun.
And by the way, even if we go back to the original plan, we're still stuck with a generic, symmetrical, single-tower lump that bores the seagulls and induces yawns in tourists and that could exist in any city in the world.
How far we seem from a potent sense of creativity and unity and spirit, even in landmark-happy S.F. How hugely separated we seem to be in this country from radical notions of pride and world-class industrial design and a spirit of originality and imagination, of anything like the visionary forces that gave birth to the Millau.
Is it all just financial? Is it all just because we can't afford fancy designs? Bull. After all, most Bay Areans would rather argue about how to fund a visionary, landmark architectural "work of art" than a tepid eyesore of a bridge that doesn't even inspire you to want to jump off of it.
Here's a question: Do you maybe recall back in 1998, when they held that big international design contest for the new Bay Bridge? Do you maybe remember any of those lovely and often radical designs, one of which was deemed, if I recall, the Sail? Or maybe it was the Wing?
And the Sail/Wing consisted of a single giant support beam jutting out from the center of the span at what I think was about a 60-degree angle, just leaning out over the water, with support cables running from the length of the span out to the beam, and it looked like, well, a giant sail tilted on its side and it was absolutely gorgeous and sort of breathtaking and would have made us world famous and proud of our bridges and our ingenuity and our sense of beauty and grace and international integrity all over again.
Do you remember? No? Doesn't matter.
Because the Sail/Wing and every other truly interesting design proposed during that contest was almost immediately nixed, killed, sneered at as too controversial or too radical or too expensive (yeah right), and because some bureaucrats and citizens' groups didn't like them and because no one in City Hall or Sacramento had any sense of leadership or vision (well, except for maybe Oakland Mayor Jerry Brown, but he was relatively powerless) and, because you can't please everyone, we ended up pleasing no one. And here we are.
Screw it. Let them build the Slab. It's too late, anyway. It will be our own private joke. It will be our memento of a dreary and war-torn time. Tourists will look at it and skip the photo. We will look at it and go, oh yeah, that was from a time when San Francisco and California and the nation as a whole were all mired neck deep in war and gluttony and bitter divisiveness and fiscal abuse, and no one seemed to give a damn and if you did you were considered a traitor.
And the City was broke largely because the state was broke and the state was broke largely because the wildly irresponsible and reckless BushCo imbeciles ran us all into the goddamn fiscal ground and gutted the value of the dollar and put our country a trillion dollars in debt, and they just laughed like drunk hyenas the whole time as they cashed in their oil portfolios and mapped out bombing routes in Iran.
It will be our soulless and generic little landmark. It will stand for decades to come and we will say, sure it's ugly. Sure it's a giant concrete slab. Sure it's graceless and uninspired and brutish and an architectural embarrassment and sure it is, perhaps more than anything else, one massive and rather humiliating missed opportunity.
Hey, that's America in a nutshell, sweetheart. That's the Bush era, right there. You want grace and beauty and dreams all coupled with soaring notions of hope and progress? Move to France, hippie.
Congress, with the White House's blessing, left town before the election without dealing with the debt limits—but not before passing an appalling, special-interest-written, corporate tax bill that will deprive the government of more than $100 billion in future revenues. That double irresponsibility—the lousy tax bill and the ignored debt limit—was a fitting end to the past four years of essentially one-party rule.
The only solace for sullen Democrats is that now Republicans might have to clean up their own fiscal mess. The fiscal record of the past four years has been one of unmitigated—and seemingly intentional—irresponsibility. A Republican Congress working with a Republican president created the massive new Medicare prescription-drug entitlement, passed a new, subsidy-crammed farm bill, committed hundreds of billions of dollars to war efforts, and loaded up on pork-barrel spending. Meanwhile, taxes were reduced—on wage earners, investors, and companies. The end result: We collected about the same amount of taxes in fiscal 2004 as we did in fiscal 1999. But we spent 34 percent more. The total national debt has risen 30 percent in the past four years. The fiscally conservative Clinton administration had committed government to restraining spending. But now a massive structural gap has opened up between the country's financial inflows and outflows. It's only the willingness of the Chinese and Japanese central banks to buy our debt that keeps us afloat.
Freed of the need to run for re-election, will Bush act more fiscally responsible in a second term? Wishful thinking. This crowd literally doesn't have a clue when it comes to fiscal matters. Bush actually believes he has restrained Congressional spending, Cheney believes deficits don't matter, and most members of the Bush economic team can't—or won't—speak truth publicly. As for Congress, when it comes to managing the nation's fiscal affairs, House Majority Leader Dennis Hastert is a pretty good wrestling coach, and Senate Majority Leader William Frist is a pretty good doctor.
And so, while the moral-values crowd may have won, the fiscal orgy in Washington is sure to continue. Given Bush's mandate and his stated desire to fix the Alternative Minimum Tax (a huge tax reduction), make the temporary tax cuts permanent (ditto), and transform Social Seucrity (massive borrowing), his pledge to halve the deficit by 2009 is absurd.
In decades past, increasing Republican dominance of the House and Senate would have meant more fiscal discipline. But Republicans increasingly dominate the states that are net drains on Federal taxes—the Southern and Great Plains states—while fading in the coastal states that produce a disproportionate share of federal revenue. (It's Republicans, not Democrats, who are sucking on the federal teat.) What Amity Shlaes quaintly identified in today's Financial Times as the "southern culture of tax cutting" has been married to the southern culture of failing to generate wealth and the southern culture of depending on federal largesse. The offspring is an unsightly deficit monster.
Establishmentarians have long wondered when the grown-ups will asserts themselves in the Republican party. The stark truth today is that there are no grown-ups. The day before the election, I saw my congressman, Republican Chris Shays of Connecticut, greeting potential voters on Platform 19 at Grand Central Station, the launching point for the 5:01 to New Haven, the Bushenfreude express. When I thanked him for cutting my taxes, Shays smiled broadly. But when I suggested that he had raised taxes on my children, he looked at me quizzically. "You have to know all these tax cuts aren't really tax cuts. They're just tax shifts," I said. "All this debt has to be paid back."
Shays acknowledged that there had been a massive increase in debt. "But 40 percent of that is due to spending." That was the moment I realized my sober, moderate representative may have slipped the surly bonds of reality. Like virtually every other Republican in Congress, Shays had voted for each of Bush's revenue-reducing tax cuts and every spending-increasing budget. And yet he seemed blissfully, willfully unaware of the role he—and his party—played in controlling, originating, and approving all that spending. "And did you vote for the Medicare bill?" I asked. "I did," he smiled. As I scurried off to get a seat before the doors closed, I heard a plaintive cry from one of the last remaining Republican moderates in Congress: "But I voted against the farm bill!"
If this is what passes for a deficit hawk, we're in big trouble. The Republicans have suffered no political consequences for destroying the nation's balance sheet, after all. Why should they take the painful efforts needed to fix the mess they created? No one is holding them accountable. It leaves those yearning for some return to fiscal sanity in the perverse position of hoping for a crisis in the bond or currency markets to shock the faith-based crowd back into reality. And when that adjustment comes, I can't wait to see how conservatives try to find a way to blame it on Clinton.
What was it about The War Conspiracy that so frightened the CIA and prompted them to deter its release? And who was this upstart writer who had pried so deeply into the covert machinations of U.S. intelligence that he had become one of the few American authors ever to have his work suppressed by an agency of the United States government?
As you will discover, the CIA had good reason to intercept the work of Peter Dale Scott, then a relatively unknown poet and political dissident. For The War Conspiracy was more than an intellectual treatise on the virtues of disarmament. It was a riveting investigation of the CIA, the oil companies and their manipulation of U.S. foreign policy in order to escalate the Vietnam War. In his review of the book, Noam Chomsky remarked on Scott's "meticulous and fascinating analysis of intelligence conspiracies and the links between the 'intelligence community' and corporate power."
Now, three decades after the sabotaged publication of the book, Guerrilla News Network presents a beat-driven, design-enhanced video of The War Conspiracy. In addition, we are featuring an in-depth interview with Professor Scott regarding the new War on Terrorism and how it parallels his research in the Vietnam era. We are also honored to present an exclusive publication of the Introduction to The War Conspiracy, revised and re-edited on the thirtieth anniversary of the book's conception.
Welcome to the 'deep political' world of Peter Dale Scott...
Today we learned that the US will not press for a second vote on Iraq in the UN Security Council. Six hours later we heard George W. Bush present Saddam Hussein with an ultimatum that will almost certainly lead to war.
This may be the last opportunity for a brief peace-time lament for what has already happened to America, even if the US does not shred the UN Charter and initiate a pre-emptive war. I want to explain why I shall in future spend less time in this country, and more time in Thailand.
This is no longer the America I immigrated to in 1961. That was an age of acute social problems, in which however dreams of justice and equality were still being implemented. Today, after only partial implementation, those same dreams are being abandoned. The 1961 America has not vanished, but it has changed direction, perhaps irremediably. When dreams are abandoned, a nation's fate is altered. What we now have is still the United States, but the US is currently moving towards a new age, of Post-America.
When I say this, I am not just referring to the Enron-type corporate crimes which have done so much to finance the distancing of both our political parties from the quest for justice. I am not just referring to the Bush Administration's scrapping of international treaties on topics ranging from arms limitation to torture, nor its boorish diplomatic behavior and defiance of the UN Charter itself. I am not just recalling the abuse of electoral procedures in Florida, nor the judicial abuse which ratified it. Nor am I just talking about the redefinition of our government and civil rights in the name of "homeland security" -- although it is a shock to learn that during a red alert in New Jersey "you will be assumed by authorities to be the enemy if you so much as venture outside your home, the state's anti-terror czar says."
I am talking about deeper changes beneath all this corruption, ineptitude, malevolence, and hysteria.
When I came to teach at the University of California for one year in 1961, there were no tuition fees here and almost anyone who qualified could afford a university education. I remember teaching a student who after seven years in the coal mines was using his savings to put himself through law school.
As late as 1970, 31 percent of the California state budget went to higher education and four percent to prisons. In 2005, these expenditure shares are expected to be 12 and 20 percent. In other words, expenditures have shifted from higher education to prisons.
Today the California Correctional Peace Officers Association is one of the most powerful political lobbies in the state. I wish them well, but there is something severely wrong when teachers in entire school districts are being given pink slips, and prison guards are looking for an increase in pay.
The cartoon strip "Doonesbury" depicted clearly where the money is going. George Bush, who ran in 2000 as the education president, has just offered $15 billion to Turkey as a bribe for its UN security council vote. The old dreams of a nation have been swapped for illusions of empire.
Empires are always bad news for their home countries, as the economist J.A. Hobson pointed out a century ago. Spain, one of Europe's most progressive nations in the early 1500s, lost its progressive economy and middle class in a deluge of gold from Mexico and the Andes. In a more complex fashion, foreign wealth was also converting Britain from an industrial to a financial country, even before Britain's social structure was further weakened by two disastrous world wars.
We can see this happening to America as well. Take housing. In 1961, with two years salary as a beginning lecturer, I could have bought a house in Berkeley. Today an entering lecturer might have to pay twenty years' salary to buy the same house. As I write in Minding the Darkness (p. 156), you can expect no less when foreign capital, much of it hot money or flight capital, enters this country at a rate of $100 billion a year.
It is true that similar changes are occurring in many other countries, such as my native Canada. Until recently I would have accepted them as inescapable. But I have just spent six months in Thailand, where my wife Ronna had a temporary post teaching English. Thailand has its own severe and quite different problems: right now, for example, the army and police are overseeing a ruthless campaign against drug-traffickers in which well over a thousand people have been murdered. But in Thailand one can look back on America, and, out of love for America, breathe a sigh of relief not to be there right now.
What I am talking about goes far beyond the current policies in Washington. These policies grow out of what I now see as a deformed life style, a condition which even at its best is one of involuntary affluence that oppresses the supposed beneficiaries by its imposed obligations. (For most Americans this affluence is either beyond their reach, or slipping away as America's economy slips further and further out of equilibrium.)
What we discovered in Thailand was a happiness that comes from greater simplicity, much as we lived in America when we were younger. We lived out of two suitcases in a single dormitory room with no kitchen, had no car, and walked each night to dine in a modest restaurant by the highway that had a roof but no walls. There the prices were cheap, fantastically so for us, but cheap also for Thais. The restaurant, newly opened, was crowded with all kinds of people, from students to the rich and their families. Night after night we dined at the same table with Thai professionals, some of whom became our best friends.
Post-America, as we remembered it and also after returning to it, presents a sad contrast. My closet is crowded with clothes I seldom wear, and the kitchen with arrays of gadgets we seldom use. Our commitments in Berkeley are so widespread that we continue to drive two cars, when in Thailand we got along without one. The shock of restaurant prices dissuades us from seeing friends there, except very occasionally and in small numbers.
I am totally aware that this account is very anecdotal, and with a tiny shift of luck our Thai experience could have been much less happy than it was. Nevertheless we saw vividly in Thailand what E.F. Schumacher learned in Burma a half century ago. Small is beautiful. Less is more. Happiness is found close to the necessities of life, not in needless complexity and meaningless multiplicity of choice.
Since returning to the US, I have shared these opinions with a number of old friends. To my surprise, most of them have agreed eagerly with my suggestion that something has gone deeply wrong in life in America today. My own ideas were crystallized by living abroad for six months. Almost none of my friends had been abroad for so long -- even though occasional escape from the US, to come up for air, does now seem to be a pervasive habit of intellectuals and professional people. In any case, we all seemed to be on the same page.
What I have just said has important political consequences. When speaking and writing about what I find wrong in American exploitation of the third world, I have often, but tentatively, observed that a healthier policy will require cutbacks in the current lavish style of American living -- particularly in the consumption of oil and gas. After Thailand, I see much more clearly how the political overreaching of US policy into the oil-rich regions of Iraq, Azerbaijan and even Kyrgyzstan is grounded in the social malaise of habitual, unchosen, and unwanted affluence.
Like Schumacher, I need to relate what I have just said to questions of spirituality. America is and always has been a deeply spiritual country. But that spirituality is no longer communally shared; on the contrary, the country is now divided rather than united by strongly held religious beliefs. Most of the forms of spiritual practice I find congenial here (whether Christian or Buddhist) are practiced either alone, or in retreat settings removed from the crossways of society.
Where we were in northern Thailand, almost everyone we met was Buddhist. But even the few Christians and Muslims we encountered exhibited a common spirituality with the majority; and this expressed itself in how they lived. People were extraordinarily generous; we received gifts even from virtual strangers. People seemed relatively uninterested in acquisition or money. When I asked the dormitory cleaning women to come in and clean our room, they refused at first to accept any money: "Mai ao; mai ao; I don't want it!"
The people we knew best were like Americans in that they sought, competitively, the best possible education for their children. For themselves however they seemed much more interested in enjoying the life they already had, than in advancement or promotion. No doubt this was the consequence of our living in a small provincial city, Phayao; and I am sure one can still find a similar spirit in smaller American cities as well, such as Fresno or Fort Wayne. However I would judge that Phayao is closer than Fresno to the dominant values of its nation.
In Minding the Darkness (p. 160), I quoted from that great American dreamer Whitman: "Democracy is a great word / whose history remains unwritten / because yet to be enacted." Today we have to wonder if the next chapter of that unwritten history will still be written in the United States. Or will it be in some other country, possibly even Thailand?
The answer I believe is up to ourselves. Part of that answer will lie in how America responds politically to a US invasion of Iraq. But the crisis I am talking about goes beyond politics. I believe that we must address the crisis of America's fractured spirituality. Part of this task must be the religious reaffirmation, from all faiths, that this nation will only be happier when it shares more and consumes less.
UPDATE (3/22/03): Up to now I have been reluctant to complicate the political discussion of war with these spiritual considerations. But I have learned from responses to this post that my sense of malaise is in fact widely shared, even if usually not expressed. So is the practice of brief escapes abroad, even if this is not usually recognized as a defense of one's sanity.
My long poem Coming to Jakarta testifies to the importance of recognizing and giving voice to one's despair. This is for the sake of not just sanity but empowerment: despair converted becomes energy for our hopes.
My poem ends with a meaningful and timely quotation from the Gospel of Thomas: "If you bring forth what is within you, it will save you. If you do not bring forth what is within you, it will destroy you."
[This book] will doubtless appeal to those who have liked Scott's articles in Ramparts magazine and the New York Review of Books, as well as those who follow the political writings of other authors mentioned in this book: Noam Chomsky, Gabriel Kolko, Franz Schurmann, Howard Zinn, etc… but for others and for most libraries, it will be a somewhat less urgent acquisition.
Apart from a brief plug by Carey McWilliams in the Nation, the only favorable review I was aware of was in an alternative academic journal, The Bulletin of Concerned Asia Scholars. In addition there was a single sentence (which I had nothing to do with) in Paul Krassner's underground journal, The Realist. As far as I can recall, the sentence went like this: "A very important book, The War Conspiracy by Peter Dale Scott, is being suppressed." I imagine he was referring to the book's accessibility. Although it was available in bookstores in Berkeley, I heard from a number of friends in much larger cities that the book was very difficult to obtain.
Apparently however it was read in the Pentagon. That fall the Army sent a new head of ROTC to the University of California at Berkeley. An intelligent and well-educated man, fluent in French, he sought out a number of figures prominent in the local anti-war movement, as well as myself. When we met (I believe over lunch) he told me that he had been assigned to read my book and review it for his superiors. Not having seen any reviews at that point, I perked up and said that I would be very grateful to see a copy. "That would be impossible," he told me. "My review is classified."
A lot, as a group of young Philippine soldiers discovered recently. On July 27, 300 soldiers rigged a giant Manila shopping mall with C-4 explosives, accused one of Washington's closest allies of staging terrorist attacks to attract US military dollars--and still barely managed to make the international news.
That's our loss, because in the wake of the Marriott bombing in Jakarta and newly leaked intelligence reports claiming that the September 11 attacks were hatched in Manila, it looks like Southeast Asia is about to become the next major front in Washington's War on Terror™.
The Philippines and Indonesia may have missed the cut for the Axis of Evil, but the two countries do offer Washington something Iran and North Korea do not: US-friendly governments willing to help the Pentagon secure an easy win. Both Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and Indonesian President Megawati Sukarnoputri have embraced Bush's crusade as the perfect cover for their brutal cleansing of separatist movements from resource-rich regions--Mindanao in the Philippines, Aceh in Indonesia.
The Philippine government has already reaped a bonanza from its status as Washington's favored terror-fighting ally in Asia. US military aid increased from $2 million in 2001 to $80 million a year while US soldiers and Special Forces flooded into Mindanao to launch offensives against Abu Sayyaf, a group the White House claims has links to Al Qaeda.
This went on until mid-February, when the US-Philippine alliance suffered a major setback. On the eve of a new joint military operation involving more than 3,000 US soldiers, a Pentagon spokesperson told reporters that US troops in the Philippines would "actively participate" in combat--a deviation from the Arroyo administration's line that the soldiers were only conducting "trainings."
The difference is significant: A clause in the Philippine constitution bans combat by foreign soldiers on its soil, a safeguard against a return of the sprawling US military bases that were banished from the Philippines in 1992. The public outcry was so strong that the entire operation had to be called off, and future joint operations suspended.
In the six months since, while all eyes have been on Iraq, there has been a spike in terrorist bombings in Mindanao. Now, post-mutiny, the question is: Who did it? The government blames the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. The mutinous soldiers point the finger back at the military and the government, claiming that by inflating the terrorist threat, they are rebuilding the justification for more US aid and intervention.
Among the soldiers' claims:
§ that senior military officials, in collusion with the Arroyo regime, carried out last March's bombing of the airport of the southern city of Davao, as well as several other attacks. Thirty-eight people were killed in the bombings. The leader of the mutiny, Lieut. Antonio Trillanes, claims to have "hundreds" of witnesses who can testify to the plot.
§ that the army has fueled terrorism in Mindanao by selling weapons and ammunition to the very rebel forces the young soldiers were sent to fight.
§ that members of the military and police helped prisoners convicted of terrorist crimes escape from jail. The "final validation," according to Trillanes, was Fathur Rohman al-Ghozi's July 14 escape from a heavily guarded Manila prison. Al-Ghozi is a notorious bomb-maker with Jemaah Islamiyah, which has been linked to both the Bali and Marriott attacks.
§ that the government was on the verge of staging a new string of bombings to justify declaring martial law.
Arroyo denies the allegations and accuses the soldiers of being pawns of her unscrupulous opponents. The mutineers insist they were not trying to seize power but only wanted to expose a top-level conspiracy. When Arroyo promised to launch a full investigation into the allegations, the mutiny ended without violence.
Though the soldiers' tactics were widely condemned in the Philippines, there was widespread recognition in the press, and even inside the military, that their claims were "valid and legitimate," as retired Navy Capt. Danilo Vizmanos put it to me.
Local newspaper reports described the army's selling of weapons to rebels as "an open secret" and "common knowledge." The army's chief of staff, Gen. Narciso Abaya, conceded that there is "graft and corruption at all levels." And police have admitted that al-Ghozi couldn't have escaped from his cell without help from someone on the inside. Most significant, Victor Corpus, chief of army intelligence, resigned, though he denies any role in the Davao bombings.
Besides, the soldiers were not the first to accuse the Philippine government of bombing its own people. Days before the mutiny, a coalition of church groups, lawyers and NGOs launched a "fact-finding mission" to investigate persistent rumors that the state was involved in the Davao explosions. It is also investigating the possible involvement of US intelligence agencies.
These suspicions stem from a bizarre incident on May 16, 2002, in Davao. Michael Meiring, a US citizen, allegedly detonated explosives in his hotel room, injuring himself badly. While recovering in the hospital, Meiring was whisked away by two men, who witnesses say identified themselves as FBI agents, and flown to the United States. Local officials have demanded that Meiring return to face charges, to little effect. BusinessWorld, a leading Philippine newspaper, has published articles openly accusing Meiring of being a CIA agent involved in covert operations "to justify the stationing of American troops and bases in Mindanao."
Yet the Meiring affair has never been reported in the US press. And the mutinous soldiers' amazing allegations were no more than a one-day story. Maybe it just seemed too outlandish: an out-of-control government fanning the flames of terrorism to pump up its military budget, hold on to power and violate civil liberties.
Why would Americans be interested in something like that?
Sgt. Jerry Sapiens, a specialist in nuclear, biological and chemical warfare, suggested there was no end in sight. "We're in the baby-sitting phase and my question is, how long can we baby-sit for the Iraqis? We want the Iraqis to change, to be like us, and to do this we will have to be here forever."
Now they are also seeing along with the rest of us, the weapons of mass destruction, the nuclear programs and the Al Qaeda connection have begun to collapse like a house of cards. The morale problems and the discipline problems are a result of people over there risking their lives for something they no longer believe in.
As this thing stretches out, these problems are going to get deeper. There is a real sense of urgency on the part of the National Command Authority to remove the 3rd Infantry Division from Iraq.
In fact, my son is on his way over there as we speak with the 82nd Airborne Division to replace them. They were supposed to be replaced in September but they accelerated the timetable. The 3rd ID, you can infer from what leaks out from Iraq, has some serious problems, and they have been seriously degraded as a fighting force.
Goff: The whole process is just phenomenal. The anti-war movement that was international in scope even before the war happened, and the rapidity with which these problems started to crop up within the military. I think part of it has to do with the speed of communications technology. But I think part of it is, this is an extremely stupid administration. They believe their own stuff. They have deeply misread the international community. They've deeply misread the Iraqi people. And they've also deeply misread the willingness of American troops - which are literate and well educated and critical - to indefinitely participate and risk their lives in this particular military adventure.
It was four or five years before the morale and discipline problems began to crop up in Vietnam. It's been six months now. A very short period of time.
The official narratives have collapsed; the credibility of the Commander-in-Chief is in ruins. And I think soldiers know that they are not only being exposed to hostile fire, to heat stroke, to all these things everyone understands, but to some serious environmental hazards as well. I am thinking particularly of the cocktail of untested inoculations that they are being subjected to over there.
They recognize that up to 40% of those who participated in Gulf War I are in some way disabled. That's an incredible figure.
The military and the Veterans Administration have spent millions of dollars to evade responsibility and liability for that. I can't believe that most soldiers are not vaguely aware of that.
GNN: We've been doing a lot of research on Depleted Uranium recently, and the really scary thing when you talk to a lot of the experts is that: it was one thing to bomb a huge stretch of desert and have soldiers roll through it and get out [during Gulf War I], but this time around you have soldiers living in DU-bombed urban areas and continuing to shoot DU shells. What I've read in the small number of mainstream news organizations that have covered this issue is that there is some basic level of awareness that you should stay away from a DU-bombed area, but that there is no real protection or real safety precautions being taken.
Goff: There is no protection possible. When this material is volatized on impact some of the particles are so fine that they can pass through the filters of conventional gasmasks. That means that these things are circulating and diffusing in the dust, so if you get close to a place where a large amount of DU was volatized by impacts against targets - you are going to see a huge spike in cancer rates.
DU is not just radioactive, it's an alpha emitter, so when it's inhaled it can give you lung cancer but it's also a heavy metal so it's also poisonous. And this stuff is starting to generalize itself throughout the environment.
GNN: In a recent essay you used the metaphor that soldiers are seen as just another piece of "military equipment." What did you mean?
Goff: I don't think it's a metaphor. I think the bean-counters in the Pentagon and the big gunners in the Veterans Administration; they count up their assets and liabilities and go from there. A soldier that's functional is an asset. A soldier that isn't, is a liability and they try to shed them as quickly and completely as possible
One of the most pissed off group of people you can ever meet are veterans.
GNN: Tell me about your campaign.
Goff: The campaign is called Bring Them Home Now. The campaign is aimed at mobilization and coordination among military families and veterans who oppose the occupation and want to return the troops home.
We thought of this in response to Bush's inane remark a few weeks ago, "Bring them on." This big bad president sitting in his 72 degree air-conditioned office in the White House and talking trash like an adolescent when others people's lives are on the line.
It was incredibly stupid.
I published a short column in response to this remark that was made, and we received a tidal wave of responses. A lot of it from military families and veterans who were just outraged by this - I'm talking about thousands of responses overwhelmingly supportive of our critique of the president, his little clique, and their adventure in Iraq.
That told us there is a real reservoir of anger and resentment that is growing and it is growing geometrically in direct proportion to this disintegration of the official narrative of the weapons of mass destruction.
GNN: You even see it coming from the Right, like Col. David Hackworth.
Goff: Right. This isn't just a bunch of Lefties. This campaign has taken off almost on its own.
I think I you are going to find these org veterans groups like Vietnam Veterans Against the War, Veterans for Peace, Veterans Against the Iraq War, Veterans for Common Sense, and Citizen Soldier, and a lot of these groups out there in conjunction with these military families - especially the women. The moms and wives are enraged by what's going on right now and they're mobilizing fast.
I think this is really going to undermine the administration's legitimacy in ways other groups cannot. Because these groups have credibility with the public.
GNN: And sympathy…
Goff: Yeah.
GNN: Then what is the exit strategy? A lot of people are arguing to support our troops by sending more over there.
Goff: Where are they going to get them? Start a draft? They're all used up. That's why there's only 140,000 over there.
GNN: What is the exit strategy?
Goff: That's not for us to decide. We are going to be confronted with that question by our opposition as a way of transferring everyone's attention into some sort of hair-splitting policy argument based on abstractions. We're not going there. Our point of unity. We want a decision by the National Command Authority to end the occupation. Period. Once we get that decision then we can start having fights about how it can get down.
It's like the antiwar movement. We had a lot of people who were stone-cold anti-imperialists on one hand, and people who said they would support the war if we get a UN resolution. There were all sorts of ideological trajectories around that movement - but we made sure we all converged on one point: no war.
GNN: Fair enough. What is your personal view?
Goff: My answer is we need to summarily leave. I think it's a form of moral imperialism to think that we are the ones to tell them how to rebuild a nation that we tore up. The Iraqis, in case anybody's checked their history, have about 4,000 years more history of civilization than the Americans do. They are perfectly capable of putting their country back to together without us being overseers in the process.
That's just my opinion. That's not speaking on behalf of the campaign. That's speaking on behalf of Stan.
Not only that, he said, if I wanted to survive for my one year there, I had to understand one very basic thing. All Vietnamese were the enemy, and for us, the grunts on the ground, this was a race war. Within one month, it was apparent that everything he told me was true, and that every reason that was being given to the American public for the war was not true.
We had a battalion commander whom I never saw. He would fly over in a Loach helicopter and give cavalier instructions to do things like "take your unit 13 kilometers to the north." In the Central Highlands, 13 kilometers is something we had to hack out with machetes, in 98-degree heat, carrying sometimes 90 pounds over our body weights, over steep, slippery terrain. The battalion commander never picked up a machete as far as we knew, and after these directives he'd fly back to an air-conditioned headquarters in LZ English near Bong-son. We often fantasized together about shooting his helicopter down as a way of relieving our deep resentment against this faceless, starched and spit-shined despot.
Yesterday, when I read that US Commander-in-Chief George W. Bush, in a moment of blustering arm-chair machismo, sent a message to the 'non-existent' Iraqi guerrillas to "bring 'em on," the first image in my mind was a 20-year-old soldier in an ever-more-fragile marriage, who'd been away from home for 8 months. He participated in the initial invasion, and was told he'd be home for the 4th of July. He has a newfound familiarity with corpses, and everything he thought he knew last year is now under revision. He is sent out into the streets of Fallujah (or some other city), where he has already been shot at once or twice with automatic weapons or an RPG, and his nerves are raw. He is wearing Kevlar and ceramic body armor, a Kevlar helmet, a load carrying harness with ammunition, grenades, flex-cuffs, first-aid gear, water, and assorted other paraphernalia. His weapon weighs seven pounds, ten with a double magazine. His boots are bloused, and his long-sleeve shirt is buttoned at the wrist. It is between 100-110 degrees Fahrenheit at midday. He's been eating MRE's three times a day, when he has an appetite in this heat, and even his urine is beginning to smell like preservatives. Mosquitoes and sand flies plague him in the evenings, and he probably pulls a guard shift every night, never sleeping straight through. He and his comrades are beginning to get on each others' nerves. The rumors of 'going-home, not-going-home' are keeping him on an emotional roller coaster. Directives from on high are contradictory, confusing, and often stupid. The whole population seems hostile to him and he is developing a deep animosity for Iraq and all its people--as well as for official narratives.
This is the lad who will hear from someone that George W. Bush, dressed in a suit with a belly full of rich food, just hurled a manly taunt from a 72-degree studio at the 'non-existent' Iraqi resistance.
This de facto president is finally seeing his poll numbers fall. Even chauvinist paranoia has a half-life, it seems. His legitimacy is being eroded as even the mainstream press has discovered now that the pretext for the war was a lie. It may have been control over the oil, after all. Anti-war forces are regrouping as an anti-occupation movement. Now, exercising his one true talent--blundering--George W. Bush has begun the improbable process of alienating the very troops upon whom he depends to carry out the neo-con ambition of restructuring the world by arms.
Somewhere in Balad, or Fallujah, or Baghdad, there is a soldier telling a new replacement, "We are losing this war."
Undeterred by the reports, one month later, President Reagan dispatched a special envoy to Baghdad on a secret mission.
On December 20, the envoy met with Saddam Hussein. He was not there to lecture the dictator about his use of weapons of mass destruction or the fine print of the Geneva Conventions. He was there to talk business.
The envoy informed the Iraqi leader that Washington is ready for a resumption of full diplomatic relations, according to a recently declassified State Dept. report of the conversation, and that Washington would regard "any major reversal of Iraq's fortunes as a strategic defeat for the West." Iraqi leaders later described themselves as "extremely pleased" with the visit.
The envoy was Donald H. Rumsfeld, then the CEO of pharmaceutical giant Searle. The meeting is widely considered to be the trigger that ushered in a new era of U.S.-Iraq relations, one that opened the door to shipments of dual-use munitions, chemical, biological agents and other dubious technology transfers. But for years what exactly was discussed in that now infamous meeting has been shrouded in secrecy.
The Bush/Cheney administration has moved quickly to ensure U.S. corporate control over Iraqi resources at least through the year 2007. The first part of the plan, created by the UN under U.S. pressure is the Development Fund for Iraq which is being controlled by the U.S. and advised by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The second is a recent Bush executive order that provides absolute legal protection for U.S. interests in Iraqi oil.
In May, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1483, which ended sanctions and endorsed the creation of Development Fund for Iraq, to be controlled by Paul Bremer and overseen by a board of accountants, including UN, World Bank, and IMF representatives. It endorsed the transfer of over $1 billion (of Iraqi oil money) from the Oil-for-Food program into the Development Fund. All proceeds from the sale of Iraqi oil and natural gas are also to be placed into the fund.
In the creation and expected implementation of this Development Fund for Iraq, one finds the fingerprints of the global economic structural adjustment that has attracted so much protest in recent years. World Bank and IMF programs, backed by the rigged rules of the World Trade Organization, have imposed dramatic financial restructuring upon much of the world. Developing countries have amassed huge debts in exchange for selling out their natural resources to powerful Northern corporations. This paradigm cloaks corporate welfare and neocolonialism in terms of "poverty alleviation" and now in Iraq, "humanitarian assistance."
Executive Order 13303 decrees that 'any attachment, judgment, decree, lien, execution, garnishment, or other judicial process is prohibited, and shall be deemed null and void', with respect to the Development Fund for Iraq and "all Iraqi petroleum and petroleum products, and interests therein."
In other words, if ExxonMobil or ChevronTexaco touch Iraqi oil, it will be immune from legal proceedings in the US. Anything that could go, and elsewhere has gone, awry with U.S. corporate oil operations will be immune to judgment: a massive tanker accident; an explosion at an oil refinery; the employment of slave labor to build a pipeline; murder of locals by corporate security; the release of billions of tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. The President, with a stroke of the pen, signed away the rights of Saddam's victims, creditors and of the next true Iraqi government to be compensated through legal action. Bush's order unilaterally declares Iraqi oil to be the unassailable province of U.S. corporations.
In the short term, through the Development Fund and the Export-Import Bank programs, the Iraqi peoples' oil will finance U.S. corporate entrees into Iraq. In the long term, Executive Order 13303 protects anything those corporations do to seize control of Iraq's oil, from the point of production to the gas pump - and places oil companies above the rule of law.
The differences between American occupations of 1945 Japan and 2003 Iraq reflect the rise of corporate power here and abroad, and within the Bush Administration in particular. Dick Cheney's former company, Halliburton, is already cashing in on Iraqi "rebuilding" contracts that it obtained from the U.S. government. The oil companies that donated so heavily to the Bush campaign will reap huge profits if they are allowed to take over oil production in Iraq. The weapons makers profit from Bush's policies as well, and even telecommunications companies stand to benefit, since Bremer intends to give foreign corporations license to operate mobile phone networks in Iraq.
It's no surprise that Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz, and Donald Rumsfeld have been advocating an invasion of Iraq since at least 1998 through the Project for a New American Century. It could be argued that Saddam Hussein has been a marked man since he nationalized Iraqi oil back in 1973, but that's another story.
Meanwhile, the American occupation of Iraq increasingly resembles the cycle of violence between Palestinians and Israelis: American soldiers are ambushed and killed, and the U.S. military retaliates by rounding up and imprisoning Iraqi "suspects," including civilians, women, and children as young as 11. More Iraqi violence results, and the cycle continues. Iraqis have little hope that American troops will withdraw anytime soon and have not been treated with dignity or human rights by their occupiers.
How did the American ideals of liberty and justice become hollow slogans for presidents to use to justify military attacks abroad? Ever since Eisenhower warned us of the dangers of the military-industrial complex, it has become steadily more powerful. Corporations should not be allowed to influence foreign policy.
Yet the Bush Administration's foreign policy, like domestic policy, often seems to come directly from corporate boardrooms. For example, Executive Order 13303 grants complete legal immunity to transnational oil companies operating in Iraq. While U.S. soldiers attempt to establish law and order in Iraq, Bush has put oil companies above the law.
Added to such injury is insult: The military treats these soldiers like unwanted stepchildren. This unit's rifles are retooled hand-me-downs from Vietnam. They have inadequate radio gear, so they buy their own unencrypted Motorola walkie-talkies. The same goes for flashlights, knives and some components for night-vision sights. The low-performance Iraqi air-conditioners and fans, as well as the one satellite phone and payment cards shared by the whole company for calling home, were also purchased out of pocket from civilian suppliers.
Bottled water rations are kept to two liters a day. After that the guys drink from "water buffaloes"--big, hot chlorination tanks that turn the amoeba-infested dreck from the local taps into something like swimming-pool water. Mix this with powdered Gatorade and you can wash down a famously bad MRE (Meal Ready to Eat).
To top it all off they must endure the pathologically uptight culture of the Army hierarchy. The Third of the 124th is now attached to the newly arrived First Armored Division, and when it is time to raid suspected resistance cells it's the Guardsmen who have to kick in the doors and clear the apartments.
QUOT-The First AD wants us to catch bullets for them but won't give us enough water, doesn't let us wear do-rags and makes us roll down our shirt sleeves so we look proper! Can you believe that shit?" Sergeant Sellers is pissed off.
The soldiers' improvisation extends to food as well. After a month or so of occupying "the club," the company commander, Captain Sanchez, allowed two Iraqi entrepreneurs to open shop on his side of the wire--one runs a slow Internet cafe, the other a kebab stand where the "Joes" pay US dollars for grilled lamb on flat bread.
"The haji stand is one of the only things we have to look forward to, but the First AD keeps getting scared and shutting it down." Sellers is on a roll, but he's not alone.
Finally we get close enough to see clearly. About twenty feet away is a military transport truck and a Humvee, and beyond that are the flaming remains of a third Humvee. A handful of American soldiers are crouched behind the truck, totally still. There's no firing, no yelling, no talking, no radio traffic. No one is screaming, but two GIs are down. As yet there are no reinforcements or helicopters overhead. All one can hear is the burning of the Humvee.
Then it begins: The ammunition in the burning Humvee starts to explode and the troops in the street start firing. Armored personnel carriers arrive and disgorge dozens of soldiers from the 82nd Airborne to join the fight. The target is a three-story office building just across from the engulfed Humvee. Occasionally we hear a few rounds of return fire pass by like hot razors slashing straight lines through the air. The really close rounds just sound like loud cracks.
"That's Kalashnikov. I know the voice," says Ahmed, our friend and translator. There is a distinct note of national pride in his voice--his countrymen are fighting back--never mind the fact that we are now mixed in with the most forward US troops and getting shot at.
The firefight goes on for about two hours, moving slowly and methodically. It is in many ways an encapsulation of the whole war--confusing and labor-intensive. The GIs have more firepower than they can use, and they don't even know exactly where or who the enemy is. Civilians are hiding in every corner, the ground floor of the target building is full of merchants and shoppers, and undisciplined fire could mean scores of dead civilians.
There are two GIs on the ground, one with his legs gone and probably set to die. When a medevac helicopter arrives just overhead, it, too, like much other technology, is foiled. The street is crisscrossed with electrical wires and there is no way the chopper can land to extract the wounded. The soldiers around us look grave and tired.
Eventually some Bradley fighting vehicles start pounding the building with mean 250-millimeter cannon shells. Whoever might have been shooting from upstairs is either dead or gone.
Fernando Suarez, whose 20-year-old son, Jesus, was one of the first fatalities, said: "My son died because Bush lied."
Mr Suarez, from Escondido, California, speaking at a press conference to publicise tomorrow's anti-war demonstrations in eight US cities, said that about 1,300 parents of troops stationed in Iraq were involved in a movement against the oc cupation. "It is time for these troops to come home," said Mr Suarez. "Neither my wife nor my family want more children to die in this illegal war. We are no less patriotic for wanting peace. Bush wants $87bn [£52m] for this war, but what does he give us for our schools?" he asked.
In another sign of the growing protest movement, the father of two soldiers serving in Iraq used a full page advertisement in yesterday's New York Times to demand the sacking of the US defence secretary, Donald Rumsfeld.
The ad accused President Bush and his administration of misleading the public about weapons of mass destruction.
"Donald Rumsfeld Betrayed My Sons and Our Nation. It's Time For Him to Go," said the headline of the ad, which was signed by Larry Syverson from Richmond, Virginia.
The ad was paid for by MoveOn.org, an internet-based organisation in San Francisco, and the Win Without War coalition. It is not known how much they paid for the ad, but the market rate is $139,000 (£83,700).
Mr Syverson wrote that one son, Branden, is a master gun ner near Tikrit and another son, Bryce, is a gunner based in Baghdad.
"I'm in awe at the courage of my sons and the honourable service that they give," he wrote. "But the leaders they serve have not acted honourably. They have failed my sons. They have failed all of us. At the very least, secretary Donald Rumsfeld must go."
The ad coincides with a fall in President Bush's approval ratings, which have slipped below 50% for the first time since September 11 2001.
Thursday's announcement contradicts the promise of Joint Chiefs Chairman General Richard Myers who said on August 5th, "We're trying to put predictability into the lives of our soldiers, their families and the reservists and their employers."1
The additional deployment is in part necessitated by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld's refusal to heed the advice of Pentagon careerists who want to increase the size of the active-duty force. Army chief of staff Peter Schoomaker has said, "I'm going to tell you that, you know, intuitively, I think we need more people. I mean, it's that simple."2
Rumsfeld has stubbornly claimed, "Thus far, the analysis that's been done [on troop strength] indicates that we're fine."3
But two weeks ago the Pentagon added as much as six months to the tours of duty for the National Guard troops and Reserves in Iraq.4 Longer deployments are felt by communities and families in the U.S. including some local police departments that lose "20% of their manpower when local Guard units are activated".5 Now, conceding there is no foreseeable end to U. S. involvement in Iraq, Marine Corps General Peter Pace announced that thousands more reservists will almost certainly be called up as other troops are finally sent home. The 30,000 Guardsmen and 50,000 reserves in Iraq represent the largest reserve battlefield presence since World War II
"Our soldiers have been killed because there were not enough Kevlar vests to go around. One of my son's friends was shot in the back in Fallujah and two of his platoon members were killed in an ambush in May because they only had 30 vests for 120 men. No one at his checkpoint had a vest, thus nine people were injured."
We're betrayed by a President who on May 1st landed on a photogenic aircraft carrier decked out with a massive sign reading "Mission Accomplished" - and more of our troops have died since then than during so-called "major combat." We're betrayed by an administration that allows our loved ones to be occupiers, securing safety for Halliburton and Bechtel to reap billions.
We're betrayed by an administration that sought to cut combat pay as our president was saying (from his safe and secure and guarded location in Washington, D.C.), "Bring 'em on!" to the armed Iraqi resistance.
We're betrayed by an administration that supports cuts in already inadequate veterans' benefits, ignoring the fact that when and if our loved ones come home, they will be neither safe nor sound - physical and psychological damage will put them at risk for decades to come.
As the Veterans for Peace cadence goes, "They wave the flag when you attack; When you come home, they turn their back."
We were betrayed Sunday night when President Bush began his PR campaign to secure 87 billion new dollars for the U.S. military occupation. These dollars - especially the $61 billion earmarked for the military occupation - will not benefit our troops, the people of this country or the people of Iraq.
As long as we are telling these uncomfortable truths, we will share one more betrayal.
We were betrayed last October when Congress turned over to the president a power given to Congress and Congress alone by our Constitution - the power to declare war.
"My son, Sgt. Evan Ashcraft, was killed July 24, 2003 at 2:30 in the morning on a lonely road near Mosul, Iraq. He was 24 years old. He died alone, no family nearby, no one to hold his hand or pray over him as he left this world.
Evan was a gifted student, musician and athlete. He started college courses in mathematics and computer science when he was 13 years old. He played classical piano. He had hopes and dreams. He and his soul mate, Ashley, had big plans. Evan planned to get his college degree after he left the Army. Evan and Ashley had been married 3 years. Evan was one of the best and the brightest. He was a leader, his team loved him and he them.
The young men and women who are dying in Iraq are our future generation of leaders. They are the future of America. They represent the best that America has to offer. Those who survive Iraq will undoubtedly face years of anguish over what they have witnessed in this immoral war, all in the name of oil. In the meantime we, the American public, sit by, mute, as we watch our young die. We must halt this unconscionable action in Iraq immediately and bring our young people home.
It's too late for my son, but it's not too late for the many tens of thousands still in Iraq. Bring them home now!"
Jane Bright
Mother of Sgt. Evan Ashcraft, Deceased
"I saw the Americans flying through the air, blasted upwards," an Iraqi mechanic with an oil lamp in his garage said - not, I thought, without some satisfaction. "The wounded Americans were on the road, shouting and screaming."
The US authorities in Iraq - who only report their own deaths, never those of Iraqis - acknowledged three US soldiers dead. There may be up to eight dead, not counting the wounded. Several Iraqis described seeing arms and legs and pieces of uniform scattered across the highway.
It may well turn out to be the most costly ambush the Americans have suffered since they occupied Iraq - and this on the very day that George Bush admitted for the first time that there was no link between Saddam Hussein and the 11 September assault on the United States. And as American Abrams tanks thrashed down the darkened highway outside Khaldiya last night - the soft-skinned Humvee jeeps were no longer to be seen in the town - the full implications of the ambush became clear.
There were three separate ambushes in Khaldiya and the guerrillas showed a new sophistication. Even as I left the scene of the killings after dark, US army flares were dripping over the semi-desert plain 100 miles west of Baghdad while red tracer fire raced along the horizon behind the palm trees. It might have been a scene from a Vietnam movie, even an archive newsreel clip; for this is now tough, lethal guerrilla country for the Americans, a death-trap for them almost every day.
As usual, the American military spokesmen had "no information" on this extraordinary ambush. But Iraqis at the scene gave a chilling account of the attack. A bomb - apparently buried beneath the central reservation of the four-lane highway - exploded beside an American truck carrying at least 10 US soldiers and, almost immediately, a rocket-propelled grenade hit a Humvee carrying three soldiers behind the lorry.
"The Americans opened fire at all the Iraqis they could see - at all of us," Yahyia, an Iraqi truck driver, said. "They don't care about the Iraqis." The bullet holes show that the US troops fired at least 22 rounds into the Iraqi lorry that was following their vehicles when their world exploded around them.
The mud hut homes of the dirt-poor Iraqi families who live on the 30-foot embankment of earth and sand above the road were laced with American rifle fire. The guerrillas - interestingly, the locals called them mujahedin, "holy warriors" - then fired rocket-propelled grenades at the undamaged vehicles of the American convoy as they tried to escape. A quarter of a mile down the road - again from a ridge of sand and earth - more grenades were launched at the Americans.
Again, according to the Sunni Muslim Iraqis of this traditionally Saddamite town, the Americans fired back, this time shooting into a crowd of bystanders who had left their homes at the sound of the shooting. Several, including the driver of the truck that was hit by the Americans after the initial bombing, were wounded and taken to hospital for treatment in the nearest city to the west, Ramadi.
"They opened fire randomly at us, very heavy fire," Adel, the mechanic with the oil lamp, said. "They don't care about us. They don't care about the Iraqi people, and we will have to suffer this again. But I tell you that they will suffer for what they did to us today. They will pay the price in blood."
Now Mr Bush is convinced he is fighting a vast international "terrorist" network and that its agents are closing in for a final battle in Iraq. And the Iraqi mujahedin are ready to turn the American President's fantasies into reality.
I couldn't help noticing the graffiti on a wall in Fallujah. It was written in Arabic, in a careful, precise hand, by someone who had taken his time to produce a real threat.
"He who gives the slightest help to the Americans," the graffiti read, "is a traitor and a collaborator."
Some of the soldiers were deployed to Iraq and died but are not part of the Pentagon's investigation. Others who got ill told United Press International they suffered a pneumonia-like illness after being given vaccines, particularly the anthrax shot.
The Pentagon said it is committed to the health of military personnel and that some dead or ill soldiers do not meet criteria for the investigation. Pentagon health officials said a statistical analysis essentially has ruled out vaccines and that the role of smoking has emerged as a leading factor instead.
At least two more soldiers deployed to Iraq died with fluid in their lungs, according to their families; one of those was found dead in his cot. The Pentagon has not released any information on two more soldiers found dead in Iraq under similar circumstances. In a fifth case, a 20-year-old died after what the Pentagon said were "breathing difficulties" and his mother has said she wants more information.
At least two more soldiers died after experiencing chest pain, including the Aug. 27 death of 43-year-old Lt. Col Anthony L. Sherman, who competed in triathlons and marathons. "The only thing they had to tell me was severe myocardial infarction," said his wife, Lisa Ann, from Pottstown, Pa. "In my heart of hearts, I believe there was more to it than just a heart attack. He was in too good of shape."
All of those deaths appear on the Pentagon list of non-combat related fatalities but were not included in the pneumonia investigation.
A Pentagon announcement last week that more than 20,000 reservists would have their service doubled to a year has caused uproar as thousands of wives, husbands and children struggle to manage without them - many of them enduring financial hardship.
Now, in a development that is alarming Mr Bush's advisers, the families of "weekend warriors" are becoming a focal point of disaffection over the administration's handling of Iraq since Saddam Hussein's defeat. The families are banding together to campaign for better treatment, while some senior military figures have been outspoken in their criticism.
Jeanean McKiever, whose 20-year-old son, Gary, was among 400 reservists from Queens and Long Island called up in March, said: "There's a growing feeling that our loved ones have done their duty now and it is time to let them come home.
"We feel deceived. President Bush said the war was over but we know our menfolk on the ground are being shot at and they don't even know which hole in the ground the enemy is coming from."
Last week's announcement, which may eventually affect all 55,000 reservists deployed in Iraq, was condemned across the country. In Tennessee - a state that Mr Bush won narrowly in the last election - the senior National Guard officer, Major General Gus Hargett, said the decision had "seriously jeopardised the trust our soldiers and airmen have in their senior leadership".
In Florida, another state that Mr Bush must win, Gloria Reed, a member of the Family Readiness Group, said: "We're devastated, all devastated. We've been told twice they were coming home, that in July they were packing up, then in November that they had an actual flight date. Now this."
Although reservists' employers must by law keep their jobs open for when they return, their civilian pay is suspended. Reservists are paid military rates while on active duty but for most that means about $20,000 (£13,000) a year, less than half what they earn on average in their civilian jobs.
For their families, accustomed to civilian rather than military life, it means loneliness, frustration and worries over how they will put a roast turkey on the table at Thanksgiving in November.
In New York, Mrs McKiever, a former teacher who comes from a military family and was born at a base in North Carolina, has formed a support group, Family of One, to connect other families of servicemen scattered through the city's suburbs. So far 80 have signed on.
"Families round here are getting angry now," she said. Similar groups have been set up in other states.
With support for the war in Iraq eroding - only 54 per cent think it was worth fighting, according to one poll last week - and Mr Bush's approval ratings on the slide, the anger of those like Mrs McKiever is an unwelcome complication for White House election strategists.
Mrs McKiever's son, who is serving with the 800th Military Police Brigade, joined the reservists partly for the scholarships that are helping pay his way through a degree course in criminal justice at Pace University, New York. Like most reservists, he did not expect to be called to serve abroad, let alone in a war zone - and when first mobilised he was told he would serve a year in all, including training beforehand and debriefing on his return.
"We know it is going to be a full year but it is not easy to accept," said Mrs McKiever. "It takes time to sink in. Me, I've told myself to stop counting the days. Right now, it's the small things that play on the minds of the families left behind. What about the turkey? How can we afford school supplies?"
She launched Family of One when she realised that few of the reservists in her son's unit had any idea of the realities of military life. "Do these women miss their men?" she said. "Believe me, they face that emotional change from the day he packs his bag and leaves.
"Can they stay faithful for a whole year? I'm not even going there but I'll tell you that there is going to be a big problem when the men do get home."
With votes at stake in Mid-western swing states as well as Republican strongholds in the South, politicians are sensitive to the problem. Republican senators and congressmen fear a backlash from communities with large numbers of reservists. Advisers say that Mr Bush and his top political strategist, Karl Rove, are listening to what people such as Mrs McKiever are saying.
That picture, shared with American military commanders in Iraq, is very different from the public view currently being presented by senior Bush administration officials, including Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, who once again today listed only "dead-enders, foreign terrorists and criminal gangs" as opponents of the American occupation.
The defense officials spoke on condition of anonymity, saying they were concerned about retribution for straying from the official line. They said it was a mistake for the administration to discount the role of ordinary Iraqis who have little in common with the groups Mr. Rumsfeld cited, but whose anger over the American presence appears to be kindling some sympathy for those attacking American forces.
Other United States government officials said some of the concerns had been prompted by recent polling in Iraq by the State Department's intelligence branch. The findings, which remain classified, include significant levels of hostility to the American presence. The officials said indications of that hostility extended well beyond the Sunni heartland of Iraq, which has been the main setting for attacks on American forces, to include the Shiite-dominated south, whose citizens have been more supportive of the American military presence but have also protested loudly about raids and other American actions.
As reasons for Iraqi hostility, the defense officials cited not just disaffection over a lack of electricity and other essential services in the months since the war, but cultural factors that magnify anger about the foreign military presence.
"To a lot of Iraqis, we're no longer the guys who threw out Saddam, but the ones who are busting down doors and barging in on their wives and daughters," one defense official said.
However, Condoleezza Rice, President Bush's national security adviser, took issue with the assertion of broad Iraqi dissatisfaction with the presence of American troops, declaring that the United States was making headway in the places like Baghdad and Tikrit, where much of the resistance is centered.
"But there is, even in that part of the country, progress," she said in an interview. "People finished their university exams, the Iraqi symphony orchestra performed and took a tour up to the north. Kids went to school."
Some American officials said the intelligence assessments underscored that opposition to American forces in Iraq was likely to get worse before it got better. Others cautioned that it was risky to make such forecasts, and some cited what they called indicators of recent improvements in the security situation.
But while President Bush and other senior administration officials have described the conflict in Iraq primarily as a battleground in the war on terrorism, the officials said, the recent intelligence assessments tend to cast it mainly as an insurgency in which the key variable will be the role played by ordinary Iraqis.
"As time goes on, if the infrastructure doesn't improve, and American troops are still out there front and center, it's hard to see the public mood getting any better," one United States government official said.
A military official who acknowledged the existence of the pessimistic intelligence assessments said he took issue with some of the conclusions. He said the bounties being offered in Iraq for attacks on Americans had increased recently, to as much as $5,000, in what he called an indication that those opposed to the American occupation were having a harder time enlisting support.
The official also declared that the number of intelligence tips and other useful information provided to American forces in Iraq was generally on the increase, a sign, he said, of increasing cooperation by large segments of the Iraqi public.
Our mission is to mobilize military families, veterans, and GIs themselves to demand: an end to the occupation of Iraq and other misguided military adventures; and an immediate return of all US troops to their home duty stations.
The truth is coming out. The American public was deceived by the Bush administration about the motivation for and intent of the invasion of Iraq. It is equally apparent that the administration is stubbornly and incompetently adhering to a destructive course. Many Americans do not want our troops there. Many military families do not want our troops there. Many troops themselves do not want to be there. The overwhelming majority of Iraqis do not want US troops there.
Our troops are embroiled in a regional quagmire largely of our own government's making. These military actions are not perceived as liberations, but as occupations, and our troops are now subject to daily attacks. Meanwhile, without a clear mission, they are living in conditions of relentless austerity and hardship. At home, their families are forced to endure extended separations and ongoing uncertainty.
Not one more troop killed in action. Not one more troop wounded in action. Not one more troop psychologically damaged by the act of terrifying, humiliating, injuring or killing innocent people. Not one more troop spending one more day inhaling depleted uranium. Not one more troop separated from spouse and children. This is the only way to truly support these troops, and the families who are just as much part of the military as they are.
I just recently returned from Iraq. When we landed in Ramstein, Germany there was no one to greet us or welcome us back. There were soldiers that lived up to 6hrs. away that tried to get someone from their to come pick them up. Since it was a weekend no one was there. These soldiers had to ride in a taxi back to their unit. A friend of mine spent almost $250.00 just on the ride home. This is how much the Army cares.
I am a veteran of the Korean war, serving 19 months over there during the war.
It is really a great thing on what you are doing and I think all of the troops need to be brought home now, because this war was brought on by the lies of George W Bush and his gang members and the mainstream news media lied to and deceived the American people in support of Bush and his lies.
George W Bush and the news media are also attacking the war veterans like myself. Just this year Bush cut spending for the war veterans by 25 billion dollars and every member in the Republican congress voted for it and the news media didn't even report it. We all need to get after the news media because until we do they will just go on telling lies and covering up for Bush and his gang.
Sincerely,
Thomas Jelf
Lexington, Kentucky
I can say very definitively that when Sec Army Brownlee and LTG Sanchez were here, they arranged nice little "sensing sessions" with the soldiers, complete with a camera crew that followed them around. The problem with that was all of the soldiers in the sensing sessions were hand-picked, 82nd soldiers who had just gotten here the month before and who already have been told when their redeployment dates are. So of course those guys were hearing what they wanted to hear, and what those soldier's commanders wanted them to hear "we are motivated, blah blah blah.". Not a single natl guard or reserve soldier sat at that table.
Those days I sat with a group of reservists who have been deployed 8 months, not 40 feet away from these dog and pony shows. All I felt was resentment and hatred for an administration that is much more concerned about publishing "good news events" than actually generating them.
That's my negative thought for the day.
Name and unit withheld
Please read David Korten's book 'When Corporations Rule the World'. You will not sleep well but here we are. Halliburton Oil is at the front. This all has been coming on for years while we were concerned over who would win the Super Bowl and which new computer game were you going to get. WE have not DEMANDED HONEST, FACTUAL NEWS. WE have become an ignorant brainless fat society. WE have lost our civility, questioning minds and the ability to reason, introspect, discernment and engage in honest open discussions.
WE are at a fork in the road, YOU decide which way we are to go.
As a rifle platoon sergeant with Delta Company 1- 7th Cav 1st Air Cav Div in Vietnam I understand clearly how those who have never been in combat can be so cavalier with other people lives.
I just got off the phone with my son... It was great to hear his voice. It was only the second time I have talked to him since he has been in Baghdad.
In the conversation I asked him about Rumsfeld's visit to the Baghdad Airport. My son said that on an average day, there are Iraqis around the airport doing different chores. He said that none were allowed at the airport during Rumsfeld's visit. More disturbing, my son said there were sharp-shooters on the roofs of all the buildings. I asked my son why they would need sharp-shooters on the roof if there were no Iraqis at the Airport. He said they were for the SOLDIERS! He said they were all warned that any one that went on a roof would be SHOT! The airport is made up of several high rise buildings that the troops live in. My son said several of his friends live on the upper floors of these buildings. He said they generally go up on the roof to read or to smoke, etc. These soldiers were warned they would be shot if they went up on the roof for any reason. I find it shocking that the morale is so low for the troops that the upper brass don't trust them.
The obituaries that are proliferating slowly but steadily in hometown newspapers are becoming a political liability to an administration that lied about 'yellow cake uranium' and WMD and al Qaeda to get us into Iraq, and now feels compelled to keep lying about who is picking away at US forces. (Rumsfeld went so far once as to suggest that escaped Iraqi convicts were doing it. Shooting at Americans is just not the 'liberated' thing to do.)
So the word has rolled downhill, just like s*** does, to minimize patrols, harden positions, and keep the American casualty figures to an absolute minimum. This is, in military parlance, a heightened force protection posture. Isolated from Iraq and Iraqis within hardened positions, the troops are now literally between Iraq and a hard place.
While the troops are away, the armed resistance will play. With pipelines, embassies, Brown & Root employees, collaborators, and even UN hotels. While the troops are protecting themselves in those static positions - positions that are being watched and analyzed every minute - the street and countryside are ceded to the guerrillas. There is a reason this is a classic tactic of guerrilla war: When they pursue, we retreat; when they retreat, we harass. The reason is it works. That we are assuming a "heightened force protection posture" is an indication that it works, and that "posture" only ensures it will work better. See what I mean? Between Iraq and a hard place.
Our troops are being used as occupiers, in a nation that has shown itself to be stubbornly hostile to occupation. This is a disadvantage that - if the resistance persists, and it seems it will - shall not go away. We've been here before. I was here before. Vietnam.
Bring them home now. Leave Iraq to the Iraqis.
On Monday night, two Humvees arrived at Mustansariyah university. The soldiers distributed a propaganda sheet in Arabic called Baghdad Now , lauding the achievements of the occupation. Students collected the newspapers and ceremonially burnt them. They also put a poster of Muktada Sadr, the radical Shia cleric, up near the university clock.
An hour later, more US soldiers were back, and angry. Abu Khalid, university guard, said: "They told me to lie down and they took away my rifle and tied my hands behind my back." Guards say the soldiers went through the university asking: "Where are the terrorists? We are going to arrest them."
Offices were smashed and windows broken with rifle butts. After three hours, the US troops withdrew after failing to tear down the poster. A university administrator said: "I feel very angry. Our college looks worse than after the invasion." She said they were not complaining to the US army or the CPA, because nobody knows who to complain to, but Arab satellite channels have been asked to film the damage.
"When the pin is pulled, Mr. Grenade is not our friend." - U.S. Army training notice
"Cluster bombing from B-52s is very, very accurate. From 30,000 feet, every single bomb always hits the ground." - U.S. Air Force ammunition memo.
"If the enemy is in range, so are you." - Infantry Journal
"A slipping gear could let your M203 grenade launcher fire when you least expect it. That would make you quite unpopular in what’s left of your unit." - Army preventive maintenance publication
"Try to look unimportant; they may be low on ammo." - Infantry Journal
"Tracers work both ways." - U.S. Army Ordnance Corps memo.
"Five-second fuses only last three seconds." - Infantry Journal
"Bravery is being the only one who knows you're afraid." - Col. David H. Hackworth
"If your attack is going too well, you’re probably walking into an ambush." - Infantry Journal
"No combat-ready unit has ever passed inspection." - Joe Gay
"Any ship can be a minesweeper - once." - Anonymous
"Never tell the Platoon Sergeant you have nothing to do." - Unknown Army recruit
"Don’t draw fire; it irritates the people around you." - Your buddies
"If you see a bomb disposal technician running, try to keep up with him." - U.S. Army ordnance manual
"It is generally inadvisable to eject directly over the area you just bombed" - U.S. Air Force flight training manual
Vice President Dick Cheney said Sunday that continuing violence against U.S.-led forces in Iraq is diminishing, and that most Iraqis welcome the occupation. "The actual number of incidents this month is significantly below what it was last month, on a daily basis," Cheney told NBC's "Meet the Press." Most of Iraq "is relatively stable and quiet," he said.
http://www.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/meast/09/15/sprj.irq.main/index.html
This from the same people who said that al-qaeda were running rampant with WMD in Iraq while Saddam shredded the blueprints for 9/11. Below are excerpts from intel summaries I wrote for the 13th and the 14th of this month. The raw data on incidents is taken from military reporting, CJTF-7 to be specific. It would seem that the vice president does not have access to this unclassified reporting. Makes me wonder if he really gives a damn about the men and women dying over here while Halliburton makes millions.
Assessment:
Through the first twelve days of September, there have been 246 incidents; there were 181 for the same time period in August. This represents a 36% increase in activity levels. If activity numbers continue at current rates, based on August patterns, it is assessed that there will be between 615-668 incidents in September. However, this does not take changing climatological conditions (rain/temperature) into account or operational impacts due to changes in hours of daylight.
Assessment:
Through the first Thirteen days of September, there have been 93 incidents involving IEDs; there were 66 for the same time period in August. This represents a 41% increase in IED use. If activity numbers continue at current rates, based on August patterns, it is assessed that there will be between 255-275 IED incidents in September- or approximately 38-41% of all incidents. However, this does not take changing climatological conditions (rain/temperature) into account or operational impacts due to changes in hours of daylight.
Now I'm no rocket scientist, but last time I checked, 36 and 41 percent increases are not actually "significantly lower" than anything, although maybe Stephen Hawking would say differently.
Cheers,
A CONCERNED OFFICER
Mass: Concentrate combat power at the decisive place and time
Objective: Direct every military operation towards a clearly defined, decisive, and attainable objective
Offensive: Seize, retain, and exploit the initiative
Surprise: Strike the enemy at a time, at a place, or in a manner for which he is unprepared
Economy of force: Allocate minimum essential combat power to secondary efforts
Maneuver: Place the enemy in a position of disadvantage through the flexible application of combat power
Unity of command: For every objective, ensure unity of effort under one responsible commander
Security: Never permit the enemy to acquire an unexpected advantage
Simplicity: Prepare clear, uncomplicated plans and clear, concise orders to ensure thorough understanding
Back in the 1960's, when it seemed as if every other draftee in the Army was being sent to Vietnam, I was sent off to Korea, where I was assigned to the intelligence office of an engineer battalion.
Twenty years old and half a world away from home, I looked forward to mail call the way junkies craved their next fix. My teenage sister, Sandy, got all of her high school girlfriends to write to me, which led some of the guys in my unit to think I was some kind of Don Juan. I considered it impolite to correct any misconceptions they might have had.
You could depend on the mail for an emotional lift - most of the time. But there were times when I would open an envelope and read, in the inky handwriting of my mother or father or sister, that a friend of mine, someone I had grown up with or gone to school with, or a new friend I had met in the Army, had been killed in Vietnam. Just like that. Gone. Life over at 18, 19, 20.
I can still remember the weird feelings that would come over me in those surreal moments, including the irrational idea that I was somehow responsible for the death. In the twisted logic of grief, I would feel that if I had never opened the envelope, the person would still be alive. I remember being overwhelmed with the desire to reseal the letter in the envelope and bring my dead friend back to life.
This week's hideous attack in Mosul reminded me of those long ago days. Once again American troops sent on a fool's errand are coming home in coffins, or without their right arms or left legs, or paralyzed, or so messed up mentally they'll never be the same. Troops are being shoved two or three times into the furnace of Iraq by astonishingly incompetent leaders who have been unable or unwilling to provide them with the proper training, adequate equipment or even a clearly defined mission.
It is a mind-boggling tragedy. And the suffering goes far beyond the men and women targeted by the insurgents. Each death in Iraq blows a hole in a family and sets off concentric circles of grief that touch everyone else who knew and cared for the fallen soldier. If the human stakes were understood well enough by the political leaders of this country, it might make them a little more reluctant to launch foolish, unnecessary and ultimately unwinnable wars.
Lisa Hoffman and Annette Rainville of the Scripps Howard News Service have reported, in an extremely moving article, that nearly 900 American children have lost a parent to the war in Iraq. More than 40 fathers died without seeing their babies.
The article begins with a description of a deeply sad 4-year-old named Jack Shanaberger, whose father was killed in an ambush in March. Jack told his mother he didn't want to be a father when he grew up. "I don't want to be a daddy," he said, "because daddies die."
Six female soldiers who died in the war left a total of 10 children. This is a new form of wartime heartbreak for the U.S.
We have completely lost our way with this fiasco in Iraq. The president seems almost perversely out of touch. "The idea of democracy taking hold in what was a place of tyranny and hatred and destruction is such a hopeful moment in the history of the world," he said this week.
The truth, of course, is that we can't even secure the road to the Baghdad airport, or protect our own troops lining up for lunch inside a military compound. The coming elections are a slapstick version of democracy. International observers won't even go to Iraq to monitor the elections because it's too dangerous. They'll be watching, as if through binoculars, from Jordan.
Nobody has a plan. We don't have enough troops to secure the country, and the Iraqi forces have shown neither the strength nor the will to do it themselves. Election officials are being murdered in the streets. The insurgency is growing in both strength and sophistication. At least three more marines and one soldier were killed yesterday, ensuring the grimmest of holidays for their families and loved ones.
One of the things that President Bush might consider while on his current vacation is whether there are any limits to the price our troops should be prepared to pay for his misadventure in Iraq, or whether the suffering and dying will simply go on indefinitely.
Yet the new attacks on civil liberties have not ended with the Homeland Bill’s passage. A week earlier, libertarians began to criticize a program under development at the Pentagon that would lead to an invasion of personal privacy on a gigantic scale. Known originally as "Total Information Awareness," this project attempts to break new ground by networking computers to collect and ‘mine’ all electronically recorded information including your and our credit card purchases, email messages, academic grades, magazine subscriptions, bank deposits, personal investments, Websites, travel, telephone, social security, income tax, library and medical records.
Ironically, although better known for erasing thousands of email messages to cover-up his crimes, John Poindexter, a retired rear admiral, heads this program.[2] Poindexter, as Ronald Reagan’s national security adviser, helped plan the sale of arms to Iran and illegally divert the proceeds to the contra terrorists in Nicaragua. He was indicted for defrauding the US Government in the Iran-Contra affair and was convicted of five felonies, including lying to Congress, obstruction of justice and destroying official documents.[3] A New York Times editorial (2002) entitled, "A Snooper’s Dream," declared that Poindexter never expressed remorse even though he was convicted. He asserted it was his duty to withhold information from the American people.[4]
Given these and other new developments, we have updated our essay. However, if anything, the election outcome has escalated the incipient fascism reported here.
During the 1930s and 1940s, the technology was dependent on primitive but powerful automatic data processing equipment - raw data key-punched on cards, then sorted and collated with machines originally developed in the U.S. by International Business Machines (IBM) for census tabulations and corporate purposes. In Germany, the IBM subsidiary, Deutsche Hollerith Maschinen Gesellschaft (Dehomag) served the Nazi regime’s census bureau, armed forces, factories, railroads, concentration camps, etc.[10] According to Edwin Black, the author of IBM and the Holocaust, IBM U.S.A. maintained Dehomag during the 1930s.[11] During the war, it provided additional support through subsidiaries in neutral countries.
Following the trail of IBM memos and FBI, State Department, American military and German government files, Black discovered that IBM data processing equipment made a dramatic difference in the numbers of Jews whose property the Gestapo seized and who were either killed outright or sent to their deaths - starved, gassed and worked to death as slave labor in factories and concentration camps. In Holland, for example, IBM equipment helped the Germans create a diabolically efficient killing machine. Jewish quotas were established with the aid of the data processing equipment and the overwhelming majority of Jews in that country were rapidly identified, rounded up and sent to death camps.[12]
In France, however, this technology was sabotaged. The Germans had appointed Rene Carmille administrator of the French statistical service. Carmille - unbeknownst to the German authorities - was a leader in the underground resistance movement. He sabotaged the German attempt to develop a database comparable to Holland’s and instead used its files for the resistance, generating databases identifying men whose occupational skills and military backgrounds enhanced the struggle against the German forces. His work, for instance, enabled the Free French to mobilize the resistance against the Germans in Algeria virtually overnight.
At the cost of his own life, Carmille saved the lives of tens of thousands of Jews in France. When the Gestapo finally discovered that his department had defied their directives - its employees, while updating the French census records, had not punched the ‘racial’ identities of individuals on Hollerith cards nor collated, tabulated and printed this information - he was arrested, tortured by Klaus Barbie, the infamous Butcher of Lyon, and sent to Dachau where he perished.
Information technology in Holland enabled the Nazis to exceed their Jewish quotas; however, they did not fulfill the quotas in France because sabotage of this technology forced them to conduct haphazard and random roundups. Black reports:
By now, the reader must be weary hearing how our civil liberties are being attacked. But these attacks are listed to underscore the extraordinary breadth of an insidious legal infrastructure being set up in the name of a war against terrorism.
Nat Hentoff writes: "Until now, in our law, an American could only lose his or her citizenship by declaring a clear intent to abandon it. But - and read this carefully from the new bill - the intent to relinquish nationality need not be manifested in words, but can be inferred from conduct"[42]
Despite evidence that Sept. 11 was due to agency failures and not our Constitutional liberties, scuttling these liberties gives federal agencies power to suppress political dissidents not terrorists.
Also, independent media correspondents have reported seeing Army, Navy and Air Force observers at demonstrations.[66] (A Special Forces photographer was seen and photographed at the Sept. 29, 2002 anti-IMF demonstration.[67]) While many believe the Posse Comitatus Act, which prohibits the military from engaging in domestic police functions, is still in force, Gore Vidal points out that Ashcroft has the power to use the armed services against civilians, because the Act was nullified by "anti-terrorism" legislation passed under the Clinton administration.[68] Unsurprisingly, the Homeland Security department’s core staff members will occupy a building at the U.S. Naval Security Station in Washington DC. In addition, the DoD has begun creating military command centers in the U.S. for the domestic deployment of armed units.
Stuber missed his morning flight that second day but the two agents helped him get a ticket for a later flight. He said, "I was relieved that the SS hadn’t stopped me from flying." But he was wrong. When he tried to board that plane, he was stopped a third time and advised to go to Greensboro, for still another flight. He complied but, at Greensboro, was denied permission to fly overseas or domestically. Despite being up for 40 hours without sleep, he drove to the Charlotte airport, an hour and a half away - to no avail.[73] Stuber was not just grounded and driven to exhaustion but the agents had forced him to pay for tickets he could not use. They had acted criminally. They had lied with malice leading him to believe he could fly if he followed their directions.
Also, Scott Bidstrup, a Texas civil libertarian, advises, "For a long time, I've been warning that creeping fascism was threatening to take over the United States, and that a free, open society is in clear jeopardy." He backs this claim by various observations including a clear pattern of forcible police repression of non-violent political protest and a crackdown on the press. He notes that Portland, Oregon police actually admitted their crackdown was aimed at suppressing "unpopular" political views. "Even the Los Angeles School District, in the best of fascist tradition, is deliberately creating an atmosphere of fear, repression and intimidation in an attempt to enforce conformity in their schools," declares Bidstrup.[78]
This case is now on appeal to the Supreme Court, which will determine whether this president—or his successors until the end of the war on terrorism—can subvert the Bill of Rights to the peril of all of us.
Judge Motz began her dissent—which got only a couple of lines in the brief coverage of the case in scattered media reporting—by stating plainly what the Bush administration has done to scuttle the Bill of Rights:
"For more than a year, a United States citizen, Yaser Esam Hamdi, has been labeled an enemy combatant and held in solitary confinement in a Norfolk, Virginia, naval brig. He has not been charged with a crime, let alone convicted of one. The Executive [the president] will not state when, if ever, he will be released. Nor has the Executive allowed Hamdi to appear in court, consult with counsel, or communicate in any way with the outside world."
I have not seen what I am about to quote from her dissent anywhere in the media. You might want to send what follows to your member of Congress and senator. Judge Motz said accusingly:
"I fear that [this court] may also have opened the door to the indefinite detention, without access to a lawyer or the courts, of any American citizen, even one captured on American soil, who the Executive designates an 'enemy combatant,' as long as the Executive asserts that the area in which the citizen was detained was an 'active combat zone,' and the detainee, deprived of access to the courts and counsel, cannot dispute this fact." (Emphasis added).
As I have detailed in two previous columns ("A Citizen Shorn of All Rights," Voice, January 1-7, 2003, and "Liberty's Court of Last Resort," Voice, January 29-February 4, 2003), Hamdi was taken into custody by the Northern Alliance in Afghanistan, and then declared an "enemy combatant" by order of George W. Bush on the flimsiest of "evidence" that he had been a soldier of the Taliban—an accusation that Hamdi has not been able to rebut in a court of alleged law.
Judge Motz is not engaging in scare tactics when she says that with the president having assumed the powers of an absolute monarch, in this kind of case, any American citizen can be hauled off an American street and stripped of all his or her rights. On June 5, Attorney General John Ashcroft unequivocally told the House Judiciary Committee that the streets of America are now "a war zone."
As Judge Motz points out, the majority of the Fourth Circuit, in its "breathtaking holding" relying on the Mobbs declaration, ruled that it is "undisputed" that Hamdi was captured in a zone of active combat. This, she charges, is "pure hearsay . . . a thin reed on which to rest abrogation of constitutional rights, and one that collapses entirely upon examination. For Hamdi has never been given the opportunity to dispute any facts."
The [president's] constitutional argument [in the case of Jose Padilla] would give every President the unchecked power to detain, without charge and forever, all citizens it chooses to label as "enemy combatants." —friend-of-the-court brief, Padilla v. Rumsfeld, by the Cato Institute, the Center for National Security Studies, the Constitution Project, the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, People for the American Way, and the Rutherford Institute.
Ignored by most media, an array of prominent federal judges, government officials, and other members of the legal establishment has joined in a historic rebellion against George W. Bush's unprecedented and unconstitutional arrogance of power that threatens the fundamental right of American citizens to have access to their lawyers before disappearing indefinitely into military custody without charges, without seeing an attorney or anyone except their guards.
The case, Padilla v. Rumsfeld, is now before the Second Circuit Court of Appeals. In a compelling friend-of-the-court brief on Padilla's behalf by an extraordinary gathering of the aforementioned former federal court judges, district court judges, and other legal luminaries of the establishment bar, they charge:
"This case involves an unprecedented detention by the United States of an American citizen, seized on American soil, and held incommunicado for more than a year without any charge being filed against him, without any access to counsel, and without any right to challenge the basis of his detention before a United States judge or magistrate . . .
"[We] believe the Executive's position in this case threatens the basic 'rule of law' on which our country is founded, the role of the federal judiciary and the separations in our national government, and fundamental individual liberties enshrined in our Constitution."
On May 8, 2002, Jose Padilla, unarmed and showing valid identification, was arrested at Chicago's O'Hare Airport by the FBI while getting off a plane. As his court-appointed lawyer, Donna Newman—who has shown herself to be truly a credit to the bar—told Judge Andrew Napolitano on the Fox News Channel:
"What they allege is that he had some 'loose talk.' That's their words, not mine, that he was planning, not a plan exactly, just loose talk about detonating a dirty bomb. Not him personally because, of course, he had . . . not even a pamphlet about bomb making when he was seized in the United States."
Padilla was not charged with a crime, or with planning a crime. He was held as a material witness in a high-security prison in Manhattan. But suddenly, without Padilla's lawyer being informed, Padilla was hauled away by the Defense Department to a military brig in North Carolina where, in solitary confinement, he remains.
As Donna Newman says, "While the world knows about his case, he does not. They put somebody in a legal black hole."
Padilla has been stripped of his rights—until now guaranteed by the Constitution—by the sole order and authority of George W. Bush, who has designated him an "enemy combatant."
As the friend-of-the-court brief by the former federal judges and other prominent lawyers states:
"There is at present no constitutionally-approved definition of who is an 'enemy combatant'; there are no constitutionally-approved procedures governing when and how persons seized in the United States may be imprisoned as 'enemy combatants' or for how long . . .
"In the absence of such standards . . . the judiciary—and the historical 'great writ' of habeas corpus—serves as the sole safeguard against what otherwise would be an unbridled power of the Executive to imprison a citizen based solely on the Executive's hearsay assertions that he or she has become an 'enemy' of the state."
Habeas corpus, embedded in the body of the Constitution, even before the Bill of Rights was added, provides a citizen held by the government with the right to go to a court and make the government prove he or she is being imprisoned legally.
As Donna Newman, impeded from her right to represent her client meaningfully, says: "To have the government say to us, 'You have a right to bring a petition [for habeas corpus], [but] you just can't speak to your client.' [That] is absolutely absurd."
And that is absolutely unconstitutional.
In a number of previous Voice columns and in my newly available book, The War on the Bill of Rights and the Gathering Resistance (Seven Stories Press), I have reported both on the series of radical abuses of the rule of law by Bush, Ashcroft, and Rumsfeld that have now reached a climax in this case, and on the case of another American citizen, Yaser Esam Hamdi, also being held without charges and without access to a lawyer in a military brig.
While the rest of the media failed to vigorously ring the liberty bell on Padilla v. Rumsfeld, The New York Observer came through with Greg Sargent's front-page August 11 story, "Bush's Tactics in Terror Case Called Illegal." It focused on the brief by the former judges, government officials, and renowned lawyers alarmed by the president's bypassing of the Constitution. Quoted was Harold Tyler, a former federal judge, and deputy attorney general under President Gerald Ford, who brought him in to cleanse the Justice Department after Watergate:
"They should charge this man if they've got something against him. And they should give him the right to counsel. These are all constitutional rights. . . . I have been a longtime Republican, but I'm a disenchanted Republican in this case."
The amicus brief he and the other members of the establishment bar signed declares: "Throughout history totalitarian regimes have attempted to justify their acts by designating individuals as 'enemies of the state' who were unworthy of any legal rights or protections. These tactics are no less despicable, and perhaps even more so, when they occur in a country that purports to be governed by the rule of law." And George W. Bush regularly intones his allegiance to "the rule of law."
Implicit in the term "national defense" is the notion of defending those values and ideals which set this Nation apart. —United States Supreme Court, U.S. v. Robel (1967)
The word "security" is a broad, vague generality [that] should not be invoked to abrogate the fundamental law [of the Constitution]. —Justice Hugo Black, U.S. Supreme Court, New York Times Co. v. U.S. (1971)
John Whitehead, president of the Rutherford Institute, an organization devoted to the Bill of Rights, in Charlottesville, Virginia, is one of the nation's most knowledgeable and insistent defenders of the Constitution. He is heard on many radio stations, and his printed commentaries are widely circulated. On August 11, he wrote about a startling attack on civil liberties I've been following in the Voice (September 24-30).
Jose Padilla now sits alone in a military cell where he is not even allowed to see his family (a son in Chicago and his mother in Florida) or use the telephone. He has to be wondering whether he will see the light of day again.
On June 9, 2002, commander in chief George W. Bush, acting under the Authorization for Use of Military Force Joint Resolution, sent an order to the Defense Department designating Jose Padilla, an American citizen, an "enemy combatant." The president did this all by himself, even though, as I noted in a previous column—quoting a friend of the court brief to the Second Circuit Court of Appeals by a historic array of former federal judges and establishment lawyers:
"There is no constitutionally approved definition of who is an 'enemy combatant.' " Nor is there any basis in our laws for holding Jose Padilla indefinitely without charges, or access to his lawyer, Donna Newman. In the August 25 New York Law Journal, Thomas Adcock reports, "She writes frequently to her client, but military officials in South Carolina [where he is imprisoned] will not confirm that their prisoner has received her letters."
The Law Journal story adds that Donna Newman, "after . . . combing through sealed court papers the Justice Department was obliged to reveal . . . concluded that the government's case against her client relies on two informers: one with a drug problem, she said, and the other who has recanted."
Before being swept away to a military brig, Padilla—first arrested at O'Hare Airport in Chicago and then held in a high-security prison in Manhattan as a material witness—was accused by Attorney General John Ashcroft, in a dramatic television appearance from Moscow, to have somehow been involved in somebody's plan to detonate a radioactive "dirty bomb" somewhere in the United States.
Through Donna Newman, his case against the government, Padilla v. Rumsfeld, is now before the Second Circuit Court of Appeals, where, as of this writing, oral arguments are proposed to be held the first week of November before a three-judge panel. But Ashcroft's Justice Department is striving mightily to persuade the Second Circuit that the case should be transferred to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals in Virginia, on jurisdictional grounds. Regarded by many lawyers, as well as civil libertarians, as the most conservative of all the circuit courts (which are just one level beneath the Supreme Court), the Fourth Circuit has already bowed to the president in the case of Yaser Hamdi. He is another American citizen being held indefinitely, without charges, and without access to his lawyer in a military brig. The Fourth Circuit has ruled that commander in chief Bush has the power to haul away an American citizen anywhere—at O'Hare, in Afghanistan, or on any American street. All Bush has to do is call him or her an "enemy combatant."
Whichever circuit court eventually gets the case, the Supreme Court will decide whether this president—or his successors—can, under the Constitution, strip an American citizen of his or her most fundamental due process rights. Chillingly, as the New York Law Journal points out, James B. Comey, U.S. Attorney for the Southern District, speaking for Attorney General Ashcroft, has declared in a legal brief:
"A court of the United States has no jurisdiction . . . to enjoin the president in the performance of his official duties." Therefore, according to the Justice Department and the president, the separation of powers—at the core of the Constitution—has been suspended in the war on terrorism. Somebody ought to tell Congress.
Why have none of the Democratic presidential candidates, except for John Edwards, mentioned this hijacking of Padilla's rights by the president they want to replace? Why has the press in its many manifestations not stayed on this case? How many Americans know that George W. Bush believes that, as commander in chief, he is beyond the reach of the courts?
As attorney Jonathan Freiman's brief to the Second Circuit—for a coalition of prominent civil liberties organizations—says in Padilla v. Rumsfeld, Bush's commander-in-chief argument "would give every President the unchecked power to detain, without charge and forever, all citizens it chooses to label as 'enemy combatants.' "
Freiman quotes Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson's concurring opinion in Youngstown Sheet & Tube v. Sawyer (1952) that the commander in chief's power "is not such an absolute—as might be implied from that office in a militaristic system—but is subject to limitations consistent with a constitutional Republic, whose law and policy-making branch is a representative Congress. . . . No penance would ever expiate the sin against free government of holding that a President can escape control of executive powers by law through assuming his military role." (Emphasis added).
And Justice Jackson, dissenting in a case about a basic denial of due process (Shaughnessy v. United States, 1953), thundered, "It is inconceivable to me that this measure of simple justice and fair dealing [due process] would menace the security of this country. No one can make me believe that we are that far gone."
Are we that far gone, Mr. President?
Last year, I heard a historian describe the Iraq war as Vietnam on crack cocaine. It was an apt comment. It took years, not months, before large numbers of civilians and soldiers questioned the sanity and cost of that war.
This time, the anti-war movement started before the invasion of Iraq. It may not be long before GIs refuse to follow orders or ask for discharges based on their conscientious objection to the occupation.
Many groups are supporting such dissatisfaction among the troops, including Veterans for Peace and Veterans for Common Sense. Some of the most anguished opposition appears on Web sites created by "Military Families Speak Out" and "Bring Them Home Now."
Also drawing attention is an "Open Letter to Soldiers Who are Involved in the Occupation of Iraq" posted Sept. 19 on the Internet by two men who know about refusing military orders.
James Skelly, now a senior fellow at the Baker Institute for Peace Conflict Studies at Juniata College in Pennsylvania, was a lieutenant in the Navy during the '60s. Rather than serve in Vietnam, he applied for a discharge based on his conscientious objection to the war. When the Pentagon refused his application, he sued Defense Secretary Melvin Laird for being illegally held by the military and became a West Coast founder of the Concerned Officer Movement.
Guy Grossman is a graduate student in philosophy at Tel-Aviv University who serves as a second lieutenant in the Israeli reserve forces. He is one of the founders of "Courage to Refuse," a group of more than 500 soldiers who have refused to serve in the Occupied Territories for conscientious reasons.
"We write this letter," the two begin, "because we have both been military officers during conflicts that descended into a moral abyss and from which we struggled to emerge with our humanity intact." Addressing the terror and moral anguish faced by soldiers who cannot distinguish friend from foe, they write, "From time to time . . . some of you may want to take revenge for the deaths of your fellow soldiers." But they urge soldiers "to step back from such sentiments because the lives of innocent people will be placed at further risk, and your very humanity itself will be threatened."
They explain how soldiers can legally express their moral objections, but also warn of the physical dangers and social consequences that can result from open opposition to the occupation.
Knowing the cost of war to the human heart, they end with these words: "Regardless of what you decide, it is our fervent desire that. . . you ultimately return to your homes with your humanity enriched, rather than diminished."
Reached in Denmark, Skelly told me that although soldiers have not yet responded to the letter, some family members have replied quite favorably. One mother thanked him and wrote, "We are passing it around and surely many copies will find their way into Iraq." The sister of a Navy weapons officer explained why, after nine years in the service, her brother resigned his commission after his application for conscientious objection was denied. "Because of all the reasons you describe; I hope some soldiers will hear you and Guy Grossman -- and their own consciences."
"These families know their loved ones are fodder," said Skelly. The question is: What will happen when soldiers say the same thing?
Few commented about the causes of the attacks or the significance of the President and Vice President going into hiding at that dramatic moment. Instead, TV news directors endlessly repeated the sci-fi like pictures of the burning tower one and the plane flying into tower two. Then came images of the Pentagon aflame. Citizens stared, mesmerized by the sight of the impossible, and shook their heads in disbelief.
TV directed the public to divide the images into good and evil. New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani took charge as a hero at the site of the catastrophe as Bush began to emerge from his two-day trance.
For most of the country, the virtual had become the real. Yet, the mass media did nothing to channel the population toward dialogue, much less reflection on the events themselves. Instead, TV elicited sympathy for the dead, praise for the heroes and scorn for the villains. Viewers saw the avengers and the rescuers as the good guys and the swarthy males wearing kefiyas on their heads as the black hats. In this way our media (I include here White House and State Department press secretaries) would conduct the post-traumatic orchestra. Few commentators asked: what did these fiends want?
Some leftists talked conspiracy, including a role for the CIA and Israel's Mossad. I sighed in despair. I thought of the people I knew inside the national security gates of the US and British governments, the opportunists who didn't have the imagination to hatch such a diabolical plot but who after the events saw the inherent possibilities of expanding their own power and influence. Some of those scheming bureaucrats viewed 9/11 as the chance to adorn the most trivial of their departments' issues with the sacred drapes of 'national security,' which they quickly hung over the windows of routine policies and procedures. They also took advantage of the vacuum of oversight during the traumatic post 9/11 days. Who would monitor them when the President directed all government energy to meet the crisis?
A silent and unseen panic seemed to vibrate through the public, a kind of national anxiety attack encouraged by official pronouncements of impending danger. As the media predictably embellished on all potentially bloody and explosive stories, the ambience for the heightened 'security' state reverberated as well through the Halls of Congress.
Without significant debate, the Members, more panicked than the public, passed the UNITING AND STRENGTHENING AMERICA BY PROVIDING APPROPRIATE TOOLS REQUIRED TO INTERCEPT AND OBSTRUCT TERRORISM ACT (25 October 2001), aka the USA PATRIOT ACT, enabling non-elected officials to assume increased bureaucratic control: tightening immigration procedures; legalizing intrusion into personal privacy, including probing of social organizations and their bank accounts; and invasion of telephone and computer messaging. Within months, bureaucracies had created their near-perfect world, one of permanent emergency in which the CIA, FBI and the newly created Homeland Security Department could escalate their anxiety-security game.
Yes, real terrorists destroyed buildings and thousands of people, but the very agencies that failed to prevent the 9/11 acts successfully covered their intelligence lapse by evoking fear. The mysterious and evil Al-Qaeda plotters, government officials repeated, would return. The citizenry now had to contain a fear of epic proportions to add to already mounting anxieties caused by economic recession, like job and healthcare security. Then came the anthrax scare, which also baffled the FBI.
In Washington, DC, as veteran observers have learned, nothing succeeds like failure. Incompetent agencies whose unwieldy size, top heavy hierarchy and inflated budgets now possessed even larger budgets and were managed by the same lethargic, but more powerful, insiders. And the money, as all Washington insiders know, must get spent before the end of the fiscal year.
Most important, since Congress and the Courts had agreed, the citizens could no longer claim certain inalienable rights. The media, which feeds anxiety to the public as its own means of reproducing itself, loved the emergency atmosphere: 'You better watch TV or you might miss something vital in the daily hysteria about terrorism!' Security had become incompatible with liberty.
The quotidian salvo of bloody and trivial stories makes concentration hard, the obvious obscure. Indeed, one can read daily newspapers from small towns to major metropolitan areas and watch and listen to the network and local news without ever hearing the obvious fact: a small group of fanatic Muslims successfully attacked the greatest Empire in the history of the world.
But Americans presume they live in a republic. The dictionary defines 'republic' as the antonym of 'empire.' The imperial government availed itself of the confusion and offered a transcendent message to cover the fact that it no longer even wore republican clothes: revenge!
Journalists--even those with al-Jazeera--do not receive advance warning of ambushes. The rule is in effect asking them to become assistants to the occupation authorities.
There have been instances in the flourishing new Iraqi free press--there are now more than 100 newspapers in Baghdad--of incitement to "jihad" against the occupation authorities and false information on the behaviour of American troops. As it is, even reporting yesterday's killing--or killings--near Falujah by a missile-firing American helicopter could fall into "incitement to violence". US forces say they came under fire from a house in the city and killed "one enemy" (sic). But hospital doctors gave the names of three men killed, all members of the same family.
Somewhere on the forward operating base another trash fire was burning away at the random uselessness of one division leaving the Sunni Triangle and another one replacing it. The soot and ashes of the waste-consuming inferno fell from the sky like twisted feathers of charcoal. The scene resembled that of a post apocalyptic death rain, as if the whole world were caught on fire by the ravages of a gruesome war.
Of course, describing a storm of black ash from a nearby trash fire as “post apocalyptic” would certainly be an exaggeration in this case. But despite the ominous overtones of falling ash resembling the aftermath of some horribly destructive event, there is no “aftermath” about it. The war rages on, more or less, depending on how you look at it, or who you ask.
Some may notice that the TV media coverage of the War In Iraq seems somewhat lacking as of late. This, of course, was bound to happen. A news flash here and there. A scrolled sentence of morbid carnage depicting unknown deaths run across the screen, right under the daily stock market quotes, which seem to be slipping more everyday. A quick war update usually sums up “just another” car bomb and its devastating effects in under five seconds, which leaves plenty of time to get back to the hot gossip. A sexually attractive 30 year old school teacher sexually molesting a 13 year old sexually-inexperienced school boy and a deviously altered life for everyone is much healthier for American Morale than the stark realities of “the same old war”. Its not about The Truth anymore, its about entertainment. No one cares about what happens in Iraq because, quite frankly, its boring. Car bombs are no fun for anyone anymore. They usually only happen in some far away dysfunctional country, and they never really seem to amount to much more than a few dead people who probably had it coming anyways. The controversy of another dead American soldier or the demise of many faceless 3rd world indigents seems to be a mundane cliche. Besides, a government at war is always too much controversy for anyone to handle in these fast times of mall-madness hysteria.
One would think that Bells and Whistles would be screaming all over the world when the White House finally had to come out and admit that rumors of a New World Order were actually true. For two years the public had grown so accustomed to hearing about a rich boy’s oil war that when the schematics for bombing Iran were finally confirmed, no one seemed to notice. Its as if Iran and Iraq were so similar in spelling or geological proximity that all of a sudden a preemptive attack on another random country seemed to be about right. In fact, it seemed to be The Norm.
Bells and Whistles, indeed. But who was listening to the war drums when a major ground war started way back in 2003? No one except for greedy corporate profit-mongers and an entire world population of sensible, peace-minded adults. In the end the forces of tyranny got their way, and the antiwar majority went back to their work-a-day worlds to lick their wounds and hope for the best.
But doesn’t a preemptive attack on Iran all of a sudden look like Nazi Germany rolling into Poland on what they called a justified and entertaining “blitzkrieg”? No one stopped Crazy Adolf and his minion of “good ol’ boys” from crossing that line, and no one will stop our evangelical hero President George W. Bush when the time comes to teach some terrorists a valuable lesson in hegemonic warfare.
This is now the way of the world. There is no longer a war, just a long and annoying (sometimes boring) but always enduring maniacal process. The cute jargon of yesteryear’s Cold War is back with a festive sentiment: “Imminent threat”, “Domino Theory”, “Arms race”, “Nuclear annihilation”, “Peace, Freedom, and The American Way”. These theories seemed important during the most crucial moments of US and Soviet tensions, so why not today? Especially when a whole nation of Prozac poppin’, Bud Light drinkin’, fast food binging, TV zombie inner-child spoiled brats are fully convinced that Johnny Jihad and his Forty Thieves are to blame for every malicious evil that lurks on the opposite side of their one dimensional white picket electric fences. The War Process shall continue undisturbed, and a nation of frightened sheep will thank the Bush Dynasty ever-so-gratefully by showering them with high popularity ratings and excessive amounts of young blood to grease the gears of an important and necessary World Police Force.
At least the War against Communism had a respectable counter-culture committed to ending the senseless violence of their day. At a very critical moment, a whole generation of everyday people woke up from their dazed slumber to realize the jaded hypocrisy of the American Dream. They struck back at the “Masters of War” with an idea of peace and understanding. They conveyed the beauty of their vision to the masses through words and music, through non-violent protests and steadfast patience. A system of skeptical nay-sayers and conformed automatons attempted to slander their ways by insisting their “hippy-dippy bullshit” was a result of “communist and enemy infiltration”. However, the idea that the war could be over was a romantic concept, and while mind expanding experiences in the movement exposed the lies and degeneration proliferated by the elitists on top, a counter-culture gyrating around the ideas of peace and harmony proved to be more rational than the fruits of endless war could impossibly conceive.
What are we left with today? Where is our counter-culture headed? Is there a counter-culture at all? These will prove to be good questions when the War on Terror spreads like a plague to all corners of the globe. Statistics are showing that more and more college students are diving head first into the right wing side of politics. It seems to be no surprise that neoconservative republicans could be hailed as champions and heroes in these grizzly and menacing times. Blood lusting nationalism has taken a front seat to good morals and basic civil rights, and subservient patriotism is the new gauge of a devout and pious Good Citizen. Violence in America has become a way of life to the point where it seems to be the new religion. It dominates our airwaves, households, and social behaviors. In a society blinded to the realities of these perils, its no wonder that our addiction to war is so rampant, or that the maturing mind of a teenager would choose to play a blood-lusting shoot-em-up video game as opposed to indulging in the ideas of a Hemingway or Kurt Vonnegut novel.
So as the rain of ash continues to fall, it becomes quite evident that this storm’s menacing overtones are indeed a prophetic metaphor for our state of being in these dark times. Where the ashes fall are not secluded to this war in Iraq, but any place where the flames of apathy and destruction burn away what we have left of a human existence. When the ravages of war have incinerated all hope for a better tomorrow, the only direction for those smoldering hopes to fall are down to a barren wasteland. War has certainly evolved much from the early days of hand to hand combat into what we are faced with today: An omnipotent beast devouring all life everywhere and at once. Ironically, while technology and its ability to correct our dehibilitating mistakes has also evolved, our desire for compassion and understanding have definitely not. Because of our unwillingness to change the current pattern of mass destruction, this new process of conflict is not waged solely on an urban battlefield. This war on all fronts is fought everyday and in every aspect of your life: In your homes, in your neighborhoods, in your schools, and in your minds. In light of this insidious force, it would appear that the human race is certainly doomed. However, these machinations are simply a result of our own neglect to ourselves. The only way to prevent our doomed future is to understand it for what it is, our future.
During the insane climax of the Vietnam War, a leading spokesperson for the counterculture serenely stabbed at the heart of the vicious conundrum facing the world. John Lennon summed up humanity’s biggest problem, and its solution, with one simple revelation:
“War is over! If you want it.”
hEkLe
Some ten or twelve of us (the number is still uncertain)
will, if all goes well (ill?) take our religious bodes
during this week
to a draft center in or near Baltimore
There we shall of purpose and forethought
remove the 1-A files sprinkle them in the public street
with home-made napalm and set them afire
For which act we shall beyond doubt
be placed behind bars for some portion of our natural lives
in consequence of our inability
to live and content in the plagued city
to say "peace peace" when there is no peace
to keep the poor poor
the thirsty and hungry thirsty and hungry
Our apologies good friends
for the fracture of good order the burning of paper
instead of children the angering of the orderlies
in the front parlor of the charnel house
We could not so help us God do otherwise
For we are sick at heart our hearts
give us no rest for thinking of the Land of Burning Children
and for thinking of that other Child of whom
the poet Luke speaks The infant was taken up
in the arms of an old man whose tongue
grew resonant and vatic at the touch of that beauty
And the old man spoke: this child is set
for the fall and rise of many in Israel
a sign that is spoken against
Small consolation a child born to make trouble
and to die for it the First Jew (not the last)
to be subject of a "definitive solution"
And so we stretch out our hands
to our brothers throughout the world
We who are priests to our fellow priests
All of us who act against the law
turn to the poor of the world to the Vietnamese
to the victims to the soldiers who kill and die
for the wrong reasons for no reason at all
because they were so ordered by the authorities
of that public order which is in effect
a massive institutionalized disorder
We say: Killing is disorder
life and gentleness and community and unselfishness
is the only order we recognize
For the sake of that order
we risk our liberty our good name
The time is past when good men may be silent
when obedience
can segregate men from public risk
when the poor can die without defense
How many indeed must die
before our voices are heard
how many must be tortured dislocated
starved maddened?
How long must the world's resources
be raped in the service of legalized murder?
When at what point will you say no to this war?
We have chosen to say
with the gift of our liberty
if necessary our lives:
the violence stops here
the death stops here
the suppression of the truth stops here
this war stops her
Redeem the times!
The times are inexpressibly evil
Christians pay conscious indeed religious tribute
to Caesar and Mars
by the approval of overkill tactics by brinkmanship
by nuclear liturgies by racism by support of genocide
They embrace their society with all their heart
and abandon the cross
They pay lip service to Christ
and military service to the powers of death
And yet and yet the times are inexhaustibly good
solaced by the courage and hope of many
The truth rules Christ is not forsaken
In a time of death some men
the resisters those who work hardily for social change
those who preach and embrace the truth
such men overcome death
their lives are bathed in the light of the resurrection
the truth has set them free
In the jaws of death
they proclaim their love of the brethren
We think of such men
in the world in our nation in the churches
and the stone in our breast is dissolved
we take heart once more.
If you had been Vietnamese:
--We might have burnt your house.
--We might have shot your dog.
--We might have shot you .
--We might have raped your wife and daughter.
--We might have turned you over to your government for torture.
--We might have taken souvenirs from your property.
--We might have shot things up a bit.
--We might have done all these things to you and your whole town.
If it doesn't bother you that American soldiers do these things every day to the Vietnamese simply because they are "gooks", then picture yourself as one of the silent victims.
Help us to end the war before they turn your son into a butcher... or a corpse.
Thompson's heroic decision to intervene during the course of the US massacre at My Lai made him an important figure in American history. ma/TO
He and his two younger crew mates, Lawrence Colburn and Glenn Andreotta, were flying low over the hamlet on March 16, 1968, trying to draw fire so that two gunships flying above could locate and destroy the enemy. On this morning, no one was shooting at them. And yet they saw bodies everywhere, and the wounded civilians they had earlier marked for medical aid were now all dead.
As the helicopter hovered a few feet over a paddy field, the team watched a group of Americans approach a wounded young woman lying on the ground. A captain nudged her with his foot, then shot her. The men in the helicopter recoiled in horror, shouting, "You son of a bitch!"
Thompson couldn't believe it. His suspicions and fear began to grow as they flew over the eastern side of the village and saw dozens of bodies piled in an irrigation ditch. Soldiers were standing nearby, taking a cigarette break. Thompson racked his brains for an explanation. Maybe the civilians had fled to the ditch for cover? Maybe they'd been accidentally killed and the soldiers had made a mass grave? The Army warrant officer just couldn't wrap his mind around the truth of My Lai.
Before My Lai, Americans always saw their boys in uniform as heroes. Their troops had brought war criminals, the Nazis, to justice. So when the massacre of some 500 unarmed Vietnamese civilians by U.S. soldiers became public a year and a half later, it shook the country to its core. Many Americans found it so unbelievable they perversely hailed Lt. William Calley, the officer who ordered his men to shoot civilians, as an unjustly accused hero.
But My Lai did produce true heroes, says William Eckhardt, who served as chief prosecutor for the My Lai courts-martial. "When you have evil, sometimes, in the midst of it, you will have incredible, selfless good. And that's Hugh Thompson."
On that historic morning, Thompson set his helicopter down near the irrigation ditch full of bodies. He asked a sergeant if the soldiers could help the civilians, some of whom were still moving. The sergeant suggested putting them out of their misery. Stunned, Thompson turned to Lieutenant Calley, who told him to mind his own business. Thompson reluctantly got back in his helicopter and began to lift off. Just then Andreotta yelled, "My God, they're firing into the ditch!"
Thompson finally faced the truth. He and his crew flew around for a few minutes, outraged, wondering what to do. Then they saw several elderly adults and children running for a shelter, chased by Americans.
"We thought they had about 30 seconds before they'd die," recalls Colburn.
Thompson landed his chopper between the troops and the shelter, then jumped out and confronted the lieutenant in charge of the chase. He asked for assistance in escorting the civilians out of the bunker; the lieutenant said he'd get them out with a hand grenade.
Furious, Thompson announced he was taking the civilians out.
He went back to Colburn and Andreotta and told them if the Americans fired, to shoot them. "Glenn and I were staring at each other, dumbfounded," says Colburn. He says he never pointed his gun at an American soldier, but he might have fired if they had first. The ground soldiers waited and watched.
Thompson coaxed the Vietnamese out of the shelter with hand gestures. They followed, wary. Thompson looked at his three-man helicopter and realized he had nowhere to put them. "There was no thinking about it," he says now. "It was just something that had to be done, and it had to be done fast." He got on the radio and begged the gunships to land and fly the four adults and five children to safety, which they did within minutes.
Before returning to base, the helicopter crew saw something moving in the irrigation ditch: a child, about 4 years old. Andreotta waded through bloody cadavers to pull him out. Thompson, who had a son, was overcome by emotion. He immediately flew the child to a nearby hospital.
Thompson wasted no time telling his superiors what had happened. "They said I was screaming quite loud. I was mad. I threatened never to fly again," Thompson remembers. "I didn't want to be a part of that. It wasn't war." An investigation followed, but it was cursory at best.
A month later, Andreotta died in combat.
Thompson was shot down and returned home to teach helicopter piloting.
Colburn served his tour of duty and left the military.
The two figured those involved in the killing had been court-martialed. In fact, nothing had happened. But rumors of the massacre persisted. One soldier who heard of the atrocities, Ron Ridenhour, vowed to make them public. In the spring of 1969, he sent letters to government officials, which led to a real investigation and sickening revelations: murdered babies and old men, raped and mutilated women, in a village where U.S. soldiers mistakenly expected to find lots of Viet Cong.
Gradually the furor died down. Colburn and Thompson lived in relative anonymity until a 1989 television documentary on My Lai reclaimed them as forgotten heroes.
David Egan, a Clemson University professor who had served in a French village where Nazis killed scores of innocents in World War II, was amazed by the story. He campaigned to have Thompson and his team awarded the coveted Soldier's Medal.
It wasn't until March 6, 1998, after internal debate among Pentagon officials (who feared an award would reopen old wounds) and outside pressure from reporters, that Thompson and Colburn finally received medals in a ceremony at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial.
But both say a far more gratifying reward was a trip back to My Lai this March to dedicate a school and a "peace park." It was then they finally met a young man named Do Hoa, who they believe was the boy they rescued from that death-filled ditch.
"Being reunited with the boy was just...I can't even describe it," says Colburn. And Thompson, also overwhelmed, doesn't even try.
The great general meant that the confusion of battle is such that anybody can claim anything during a war and hope to get away with it. But even by the standards of other conflicts, Iraq has been particularly fertile in lies. Going by the claims of President George Bush, the war should long be over since his infamous "Mission Accomplished" speech on 1 May 2003. In fact most of the 1,600 US dead and 12,000 wounded have become casualties in the following two years.
The ferocious resistance encountered last week by the 1,000-strong US marine task force trying to fight its way into villages around the towns of Qaim and Obeidi in western Iraq shows that the war is far from over. So far nine marines have been killed in the week-long campaign, while another US soldier was killed and four wounded in central Iraq on Friday. Meanwhile, a car bomb targeting a police patrol exploded in central Baghdad yesterday, killing at least five Iraqis and injuring 12.
Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, the leader of one of the Kurdish parties, confidently told a meeting in Brasilia last week that there is war in only three or four out of 18 Iraqi provinces. Back in Baghdad Mr Talabani, an experienced guerrilla leader, has deployed no fewer than 3,000 Kurdish soldiers or peshmerga around his residence in case of attack.
One visitor was amused to hear the newly elected President interrupt his own relentlessly upbeat account of government achievements to snap orders to his aides on the correct positioning of troops and heavy weapons around his house.
There is no doubt that the US has failed to win the war. Much of Iraq is a bloody no man's land. The army has not been able to secure the short highway to the airport, though it is the most important road in the country, linking the US civil headquarters in the Green Zone with its military HQ at Camp Victory.
Ironically, the extent of US failure to control Iraq is masked by the fact that it is too dangerous for the foreign media to venture out of central Baghdad. Some have retreated to the supposed safety of the Green Zone.
Mr Bush can claim that no news is good news, though in fact the precise opposite is true. Embedded journalism fosters false optimism. It means reporters are only present where American troops are active, though US forces seldom venture into much of Iraq. Embedded correspondents bravely covered the storming of Fallujah by US marines last November and rightly portrayed it as a US military success.
But the outside world remained largely unaware, because no reporters were present with US forces, that at the same moment an insurgent offensive had captured most of Mosul, a city five times larger than Fallujah.
Why has the vastly expensive and heavily equipped US army failed militarily in Iraq?
After the crescendo of violence over the past month there should be no doubts that the US has not quashed the insurgents whom for two years American military spokesmen have portrayed as a hunted remnant of Saddam Hussein's regime assisted by foreign fighters.
The failure was in part political. Immediately after the fall of Saddam Hussein polls showed that Iraqis were evenly divided on whether they had been liberated or occupied. Eighteen months later the great majority both of Sunni and Shia said they had been occupied, and they did not like it.
Every time I visited a spot where an American soldier had been killed or a US vehicle destroyed there were crowds of young men and children screaming their delight. "I am a poor man but I am going home to cook a chicken to celebrate," said one man as he stood by the spot marked with the blood of an American soldier who had just been shot to death.
Many of the resistance groups are bigoted Sunni Arab fanatics who see Shia as well as US soldiers as infidels whom it is a religious duty to kill. Others are led by officers from Saddam's brutal security forces. But Washington never appreciated the fact that the US occupation was so unpopular that even the most unsavoury groups received popular support.
From the start, there was something dysfunctional about the American armed forces. They could not adapt themselves to Iraq.
Their massive firepower meant they won any set-piece battle, but it also meant that they accidentally killed so many Iraqi civilians that they were the recruiting sergeants of the resistance.
The US war machine was over-armed. I once saw a unit trying to restore order at a petrol station where there was a fist fight between Iraqi drivers over queue-jumping (given that people sometimes sleep two nights in their cars waiting to fill a tank, tempers were understandably frayed). In one corner was a massive howitzer, its barrel capable of hurling a shell 30km, which the soldiers had brought along for this minor policing exercise.
The US army was designed to fight a high-technology blitzkrieg, but not much else. It required large quantities of supplies and its supply lines were vulnerable to roadside bombs. Combat engineers, essentially sappers, lamented that they had received absolutely no training in doing this. Even conventional mine detectors did not work. Roadsides in Iraq are full of metal because Iraqi drivers normally dispose of soft drink cans out the window. Sappers were reduced to prodding the soil nervously with titanium rods like wizards' wands.
Because of poor intelligence and excessive firepower, American operations all became exercises in collective punishment.
At first the US did not realise that all Iraqi men have guns and they considered possession of a weapon a sign of hostile intention towards the occupation. They confiscated as suspicious large quantities of cash in farmers' houses, not realising that Iraqis often keep the family fortune at home in $100 bills ever since Saddam Hussein closed the banks before the Gulf war and, when they reopened, Iraqi dinar deposits were almost worthless.
The US army was also too thin on the ground. It has 145,000 men in Iraq, but reportedly only half of these are combat troops. During the heavily publicised assault on Fallujah the US forces drained the rest of Iraq of its soldiers.
[Cockburn is clueless that it takes minimum 7 support troops for each combat effective. Do the math, and its not anything remotely close to half of the 145,000. 25,000 combat effectives would be amazing efficiency. To hold down all of Iraq. Game over, time to go home, alive.]
"We discovered the US troops had suddenly abandoned the main road between Kirkuk and Baghdad without telling anybody," said one indignant observer. "It promptly fell under the control of the insurgents."
The army acts as a sort of fire brigade, briefly effective in dousing the flames, but always moving on before they are fully extinguished.
There are only about 6,000 US soldiers in Nineveh province, of which Mosul is the capital and which has a population of three million. [There it is. Run, do not walk, to the nearest exit.]
For the election on 30 January, US reserves arriving in Iraq were all sent to Mosul to raise the level to 15,000 to prevent any uprising in the city. They succeeded in doing so but were then promptly withdrawn.
The shortage of US forces has a political explanation. Before the war Donald Rumsfeld, the Secretary of Defence, and his neo-conservative allies derided generals who said an occupation force numbering hundreds of thousands would be necessary to hold Iraq. When they were proved wrong they dealt with failure by denying it had taken place.
There is a sense of bitterness among many US National Guardsmen that they have been shanghaied into fighting in a dangerous war. I was leaving the Green Zone one day when one came up to me and said he noticed that I had a limp and kindly offered to show me a quicker way to the main gate. As we walked along he politely asked the cause of my disability. I explained I had had polio many years ago. He sighed and said he too had had his share of bad luck.
Since he looked hale and hearty this surprised me. "Yes," he said bitterly. "My bad luck was that I joined the Washington State National Guard which had not been called up since 1945. Two months later they sent me here where I stand good chance of being killed."
Almost exactly a century ago the Russian empire fought a war with Japan in the belief that a swift victory would strengthen the powers-that-be in St Petersburg. Instead the Tsar's armies met defeat. Russian generals, who said that their tactic of charging Japanese machine guns with sabre-wielding cavalry had failed only because their men had attacked with insufficient brio, held their jobs.
In Iraq, American generals and their political masters of demonstrable incompetence are not fired.
The US is turning out to be much less of a military and political superpower than the rest of the world had supposed.
When Bob Woodward asked President Bush if he had consulted with his father about the decision to go to war in Iraq, the president famously replied, "There is a higher father that I appeal to." It might have been better if Mr. Bush had stayed in closer touch with his earthly father.
From the very beginning the war in Iraq has been an exercise in extreme madness, an absurd venture that would have been rich in comic possibilities except for the fact that many thousands of men, women and children have died, and tens of thousands have been crippled, burned or otherwise maimed.
Abu Ghraib was not an aberration. It was a symptom. This is a war in which the people in charge have had no idea what they were doing.
One of the recommendations of Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba, who investigated the scandal at Abu Ghraib, was that a team be sent to Iraq to teach some of the soldiers how to run prisons. How's that for an innovative step?
The American public is becoming fed up and with good reason. Support for the war is declining and the reputation of the military is in jeopardy. The Army has been unable to meet its recruitment goals and the search for new soldiers is becoming desperate.
A civic leader asked MPT and Christian Peacemaker Teams members why the United States military felt it had to attack and destroy a city of 300,000 in order to capture one man and his small band of terrorists. One person noted that when Al Capone and his gangsters were controlling Chicago in the 1920's, the FBI didn't come in and level the city in order to eliminate them.
[Hersh:]
But anyway, in the paper today, its the lead story in the Times, 100 rebels killed in western Iraq. We're back in the body count, by the way.
Sometimes we call them insurgents or rebels, that's a great word because -- I'm wacko on this word insurgency.
Just so you know, an insurgency means, suggests youve won the war and there are people who disagree. Theyre rebels or they're insurgents, as I said.
No. We're still fighting the war we started, folks.
We started a war largely against Sunnis and Ba'athists, in many cases tribal groups that supported Saddam or were at least frightened enough to support him. We started a war against the people were still fighting.
They gave us Baghdad very quickly. They retreated. They simply are not fighting the war in the way and the manner we want them to, that our press, you know, wants to tell you they did, that the government wants to tell the press, wants to suggest that we won and that an insurgency broke out again. We're fighting a resistance movement.
So the suggestion of the story is that 100 rebels or insurgents who normally would be happily going along blowing up American vehicles the military joke about the Striker. It's called an I.E.D. magnet inside, in the military, it's a magnet for these bombs.
They instead would choose to stupidly stand up and fight us one for one and die. It doesn't make sense to me. I don't trust the story. I don't trust much that I hear that comes out of Baghdad. I don't trust it at all. Ask me later specifics. I know, since I did Abu Ghraib, lots of emails from lots of kids involved.
It's complicated because what happens is we're going along -- the way the war is, it's sort of this dreary pattern.
We're going along, our troops, and they're going down roads. It's really sort of astonishingly stupid. We patrol, which is stupid to begin with. What good does that do? They go down roads, certain fixed roads, certain times, certain places, usually in groups of three, four, five Humvees, Bradley tanks, Strikers, other heavy vehicles. One gets blown up. The Americans start screaming in pain. The other vehicles stop, run out.
The soldiers are jammed into the back. Youve seen some tapes or TV stuff about how they do it. They come running out and they shoot at anything that runs. And that's the war.
In one case -- after I did Abu Ghraib, I got a bunch of digital pictures emailed me, and was a lot of work on it, and I decided, well, we can talk about it later.
You never know why you do things.
You have some general rules, but in this case, a bunch of kids were going along in three vehicles. One of them got blown up.
The other two units -- soldiers ran out, saw some people running, opened up fire.
It was a bunch of boys playing soccer. And in the digital videos you see everybody standing around, they pull the bodies together. This is last summer. They pull the bodies together. You see the body parts, the legs and boots of the Americans pulling bodies together. Young kids, I dont know how old, 13, 15, I guess. And then you see soldiers dropping R.P.G.'s, which are rocket-launched grenades around them.
And then they're called in as an insurgent kill. It's a kill of, you know, would-be insurgents or resistance and it goes into the computers, and I'm sure it's briefed.
Everybody remembers how My Lai was briefed as a great victory, 128 Vietcong killed. And so you have that pattern again.
You know, ask me why I didn't do this story.
Because I didn't think the kids did murder.
I think it was another day in the war. And even to write about it in a professional way would name names and all that.
Little did I know that Fallujah was home to a small community of midgets, who banded together for support since they were considered as social outcasts. The Marines were anxious to get back to the midget colony to bring in the rest of the midget suspects, but I called off the search, figuring Bad Guy X was long gone on his short legs after seeing his companions rounded up by the giant infidels.
Greatest Vindication: Stocking up on outrageous quantities of Diet Coke from the chow hall in spite of the derision from my men on such hoarding, then having a 122mm rocket blast apart the giant shipping container that held all of the soda for the chow hall. Yep, you can’t buy experience.
Coolest Insurgent Act: Stealing almost $7 million from the main bank in Ramadi in broad daylight, then, upon exiting, waving to the Marines in the combat outpost right next to the bank, who had no clue of what was going on. The Marines waved back. Too cool.
8.4.06 Washington Post
The Senate approved an amendment sponsored by Sen. Tom Coburn, who scours the federal budget for waste and mismanagement, that would cap spending on conferences by the Defense Department at $70 million in fiscal 2007.
Coburn said the Pentagon sent 36,000 military and civil service employees to 6,600 conferences worldwide last year at an average cost of $2,200 per person.
“Of interest is that of those 6,600 conferences, 663 were held in Florida in the middle of the winter; 224 were held in Las Vegas, and 98 in Hawaii,” he said.
08/04/2006 By Anton La Guardia, Telegraph Group Limited & August 3, 2006, Oliver King, Guardian Unlimited [Excerpts]
Britain’s diplomats, trained for years in the virtues of discretion and obedient service, are in an unprecedented state of rebellion over Tony Blair’s policies in the Middle East.
Sir Rodric Braithwaite, formerly British ambassador to Moscow and the chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, issued a more withering personal criticism of Mr Blair and his foreign policy than the divided Tory opposition could ever muster.
Writing in the Financial Times, Sir Rodric compared the Prime Minister to “a frayed and waxy zombie straight from Madame Tussauds… programmed to spout the language of the White House in an artificial English accent”.
He continued: “Stiff in opinions, but often in the wrong, he has manipulated public opinion, sent our soldiers into distant lands for ill-conceived purposes, misused the intelligence agencies to serve his ends and reduced the Foreign Office to a demoralised cipher because it keeps reminding him of inconvenient facts.
“He keeps the dog, but he barely notices if it barks or not.
“He prefers to construct his “foreign policy” out of self-righteous soundbites and expensive foreign travel.”
“Mr Blair has done more damage to British interests in the Middle East than Anthony Eden, who led the UK to disaster in Suez 50 years ago…
“Mr Blair’s total identification with the White House has destroyed his influence in Washington, Europe and the Middle East itself; who bothers with the monkey if he can go straight to the organ grinder?”
Sir Rodric concludes that Tony Blair’s foreign policy leaves Britain vulnerable to al-Qaida attacks: “And though he chooses not to admit it, he has made us more vulnerable to terrorist attacks.” Whitehall officials told the Guardian’s diplomatic editor, Ewen MacAskill, today that the government’s policy of resisting calls for an immediate ceasefire had been “driven by the prime minister alone”.
Sir Rodric says that Tony Blair’s premiership has descended into “scandal and incoherence” and that he should resign immediately.
Mearsheimer is 58. He told the audience that when he was a teenager, he had enlisted in the Army. Then he’d spent 1966-1970 at West Point.
Then he said this:
“I remember once in English class we read Albert Camus’s book The Plague. I didn’t know what The Plague was about or why we were reading it.
“But afterwards the instructor explained to us that The Plague was being read because of the Vietnam War. What Camus was saying in The Plague was that the plague came and went of its own accord.
“All sorts of minions ran around trying to deal with the plague, and they operated under the illusion that they could affect the plague one way or another. But the plague operated on its own schedule. That is what we were told was going on in Vietnam.
“Every time I look at the situation in Iraq today, I think of Vietnam, and I think of The Plague, and I just don’t think there’s very much we can do at this point. It is just out of our hands.
“There are forces that we don’t have control over that are at play, and will determine the outcome of this one. I understand that’s very hard for Americans to understand, because Americans believe that they can shape the world in their interests.
“But I learned during the Vietnam years when I was a kid at West Point, that there are some things in the world that you just don’t control, and I think that’s where we’re at in Iraq.”
May 10, 2006 By Joe Balshone, Firebase-Humor [Excerpt]
(Always worthy of reading every once in a while comes this favorite list:)
A “sucking chest wound” is nature’s way of telling you to slow down.
A Purple Heart just proves that you were smart enough to think of a plan, stupid enough to try it, and lucky enough to survive.
Anything you do can get you shot. Including doing nothing.
Close only counts in horseshoes, hand grenades, nukes and proximity-fused missiles.
Don’t look conspicuous: it draws fire.
Don’t draw fire; it irritates the people around you.
Don’t ever be the first, don’t ever be the last and don’t ever volunteer to do anything.
Five second fuses only last three seconds.
Helicopter Pilots should remember, If hit, landing near the people that just shot you down is not a good idea.
If it’s stupid but works, it isn’t stupid.
If the enemy is in range, so are you.
If you aren’t sure, the SAM’s are pointed at you.
If you can’t remember, the claymore is pointed at you.
If your attack is going well, you have walked into an ambush.
If you’re short of everything but the enemy, you’re in a combat zone.
Incoming fire has the right of way.
Make it too tough for the enemy to get in and you can’t get out.
Mines are equal opportunity weapons.
Never forget that your M-16 was made by the lowest bidder.
Never share a foxhole with anyone braver than you.
Smart bombs have bad days too.
The best defense is to stay out of range.
The easy way is always mined.
The enemy diversion you have been ignoring will be the main attack.
The enemy invariably attacks on one of two occasions: When you’re ready for them and when you’re not ready for them.
The only thing more accurate than incoming enemy fire is incoming friendly fire.
Try to look unimportant; they may be low on ammo.
When in doubt empty the magazine.
When the pin is pulled, Mr. Grenade is not our friend.
When you have secured an area, don’t forget to tell the enemy.
You are not Tom Cruise.
May 04, 2006, Ryan Singel, Wired News
What do you say about an airline screening system that tends to mistake government employees and U.S. servicemen for foreign terrorists?
Newly released government documents show that even having a high-level security clearance won’t keep you off the Transportation Security Administration’s Kafkaesque terrorist watch list, where you’ll suffer missed flights and bureaucratic nightmares.
According to logs from the TSA’s call center from late 2004, which black out the names of individuals to protect their privacy, the watch list has snagged:
*A State Department diplomat who protested that “I fly 100,00 miles a year and am tired of getting hassled at Dulles airport, and airports worldwide, because my name apparently closely resembles that of a terrorist suspect.”
*A person with an Energy Department security clearance.
*An 82-year-old veteran who says he’s never even had a traffic ticket.
*A technical director at a science and technology company who has been working with the Pentagon on chemical and biological weapons defense.
*A U.S. Navy officer who has been enlisted since 1984.
*A high-ranking government employee with a better-than-top-secret clearance who is also a U.S. Army Reserve major.
*A federal employee traveling on government business who says the watch list matching “has resulted in ridiculous delays at the airports, despite my travel order, federal ID and even my federal passport.”
*A high-level civil servant at the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation.
*An active-duty Army officer who had served four combat tours (including one in Afghanistan) and who holds a top-secret clearance.
*A retired U.S. Army officer and antiterrorism/force-protection officer with expertise on weapons of mass destruction who was snared when he was put back on active-duty status while flying on a ticket paid for by the Army.
*A former Pentagon employee and current security-cleared U.S. Postal Service contractor.
Also held up was a Continental Airlines flight-crew member traveling as a passenger, who complained to TSA, “If I am safe enough to work on a plane then I should be fine to be a passenger sleeping.”
May 07, 2006 From: Joe Balshone, Firebase-Humor
A C-141 cargo plane was preparing for departure from Thule Air Base in Greenland, and they were waiting for the truck to arrive to pump out the aircraft’s sewage holding tank.
The Aircraft Commander was in a hurry, the truck was late in arriving, and the Airman performing the job was extremely slow in getting the tank pumped out.
When the commander berated the Airman for his slowness and promised punishment, the Airman responded, “Sir, I have no stripes, it is 20 below zero, I’m stationed in Thule, and I am pumping sewage out of airplanes. Just what are you going to do to punish me?”
February 2006 Prison Legal News
The prison and military industrial complexes have collided, with a private military contractor poised to make millions off the sweaty backs of prisoners.
Pennsylvania-based Woolrich Inc. plans to use the labor of federal prisoners to fulfill two multi-million-dollar contracts with the Defense Department, according to an October 2, 2005, article in The Patriot-News.
In April 2005 the company was awarded a 5-year contract worth between $68 million and $100 million, to manufacture approximately 75,000 pair of Army pants annually. Woolrich was awarded a second contract in July 2005 for between 5,000 and 25,000 cold-weather jackets per year for air crews. That contract was valued at between $4 million and $19 million.
The pants and jackets will be manufactured by federal prisoners earning between $0.23 and $1.15 an hour.
Given the low profit margin involved, the company could not be competitive if it paid a wage comparable to that in the community, lamented Woolrich president Roswell Brayton Jr.
And because products for the military must be totally American made, Woolrich was unable to use its overseas sweatshops. Prison slave labor was the next logical step.
Federal prisoners in Atlanta, Georgia, and Beaumont, Texas, are already sewing army combat pants for Woolrich. By the end of 2005, Woolrich sewing operations will commence at prisons in Big Sandy, Kentucky, Yazoo City, Mississippi, and a fifth, as yet undisclosed prison. Manufacturing of the air crew jackets was slated to begin in November 2005 at federal prisons in Miami, Florida, and Safford, Arizona.
Pennsylvania-based Woolrich, which in January won a $21.8 million contract from the Department of Defense, will pay prisoners in the federal penitentiary in Atlanta to assemble trousers for the entirely redesigned Army Combat Uniform, a high-tech version of the old battle dress uniform in use since 1981. The uniform is expected to be standard issue for soldiers by fall. About 700 inmates in Atlanta and Texas will work on the five-year contract.
The contract comes as the prison population is exploding at the seams.
The Federal Bureau of Prisons on March 3 was housing 181,473 inmates, including 2,504 in Atlanta.
The Georgia prison system, which has the fastest-growing population in the United States, stands at 54,000, according to the state Department of Corrections. The state's inmate population since 1995 has increased 41 percent per year. However, the Department of Correction's budget for fiscal 2005 was $892 million, a decrease of 4 percent from 2004.
The contract also comes as Georgia lawmakers grapple over legislation that would allow corporations such as Woolrich to employ state inmates. The legislation, introduced by state Rep. Alan Powell, D-Hartwell, breezed by the state House 147-13 on March 9 and is now in the state Senate.
Unlike other inmate labor endeavors, this one has the support of the state corrections commissioner.
"Most feel this is a no-brainer," said Commissioner James Donald.
And the AFL-CIO and the Southern Center for Human Rights have agreed -- albeit reluctantly -- to work with the General Assembly to make sure any inmate labor policy satisfies both their interests.
Although the bill was just recently introduced, Donald said he has received direct inquiries from a cell phone-maker, a chicken processor and a furniture company.
The legislation, called the Working Against Recidivism Act, would allow state prisoners to voluntarily work for corporations. Not only would the program be voluntary, said Donald, it would also pay prisoners a "prevailing" wage -- at least $5.15 an hour and comparable to what a free employee would make.
The federal inmate labor system, operated by the government-owned Federal Prison Industries Inc., also pays its employees. The program, better known as UNICOR, was enacted by Congress in 1934. Of the 161,000 inmates in the Federal Bureau of Prisons, nearly 20,000 are employed by UNICOR.
Only a handful of private companies actually employed federal inmates in fiscal 2004, however. None of them are huge and include Reed Technology Information Services, a data services provider; Saranac Glove Inc., which makes gloves for the National Football League and law enforcement; Point Blank Body Armor Inc.; Star Dynamic, an electronics component-maker; and Kampi Components Co., which makes spare parts for the military.
In Georgia, federal inmates have only been employed by Federal Prison Industries. The inmates have typically made mattresses and box springs and repaired textiles for the organization. They also have made military uniforms.
Lansdale’s efforts had had no impact. His intangible considerations were not susceptible to measurement in numbers, making them incomprehensible to a statistician such as McNamara.
And yet, as Lansdale realized, the attitudes that civilians and soldiers had toward each other were more important than military power in determining the outcome of this shadowy conflict.
From: Death of a Generation; How the Assassinations of Diem and JFK Prolonged the Vietnam War, by HOWARD JONES; OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2003
De-Americanizing The Secret War: [Excerpt]
The outward show of military force seemingly guaranteed victory in the traditional military sense, but more than superior firepower was necessary, as [General Edward] Lansdale reminded McNamara.
On a piece of graph paper, the defense secretary had compiled a lengthy column of computer entries that focused on manpower, casualty, and weapons statistics. Lansdale gazed at the list and remarked, “You’re going to fool yourself if you get all of these figures added up because they won’t tell you how we’re doing in this war.”
McNamara looked puzzled. “Your list is incomplete. Lansdale explained. “You’ve left out the most important factor of all.”
McNamara glanced down at the penciled notations and finally asked “What is it?”
“Well,” Lansdale responded, “it’s the human factor. You can put it down as the X factor.”
McNamara still seemed perplexed but scribbled it onto the paper.
“What does it consist of?”
“What the people out on the battlefield really feel; which side they want to see win and which side they’re for at the moment. That’s the only way you’re going to ever have this war decided.”
Seemingly interested, McNamara replied, “Tell me how to put it in.”
Unfortunately, Lansdale declared, “I don’t think any Americans out there at the moment can report this to you.”
McNamara had failed to grasp the meaning of Lansdale’s message and prepared to erase the item from his list.
“No, leave it there,” Lansdale said, intending to try again to make his point.
A week later Lansdale handed McNamara a long list of questions that MACV [U.S. command in Vietnam] should ask U.S. military personnel intimately familiar with Vietnam.
How did the ARVN [Army of the Republic of Vietnam; the collaborator armed force] treat civilians on a daily basis?
Did the villagers particularly the children, welcome the troops with smiles or resentment.
Did the Vietcong seek reprisals for the ARVN’s forceful extraction of information from villagers? What was the number of civilian casualties in military operations? How effective were civilian actions after the ARVN had secured an area from the Vietcong?
How did the ARVN treat Vietcong prisoners?
Did ARVN capabilities compare well with the Vietcong?
In the note’s margin, McNamara praised the questions as the “kind info I need & am not receiving.”
But his interest was more apparent than real.
“Thank you,” he curtly remarked to Lansdale and showed him the door. “I’ve got something else to do now.
Lansdale’s efforts had had no impact.
His intangible considerations were not susceptible to measurement in numbers, making them incomprehensible to a statistician such as McNamara.
And yet, as Lansdale realized, the attitudes that civilians and soldiers had toward each other were more important than military power in determining the outcome of this shadowy conflict.
“37 Million Americans Live In Poverty”
“The Highest Percentage In The Developed World”
While 45.8 million Americans lack any health insurance, the top 20 per cent of earners take over half the national income. At the same time the bottom 20 per cent took home just 3.4 per cent.
[Thanks to Phil G and JM, who sent this in.]
February 19, 2006 Paul Harris in Kentucky, The Observer [Excerpts]
A shocking 37 million Americans live in poverty. That is 12.7 per cent of the population – the highest percentage in the developed world.
They are found from the hills of Kentucky to Detroit’s streets, from the Deep South of Louisiana to the heartland of Oklahoma. Each year since 2001 their number has grown.
Under President George W Bush an extra 5.4 million have slipped below the poverty line. Yet they are not a story of the unemployed or the destitute. Most have jobs. Many have two.
Amos Lumpkins has work and his children go to school. But the economy, stripped of worker benefits like healthcare, is having trouble providing good wages.
Even families with two working parents are often one slice of bad luck, a medical bill or factory closure, away from disaster.
The minimum wage of $5.15 (£2.95) an hour has not risen since 1997 and, adjusted for inflation, is at its lowest since 1956.
The gap between the haves and the have-nots looms wider than ever. Faced with rising poverty rates, Bush’s trillion-dollar federal budget recently raised massive amounts of defence spending for the war in Iraq and slashed billions from welfare programmes.
Oklahoma is in America’s heartland. Tulsa looks like picture-book Middle America. Yet there is hunger here. When it comes to the most malnourished poor in America, Oklahoma is ahead of any other state.
While 45.8 million Americans lack any health insurance, the top 20 per cent of earners take over half the national income. At the same time the bottom 20 per cent took home just 3.4 per cent.
The United States has 269 billionaires, the highest number in the world.
Almost a quarter of all black Americans live below the poverty line; 22 per cent of Hispanics fall below it. But for whites the figure is just 8.6 per cent.
There are 46 million Americans without health insurance.
The richest town in America is Rancho Santa Fe in California. Average incomes are more than $100,000 a year; the average house price is $1.7m.
February 16, 2006 The Daily Star [Excerpts]
Below are the Executive Summary and Recommendations from the latest report from the International Crisis Group titled “In Their Own Words: Reading the Iraqi Insurgency.”
In Iraq, the U.S. fights an enemy it hardly knows.
Its descriptions have relied on gross approximations and crude categories (Saddamists, Islamo-fascists and the like) that bear only passing resemblance to reality.
“In Their Own Words: Reading the Iraqi Insurgency,” based on close analysis of the insurgents’ own discourse, reveals relatively few groups, less divided between nationalists and foreign jihadis than assumed, whose strategy and tactics have evolved (in response to U.S. actions and to maximize acceptance by Sunni Arabs), and whose confidence in defeating the occupation is rising.
Several important conclusions emerge:
The insurgency increasingly is dominated by a few large groups with sophisticated communications. It no longer is a scattered, erratic, chaotic phenomenon. Groups are well organized, produce regular publications, react rapidly to political developments and appear surprisingly centralized.
Despite recurring contrary reports, there is little sign of willingness by any significant insurgent element to join the political process or negotiate with the U.S. While covert talks cannot be excluded, the publicly accessible discourse remains uniformly and relentlessly hostile to the occupation and its “collaborators.”
The groups appear acutely aware of public opinion and increasingly mindful of their image. Fearful of a backlash, they systematically and promptly respond to accusations of moral corruption or blind violence, reject accusations of a sectarian campaign and publicize efforts to protect civilians or compensate their losses. Some gruesome and locally controversial practices, beheading hostages, attacking people going to the polls, have been abandoned.
The groups underscore the enemy’s brutality and paint the U.S. and its Iraqi allies in the worst possible light: waging dirty war in coordination with sectarian militias, engaging in torture, fostering the country’s division and being impervious to civilian losses. [Imagine that; they describe reality.]
The insurgents have yet to put forward a clear political program or long-term vision for Iraq. Focused on operations, they acknowledge this would be premature and potentially divisive.
The insurgency is increasingly optimistic about victory.
Such self-confidence was not there when the war was conceived as an open-ended jihad against an occupier they believed was determined to stay.
Optimism stems from a conviction the legitimacy of jihad is now beyond doubt, institutions established under the occupation are fragile and irreparably illegitimate, and the war of attrition against U.S. forces is succeeding.
That it has survived, even thrived, despite being vastly outnumbered and outgunned, suggests the limitations of the current counter-insurgency campaign.
Its discourse may be dismissed as rhetoric, but, notwithstanding credible reports of internal tensions, it appears to have been effective at maintaining agreement on core operational matters, generating new recruits, and mobilizing a measure of popular sympathy among its target audience.
Countering the insurgency requires taking its discourse seriously, reducing its legitimacy and increasing that of the Iraqi government.
The harm from excessive use of force, torture, tactics that inflict widespread civilian injury and reliance on sectarian militias outweighs any military gain.
[Thanks to PB, who sent this in.]
Mr. Hackett was widely criticized last year [by Bush loving shit-eating scum] for using indecent language to describe President Bush. Last month, state Republicans attacked Mr. Hackett for saying their party had been hijacked by religious extremists who he said “aren’t a whole lot different than Osama bin Laden.”
2.15.06 By DAN SEWELL, AP & 2.14.06 By IAN URBINA, New York Times Company & Feb 14, 2006 By Tom Dickenson, Rollingstone.com
Paul Hackett, an Iraq war veteran and popular Democratic candidate in Ohio’s closely watched Senate contest, said yesterday that he was dropping out of the race and leaving politics altogether as a result of pressure from party leaders.
“It is an outrage that the Democratic Party has forced Hackett out of the race,” adds Iraq and Afghanistan Veterans of America PAC director Jon Smoltz.
“Hackett brought credibility on the number one issue facing the nation, the war in Iraq. The Democratic Party loses credibility on that issue because he is no longer running, and because they had a hand in his decision.”
Mr. Hackett staged a surprisingly strong Congressional run last year in an overwhelmingly Republican district and gained national prominence for his scathing criticism of the Bush administration’s handling of the Iraq War.
It was his performance in the Congressional race that led party leaders to recruit him for the Senate race. But for the last two weeks, he said, state and national Democratic Party leaders have urged him to drop his Senate campaign and again run for Congress.
Hackett said he was pressured by party leaders to drop out of the Senate primary and run for the House against Republican Rep. Jean Schmidt instead.
National Democratic leaders, especially Sen. Charles Schumer, added to that pressure by telling his top fundraisers to stop sending money, Hackett said.
“My donor base and host base on both coasts was contacted by elected officials and asked to stop giving,” Hackett told The Associated Press on Tuesday. “The original promise to me from Schumer was that I would have no financial concerns. It went from that to Senator Schumer actually working against my ability to raise money.”
He said he was outraged to learn that party leaders were calling his donors and asking them to stop giving and said he would not enter the Second District Congressional race.
“For me, this is a second betrayal,” Mr. Hackett said. ”First, my government misused and mismanaged the military in Iraq, and now my own party is afraid to support candidates like me.”
Jennifer Duffy, who analyzes Senate races for the Cook Political Report, said that part of what made Democratic leaders nervous about Mr. Hackett was what had also made him so popular with voters.
“Hackett is seen by many as a straight talker, and he became an icon to the liberal bloggers because he says exactly what they have wished they would hear from a politician,” Ms. Duffy said.
“On the other hand, the Senate is still an exclusive club, and the party expects a certain level of decorum that Hackett has not always shown.”
Mr. Hackett was widely criticized last year [by Bush loving shit-eating scum] for using indecent language to describe President Bush. [Wrong. It is impossible to find language sufficiently indecent to describe Bush.]
Last month, state Republicans attacked Mr. Hackett for saying their party had been hijacked by religious extremists who he said “aren’t a whole lot different than Osama bin Laden.”
14 February 2006 UPI
Washington: A former NSA employee said Tuesday there is another ongoing top-secret surveillance program that might have violated millions of Americans’ Constitutional rights.
Russell D. Tice told the House Government Reform Subcommittee on National Security, Emerging Threats and International Relations he has concerns about a “special access” electronic surveillance program that he characterized as far more wide-ranging than the warrentless wiretapping recently exposed by the New York Times but he is forbidden from discussing the program with Congress.
Tice said he believes it violates the Constitution’s protection against unlawful search and seizures but has no way of sharing the information without breaking classification laws. He is not even allowed to tell the congressional intelligence committees, members or their staff, because they lack high enough clearance.
Neither could he brief the inspector general of the NSA because that office is not cleared to hear the information, he said.
Subcommittee Chairman Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Conn., and Dennis Kucinich, D-Ohio, said they believe a few members of the Armed Services Committee are cleared for the information, but they said believe their committee and the intelligence committees have jurisdiction to hear the allegations.
“Congressman Kucinich wants Congressman Shays to hold a hearing (on the program),” said Doug Gordon, Kucinich’s spokesman. ”Obviously it would have to take place in some kind of a closed hearing. But Congress has a role to play in oversight.
“The (Bush) administration does not get to decide what Congress can and can not hear.”
14 February 2006 By William Rivers Pitt, Truthout Perspective [Excerpt]
Another famous member of the Washington Wack-Pack is Attorney General Alberto Gonzales.
Gonzales, testifying before the Senate Judiciary Committee regarding warrantless wiretapping of American citizens authorized by Mr. Bush, said, “President Washington, President Lincoln, President Wilson, President Roosevelt have all authorized electronic surveillance on a far broader scale.”
Really. George Washington authorized electronic surveillance on a far broader scale than what the National Security Agency is capable of today. How did he do this in an age when the whale-oil lamp was the height of technology? Did he use the old two-cans-and-some-string wiretap trick?
Perhaps he was able to bug the Hessians using Ben Franklin’s kite and key. Mumbles and Moleman have said some pretty bizarre things at my bar, but Alberto blew them both out of the water with this one.
If the president does it, it can’t be illegal, or impossible, for that matter.
Albuquerque Journal, Wednesday, February 01, 2006
The American Civil Liberties Union of New Mexico wants the government to apologize to a nurse for seizing her computer and investigating her for “sedition’’ after she criticized the Bush administration.
The ACLU said Wednesday the Department of Veterans Affairs found no evidence Laura Berg used her VA office computer to write the critical letter.
VA human resources chief Mel Hooker said in a Nov. 9 letter that his agency was obligated to investigate “any act which potentially represents sedition,’’ the ACLU said.
It seeks an apology from Hooker “to remedy the unconstitutional chilling effect on the speech of VA employees that has resulted from these intimidating tactics.’’
Even if Berg had used an office computer, neither that nor her criticism approached “unlawful insurrection,’’ said Peter Simonson, executive director of the ACLU.
“Is the government so jealous of its power, so fearful of dissent, that it needs to threaten people who openly oppose its policies with charges of sedition?’’ he said.
Berg, a clinical nurse specialist, wrote a letter in September to a weekly Albuquerque newspaper criticizing how the administration handled Hurricane Katrina and the Iraq War. She urged people to “act forcefully’’ to remove an administration she said played games of “vicious deceit.’’
She signed the letter as a private citizen, and the VA had no reason to suspect she used government resources to write it, the ACLU said.
“From all appearances, the seizure of her work computer was an act of retaliation and a hardball attempt to scare Laura into silence,’’ the ACLU said.
*********************************
This Is Her Letter:
Wake Up, Get Real
Dear Alibi,
I am furious with the tragically misplaced priorities and criminal negligence of this government. The Katrina tragedy in the U.S. shows that the emperor has no clothes! Bush and his team partied and delayed while millions of people were displaced, hundreds of thousands were abandoned to a living hell. Thousands more died of drowning, dehydration, hunger and exposure; most bodies remain unburied and rotting in attics and floodwater. Is this America the beautiful?
The risk of hurricane disaster was clearly predicted, yet funds for repair work for the Gulf States barrier islands and levee system were unconscionably diverted to the Iraq War. Money and manpower and ethics have been diverted to fight a war based on absolute lies!
As a VA nurse working with returning OIF vets, I know the public has no sense of the additional devastating human and financial costs of post-traumatic stress disorder; now we will have hundreds of thousands of our civilian citizens with PTSD as well as far too many young soldiers, maimed physically or psychologically—or both—spreading their pain, anger and isolation through family and communities for generations. And most of this natural disaster and war tragedy has been preventable … how very, very sad!
In the meantime, our war-fueled federal deficit mushrooms, and whither this debt now, as we care for the displaced and destroyed?
Bush, Cheney, Chertoff, Brown and Rice should be tried for criminal negligence. This country needs to get out of Iraq now and return to our original vision and priorities of caring for land and people and resources rather than killing for oil.
Katrina itself was the size of New Mexico. Denials of global warming are ludicrous and patently irrational at this point.
We can anticipate more wild, destructive weather to occur as a response stress of the planet.
We need to wake up and get real here, and act forcefully to remove a government administration playing games of smoke and mirrors and vicious deceit. Otherwise, many more of us will be facing living hell in these times.
Laura Berg
Albuquerque
Thanks for your inquiry concerning why the GI Special web site is not accessible.
The web site provider is under pressure from sources that do not care for the views expressed in GI Special about Bush, the war, etc.
Although, like Truthout and Veterans For Common Sense, and many others, GI Special reprints material published elsewhere, and does so under the Fair Use provisions of the law, which appear in each issue of GI Special, anyone with enough money can sue anyone for anything, and this is being used to frighten the web site provider.
Parallel are situations where local unions on strike have been sued by corporations for libel for passing out information to the public about why they are striking. All concerned know such suits have no hope of success. The point is to cause the union to exhaust all its financial resources hiring attorneys to defend against the suit, bankrupting the local.
Most web site providers are in business to make a profit, not fight for civil liberties and free speech.
Until the problem is solved, GI Special will be made available to you another way.
If it’s too large for your email system, let me know.
Another option: the PDF version is also available and requires less capacity. It is much more difficult to copy material from that version, however.
Solidarity,
T
[Re: The notice below this letter:]
Isn’t it interesting how 9 year old kids can easily find web-sites out there with women proudly humping animals for the camera; and how somehow no-one complains enough for those web-sites to go away.
You advance some legitimate alternative to mindless barbarism though, and the whole fucking capitalist clique is out to get you.
T, get back in the ring and fuck em up good for us!
A
22 October 2005 By Eric Le Boucher, Le Monde
In the last few weeks we've seen another piece of former American social protection collapse.
General Motors, which is suffering from significant financial losses and a reduction in its market share over the last twenty years, announced a cost-saving plan that will change the company's social contract.
First, the giant will reduce its health insurance payments for its 106,000 employees and one million pensioners by a billion dollars. Second, the bankruptcy of Delphi, which manufactured its components, will force it to take over payment of this former subsidiary's supplementary pensions. GM will not have the means, except by also limiting supplementary pension payments for its own employees.
The GM crisis announces the end of the social regime of the big company that pays well and offers benefits. Ford will surely follow down this path, a path down which the automobile groups were preceded by the airlines, oil companies, steel and chemical industries.
The good worker from these traditional sectors, a central figure of the famous American middle class, finds himself deprived of social coverage.
He will have to pay personally for a health insurance policy. The weakest and the least prudent will join the 45 million Americans who now have no health insurance whatsoever.
Months ago, in response to a post I wrote about the military blogger Colby Buzzell, Kate of Broken Windows told me to pay attention to Daniel Goetz, a soldier writing a blog called All the King's Horses.
Regrettably, I never followed her advice. And now, as Lizzy, Fred, and Navyswan tell us, it is too late.
It is too late because Daniel has been silenced, against his will. And not only has he been silenced he has been forced to publicly declare himself "a supporter of the administration and of her policies."
A stop-lossed soldier angry that he is still serving in Iraq, seven months beyond his original enlistment agreement, Daniel is no longer free to post on his blog. Though he had taken care to adhere to the code of conduct to which he is bound, it is likely that a post of his on the Operation Truth website brought his views to the attention of military officials.
Daniel's final post is heart-breaking; the single most chilling thing about it, if you know your Orwell, is its title:
Double Plus Ungood.
"I thank all of you who have been so supportive recently. I have never before received so much positive feedback, and it was very heart-warming to know that so many people out there care. Having said that, it breaks my heart to say that this will be my last post on this blog. I wish I could just stop there, but I can not. The following also needs to be said:
"For the record, I am officially a supporter of the administration and of her policies. I am a proponent for the war against terror and I believe in the mission in Iraq. I understand my role in that mission, and I accept it. I understand that I signed the contract which makes stop loss legal, and I retract any statements I made in the past that contradict this one. Furthermore, I have the utmost confidence in the leadership of my chain of command, including (but not limited to) the president George Bush and the honorable secretary of defense Rumsfeld. If I have ever written anything on this site or on others that lead the reader to believe otherwise, please consider this a full and complete retraction.
"I apologize for any misunderstandings that might understandably arise from this. Should you continue to have questions, please feel free to contact me through e-mail. I promise to respond personally to each, but it may take some time; my internet access has become restricted.
"posted by Daniel at Saturday, October 22, 2005
"Daniel remembers now: Oceania has always been at war with Eastasia."
It's one thing when a civilian blogger like me uses Orwellian language to describe the current administration and its policies. It's something else, entirely, when someone feeling the brunt force of authoritarian rule pulls out his copy of 1984.
If you want to know what Daniel sounded like before, and observe the brilliance and care with which he suggested his views, read this post:
"S.O.S.
"We - the forlorn Atlas, who bears the burden of lofty decisions - salute you, the free. May this day be a blessing to you and yours as you celebrate your freedom from the clutches of tyranny and strife. May your beer be as cold as the hearts of your enemies and your fireworks carry the zeal of your patriotism.
"On this day, may you not be napalmed by an invading Army. May you not be tortured for a parking violation. Today, may your hometown not be bombed. When you sit down to eat tonight, may armed men not barge into your house and search your wife's underwear drawer. May you not be zip-tied, marched outside, beaten and shot in the face.
"God Save America."
"God, save America."
Daniel wrote "S.O.S." on July 04, 2005, in the rockets' red glare.
Michael Farrell, a retired soldier writing on The Defeatists, considered Daniel's final post and reflected on the limits of a soldier's duty:
"I swore to uphold the Constitution of the United States and obey the officers appointed over me; I didn't swear to uphold the officeholders appointed or elected over me. So, forbid blogging; forbid email; forbid streaming videos; forbid the whole digital world and while I think you're fucking idiots, I could salute and support it.
"But, hit those who are critical of policy and threaten them with punishment surprising how many articles of the Uniformed Code of Military Justice list as death maximum punishment, which can get your attention and we got a beef."
In his second-to-last post, Daniel wrote about the importance of speaking out:
"Operation Truth has published my story as their Veteran of the Week profile. I am excited and nervous for the extra attention this will attract. Excited because the army is trying very hard to muffle the cries of battered soldiers, abused by the system they are sworn to protect.
"Each time our story is heard by someone new, the country comes that much closer to understanding what is happening to us in Iraq and Afghanistan."
THE Territorial Army (TA) is suffering a manning crisis with more than 6,000 soldiers quitting in the past year because of the war in Iraq.
A #3m television advertising campaign has flopped, bringing in fewer than 600 recruits, and, at 35,000, the strength of the TA has dropped to its lowest point since it was founded in 1907. This is more than 6,000 below its required strength of 41,610.
Ministers admit the real figures are even worse only 24,000 troops are fully trained and in practice only 12,000 TA soldiers are now available to back up the regular army on operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Balkans.
The Ministry of Defence has repeatedly denied that the TA was in trouble as a result of Iraq, but the figures released to parliament last week show the situation is far worse than previously claimed.
Don Touhig, a junior defence minister, told MPs in a series of answers to written questions that the numbers of soldiers leaving the TA had more than quadrupled in the immediate aftermath of the Iraq war in 2003.
Before the invasion the numbers leaving were steady at about 150 a month, keeping the strength of the TA relatively stable, but as soldiers started coming back from the war in October 2003 they began to leave in droves.
Over the next six months, the numbers leaving quadrupled to more than 600 a month and although the figure has dropped slightly since, it is still running at an average of 540, well over three times the pre-war figures.
The shortages come as General George Casey, the US commander in Iraq, expressed concern at the lack of troops to patrol the border between the British sector and Iran.
His comments follow the refusal of John Reid, the defence secretary, to allow military commanders to increase the number of British troops in southern Iraq by 25%.
Major-General Rob Fulton, the British commander in the south, asked for the 2,000 extra troops to mount a border surveillance operation, senior defence sources said.
But it was refused for what senior commanders believe were political reasons with Reid willing to sanction only the addition of fewer than 200 extra troops.
Someone said it again today. Invading Iraq was a mistake. Every time it gets said, I grind another layer of enamel off my teeth. Nancy Pelosi says it. John Kerry says it. Mikhail Gorbachev says it. Spain's Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero says it. Even the occasional Republican says it. And recent polls indicate 55% to 59% of Americans think it.
Every one of them is wrong. Invading Iraq was no mistake. It was bloody treason. And the traitors still rule us instead of breaking rocks at Leavenworth.
They knowingly, willingly, unhesitatingly pronounced what they knew to be lies and marginalized, denigrated and smeared contrary-minded people, manipulated real evidence, concocted fake evidence, tricked an American population traumatized, fearful and furious about terrorism and sent young men and women off to a war at the tip of a bayonet named "9/11."
A mistake is when you hammer your thumb instead of the nail. A mistake is when you choose c) instead of d) on the SAT. A mistake is when you put too much garlic in the minestrone.
Invading Iraq was no damned mistake. And calling it a mistake is more than a mere slip of the tongue. It sets a precedent. Pretty soon, everybody will be saying invading Iraq was a mistake. And in 20 years, your grandkids will be studying out of textbooks that call it a mistake.
Instead of calling it what it really was. Sedition.
Over and over again for three years we've had our faces rubbed in the evidence. Yet, every day, someone calls this perfidious, murderous scheme a mistake. As if invading Iraq were a foreign policy mishap. Oopsy.
Stop it already. People do not commit treachery by mistake.
As we full well know, even before George W. Bush was scooted into office 5-to-4, the men he came to front for were already at work plotting their rationale for sinking deeper military and economic roots in the Middle East, petropolitics and neo-imperialist sophistry greedily intertwined.
When they stepped into office, as Richard Clarke explained to us , terrorism gave them no worries. They blew off Clarke and they blew off Hart-Rudman with scarcely a fare-thee-well.
Then, when they weren't figuring out how to lower taxes on their pals and unravel the tattered social safety net, they focused - as Paul O'Neill informed us - on finding the right excuse to persuade the American people to go to war with Saddam Hussein as a prelude to going to war with some of his neighbors. In less than nine months, that excuse dropped into their laps in the form of Osama bin Laden's kamikaze crews.
From that terrible day forward, Richard Cheney and his sidekick Donald Rumsfeld and their like-minded coterie of rogues engineered the invasion.
They didn't slip the U.S. into Iraq by mistake. Like the shrewd opportunists they have shown themselves to be in the business world, they saw the chance to carry out their invasion plan and they moved every obstacle - most especially the truth - out of their way to make it happen.
When they couldn't get the CIA to give them the intelligence that would justify their moves they exerted pressure for a change of minds. They exaggerated, reinterpreted and rejiggered intelligence assessments. For icing they concocted their own.
Larry Wilkerson merely confirms what O'Neill and Clarke previously had told us: The traitors didn't mistakenly stumble their way into invasion pushed along by world events; they created a cabal of renegades specifically to carry out the Project for a New American Century's plans for hegemony, first stop - Baghdad.
They didn't carefully weigh options and evaluate the pros and cons and make error in judgment, the kind of wrong choice that could happen to anyone. They studiously ignored everyone who warned them against taking the action they had decided upon years before the World Trade Centers were turned to ashes and dust.
The traitors ignored Brent Scowcroft when he wrote in August 2002, "Don't Attack Saddam". They ignored the Army War College when it warned of the perils of invasion and occupation in a February 2003 report, "Reconstructing Iraq: Insights, Challenges, And Missions For Military Forces In A Post-Conflict Scenario".
When their propaganda failed to measure up as a justification for expending American lives and treasure, they fabricated evidence. Aluminum tubes that experts said could in no way be used to help make nuclear weapons were turned into prima facie evidence of Saddam's intent to do so.
Documents that intelligence veterans said from the get-go were forged remained the basis for the traitors' claims. With the straightest face he'd mustered since taking the oath of office, Dubyanocchio declared: "Facing clear evidence of peril, we cannot wait for the final proof, the smoking gun that could come in the form of a mushroom cloud."
Senators and Congressmen were lied into granting the President authority to take military action to protect the United States from a threat that the traitors knew didn't exist.
When the weapons inspectors under Hans Blix couldn't find anything, but asked for more time to look, they brushed him off and began pounding Baghdad and other Iraqi targets with a display of raw power they labeled, like ad writers for some ultimate cologne, "Shock and Awe."
Every smidgen of this betrayal of the American people was purposely calculated, even if poorly planned and frequently incompetently handled.
Just as invading Iraq was no mistake, the pretense that Bush hadn't made up his mind months before the invasion was no mistake. It was a calculated ploy to suggest falsely that the President and the ideological crocodiles in the White House gave two snaps about cooperating with the international community other than as a means to camouflage their unalterable determination to stomp Iraq, plundering it under the guise of righteous magnanimity.
Just as the war was no mistake, torturing prisoners was no mistake. It was a deliberate, premeditated policy of international outlawry and inhumanity guided by legal arguments requested and approved by the man who soon got his reward, appointment as attorney general, and carried out on the direct orders of men like General Geoffrey Miller at the "suggestion" of Don Rumsfeld and under the command George Walker Bush.
It was no mistake that the vice president's company collected billions in no-bid contracts and that the White House attempted to cover up massive over-charges by that company.
Just as planning for invasion, the concoction of evidence, the ignoring of counter-advice, and the lying to Congress, to the United Nations and to the American people were not mistakes, the outing of Valerie Plame Wilson was no slip of the tongue, but a conscious, purposeful and deliberate act. Nor did the traitors mistakenly smear Ambassador Joe Wilson - a smear which continues today. It was the intentional plot of men fearful of having their treacherous lies exposed.
Mistakes were definitely made. Three years ago, too many elected Democrats and too many other Americans believed the president and vice president of the United States to be honorable men. To be patriots. To have the best interests of Americans at heart. They believed them and they believed a megamedia that operated like government-owned megaphones instead of independent watch dogs. Those were gigantic mistakes.
I haven't told you a single thing you haven't heard dozens of times previously. And yet, every day, people who I am positive are as well or better acquainted than I with the facts I've outlined here say or write: "Invading Iraq was a mistake."
Nooooooooooo!
Our leaders betrayed us and aided our enemies.
They worked overtime to silence dissident voices.
Stop calling what they did a mistake.
"There was a man there who had several signs, among them one which said: "Saddam loves Cindy."
"I told this man that he didn't bother me, and he told me I don't bother him either. Well, if I don't bother him, why did he come down and make signs and march for hours screaming that I kill our soldiers? We found out why.
"He was making 60 dollars an hour to do so from some non-profit, right wing group. He said he would switch signs if we gave him more money."
"...he would switch signs if we gave him more money..." The guy is probably a DLC Democrat!
I hope that everyone has noticed that in addition to sending your sons and daughters, husbands and wives to murder and be murdered in Iraq instead of going themselves, that these people hire others to ridicule and slime us when our sons and daughters, husbands and wives return home in body bags, their precious lives blown out of them.
I'm amazed that we have not yet marched on the White House and the Congress with torches and pitchforks and driven these Frankenstein monsters out of power, and out of our country while we're at it!
Subject: Who is learning disabled, the government, or us?
I must have a learning disability? How else could one possibly explain my voluntarily spending half a dozen years in the National Guard after 1,096 days of the Regular Army?
I was reminded of this by an email from my youngest brother who is a state policeman in another state. He mentioned that budget cuts had changed their firearms training to only loading 5 rounds in a 15 round pistol magazine or a 30 round rifle magazine.
When he suggested that such training might have officers ejecting a 2/3 full pistol magazine or a 5/6 full rifle magazine under stress in a real situation, he was told to shut up. After all, everyone knows that budgets are tight. Money has been diverted to pay for $3/gallon gasoline, tax cuts for the zillionaires, and Operation Iraqi Plunder.
It at first reminded me of the year the supply sergeant for our NG division HQ company forgot to bring to annual training the blank adapters for the two .50 cal "unit organic anti-armor weapons." It made training a tad slow when the M-2 Brownings required the bolt to be pulled to the rear to eject the case for every blank round fired. At least we got a lot of practice in clearing stoppages.
It could have been worse.
The state of the budget in the 1980's when Reagan was dumping cash on the Defense Department still only meant that we actually had a bolt in our M-16's for a single day of the year in training. On that day we actually got 42 real bullets in order to both zero our rifle and conduct annual qualification with it. Never mind if you don't get it zeroed. There was always next year, and another 42 rounds.
But then next year didn't happen. The April drill weekend on the schedule said we would draw weapons and go to the range on Saturday, and clean weapons on Sunday.
As a last minute unannounced change, the only day of the year we actually fired our personal weapon for qualification was cancelled.
Instead we spent all Saturday hauling in folding chairs and setting them up in the morning. In the afternoon we rehearsed being a mandatory audience for the retirement ceremony of some colonel that we did not know, was not in our unit, and we could have cared less about. Just how much rehearsal does one require to be able to march in and sit in rows of folding chairs?
Apparently the Division Commander thought most of the afternoon would make us sufficiently prepared to impress HIS friend the colonel? Sunday consisted of the 30 minute ceremony and then removing the folding chairs.
To add insult to injury, when I attended the post training meeting for NCO's and complained about the range training being cancelled, and not being re-scheduled for that fiscal year, I too was told to shut up.
The Sergeant Major then went on to direct us to document that weekend's training as "supply hand receipt procedures."
His justification was that the folding chairs were borrowed.
Twenty years have passed since then.
Instead of learning from the mistakes of Viet Nam, our government has sent a new generation of National Guardsmen to be bogged down in a war that should never have been started, and cannot be won.
I'm sure the cannon fodder being sent to Iraq are highly skilled in the required paperwork for borrowing folding chairs as a result of their pre-deployment training.
October 14, 2005 Francis A. Boyle, uruknet.info. [Excerpt]
Francis A. Boyle, Professor of Law, University of Illinois, is author of Foundations of World Order, Duke University Press, The Criminality of Nuclear Deterrence, and Palestine, Palestinians and International Law, by Clarity Press.
The United States government's installation of the so-called Interim Government of Iraq during the summer of 2004 did not materially alter this legal situation.
Under the laws of war, this so-called Interim Government of Iraq is nothing more than a "puppet government." As the belligerent occupant of Iraq the United States government is free to establish a puppet government if it so desires. But under the laws of war, the United States government remains fully accountable for the behavior of its puppet government.
These conclusions are made quite clear by paragraph 366 of U.S. Army Field Manual 27-10 (1956):
366. Local Governments Under Duress and Puppet Governments
The restrictions placed upon the authority of a belligerent government cannot be avoided by a system of using a puppet government, central or local, to carry out acts which would be unlawful if performed directly by the occupant. Acts induced or compelled by the occupant are nonetheless its acts.
As the belligerent occupant of Iraq, the United States government is obligated to ensure that its puppet Interim Government of Iraq obeys the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, the 1907 Hague Regulations on land warfare, U.S. Army Field Manual 27-10 (1956), the humanitarian provisions of Additional Protocol One of 1977 to the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, and the customary international laws of war.
Any violation of the laws of war, international humanitarian law, and human rights committed by its puppet Interim Government of Iraq are legally imputable to the United States government.
As the belligerent occupant of Iraq, both the United States government itself as well as its concerned civilian officials and military officers are fully and personally responsible under international criminal law for all violations of the laws of war, international humanitarian law, and human rights committed by its puppet Interim Government of Iraq such as, for example, reported death squads operating under its auspices.
Furthermore, it was a total myth, fraud, lie, and outright propaganda for the Bush Jr. administration to maintain that it was somehow magically transferring "sovereignty" to its puppet Interim Government of Iraq during the summer of 2004.
Under the laws of war, sovereignty is never transferred from the defeated sovereign such as Iraq to a belligerent occupant such as the United States. This is made quite clear by paragraph 353 of U.S. Army Field Manual 27-10 (1956): "Belligerent occupation in a foreign war, being based upon the possession of enemy territory, necessarily implies that the sovereignty of the occupied territory is not vested in the occupying power. Occupation is essentially provisional."
If there were any doubt about this matter, paragraph 358 of U.S. Army Field Manual 27-10 (1956) makes this fact crystal clear:
358. Occupation Does Not Transfer Sovereignty
Being an incident of war, military occupation confers upon the invading force the means of exercising control for the period of occupation. It does not transfer the sovereignty to the occupant, but simply the authority or power to exercise some of the rights of sovereignty. The exercise of these rights results from the established power of the occupant and from the necessity of maintaining law and order, indispensable both to the inhabitants and the occupying force
Therefore, the United States government never had any "sovereignty" in the first place to transfer to its puppet Interim Government of Iraq.
In Iraq the sovereignty still resides in the hands of the people of Iraq and in the state known as the Republic of Iraq, where it has always been. The legal regime described above will continue so long as the United States remains the belligerent occupant of Iraq. Only when that U.S. belligerent occupation of Iraq is factually terminated can the people of Iraq have the opportunity to exercise their international legal right of sovereignty by means of free, fair, democratic, and uncoerced elections.
So as of this writing, the United States and the United Kingdom remain the belligerent occupants of Iraq despite their bogus "transfer" of their non-existent "sovereignty" to their puppet Interim Government of Iraq.
This brings the analysis to the so-called Constitution of Iraq that was allegedly drafted by the puppet Interim Government of Iraq under the impetus of the United States government.
Article 43 of the 1907 Hague Regulations on land warfare flatly prohibits the change in a basic law such as a state's Constitution during the course of a belligerent occupation: "The authority of the legitimate power having in fact passed into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all the measures in his power to restore, and ensure as far as possible, public order and safety, while respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country." This exact same prohibition has been expressly incorporated in haec verba into paragraph 363 of U.S. Army Field Manual 27-10 (1956).
To the contrary, the United States has demonstrated gross disrespect toward every law in Iraq that has stood in the way of its imperial designs and petroleum ambitions, including and especially the pre-invasion 1990 Interim Constitution for the Republic of Iraq.
George Bush Jr. and Tony Blair are heading towards their own Judgment at Nuremberg whose sixtieth anniversary the rest of the world gratefully but wistfully commemorates this year. Never again!
Choking back tears, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF star Donald Sutherland warned this week: President Bush "will destroy our lives!"
The star of the new ABC drama, which follows the first woman President of the United States, lashed out at the real White House during a dramatic sit down interview with the BBC.
Sutherland ripped Bush and his administration for the war and Hurricane Katrina fallout.
"They were inept. The were inadequate to the task, and they lied," Sutherland charged.
"And they were insulting, and they were vindictive. And they were heartless. They did not care. They do not care. They do not care about Iraqi people. They do not care about the families of dead soldiers. They only care about profit."
At one point during the session, Sutherland started crying: "We've stolen our children's future... We have children. We have children. How dare we take their legacy from them. How dare we. It's shameful. What we are doing to our world."
Sutherland went on rip Karl Rove's "methods and means" against people like Cindy Sheehan.
"We're back to burning books in Germany," Sutherland said of NBC's editing out of Kanye West's comment on Bush during a hurricane relief telethon.
Army sources are warning that the mood among soldiers of all ranks is at its gloomiest since the invasion in March 2003. The outlook has become darker as the war proves increasingly intractable and much more dangerous than troops had expected.
A string of incidents in the past week has contributed to the sense of crisis:
* The Ministry of Defence has launched an inquiry into the apparent suicide of Captain Ken Masters, a military police investigator who was found hanged at his barracks in Basra.
* A decision by Private Troy Samuels, who was awarded a Military Cross seven months ago for his bravery under fire in Iraq, to abandon the military rather than return for another tour of duty.
* Seventy soldiers from Private Samuels' battalion, the Princess of Wales Regiment (1PWRR), have also decided to leave the Army during the past year rather than return to Iraq
* An RAF officer, Flt-Lt Malcolm Kendall-Smith, said he was prepared to face jail rather than serve in Iraq, in a war he considers to be illegal. He is to be court-martialled for "refusing to obey a lawful command" and is the first British officer to face criminal charges for challenging the legality of the war.
The increasingly desperate position of British troops in southern Iraq was highlighted last night by the former cabinet minister Clare Short. "The Government are putting the armed forces into an impossible position," she said. "It is obviously affecting morale."
She added: "An army officer stopped me in the street in Whitehall and said his job was talking to parents of those who had been killed in Iraq. He said he supported what I was doing. He said that his job was unbearable. I think the time has come to get a negotiated timetable for an end to the occupation."
Such a move seems unlikely, however. Recent comments by the Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw, that British forces might have to stay in an increasingly volatile conflict for up to 10 more years have exacerbated fears among British forces that the conflict in which they are engaged is open-ended and lacking a credible exit strategy. There are currently 8,500 British troops in Iraq, most serving a six-month tour of duty.
Claims have been made that many of those being sent out feel they do not have the experience to cope with the pressures.
According to Combat Stress, the military charity dedicated to helping soldiers suffering psychological problems, the seemingly indefinite struggle has created the greatest crisis of morale among British troops for decades.
Commodore Toby Elliott, the chief executive of Combat Stress, told The Independent that many soldiers were leaving the Army early in the hope that its psychological effects - flashbacks, nightmares and guilt that they had survived while colleagues had not - would abate.
The incidents are symptomatic of a general malaise. One corporal said: "This has been a hard, hard tour. I would be glad not to be back in Iraq for a while."
Another NCO added: "Mr Blair keeps on saying that everything is getting better here. Perhaps he would care to come and see for himself. He is pretty good at sending other peoples' sons to Iraq."
Pte Samuels' decision to leave the Army may be a particularly significant landmark. A war hero, he was decorated for saving lives during the ambush which earned his comrade Pte Johnson Beharry a Victoria Cross. But he told The Independent yesterday that he decided to leave the moment he was told his unit would be returning to Iraq.
"I couldn't do that," he said, "Not straight away like that. It would be different if they were sending me to somewhere like Afghanistan - but not Iraq, right now. The stress for the guys out there is immense. They are seeing so much bad stuff. I owed it to my family to call it a day."
The current intensity of day-to-day combat is evident in the recent incident logs for Pte Samuel's regiment which show that soldiers have faced 109 individual attacks in a single day.
Capt Masters, 40, with 24 years' experience, had been involved in investigations of alleged mistreatment of detainees by British soldiers. Army sources have reported that the stress of investigating colleagues may have contributed to his death.
Pte Samuel's decision to leave showed that "psychological injuries" could affect the bravest of officers, said a spokesman for Combat Stress, which is helping 57 soldiers from the conflict.
Paul Beaver, a defence analyst with close links to senior staff, said: "There's obviously a disappointment that things have not gone better. But the main difference between army morale now and 12 months ago is that there is a resignation among the soldiers that they are in it for the long haul. There is also recognition that some of the elements (the Iraqi police) that they trusted can no longer be trusted and that they must fall back on their own resources."
[#1. From the Chief Of Staff, U.S. Army:
"Never Underestimate Your Enemy", "Never Disrespect Them"
The Army's top soldier says it is a mistake to underestimate the insurgents operating in Iraq or write off suicide bombers as "a bunch of crazies."
Gen. Peter J. Schoomaker, chief of staff, instead portrayed them as a considerable enemy force.
"Never underestimate your enemy," Schoomaker said Sept. 27 during an hourlong interview with Army Times.
The "enemy is a thinking, adaptive people. Some of them are better than others, but you should never underestimate and you should never disrespect them and we have to take them seriously and you've got to get ahead of them."
Schoomaker, a former Special Operations leader who came out of retirement Aug. 1, 2003, to take the job as chief of staff, emphasized that Army troops are fully aware of the insurgents' capabilities.
"I think some people have underestimated the enemy but not the professional soldiers. They never underestimate the enemy," he said. "People who do haven't been in it."
"My view is, we've finally got some people's attention on how powerful this type of warfare is. Just because it doesn't look like conventional, symmetrical warfare, don't underestimate its power."
He said even the suicide bombers were driven by cultural ideals, though that may not be widely understood.
"There are a lot of people who like to discount what's going on or say they're a bunch of crazies. I don't see it that way and I don't think our soldiers do. In their culture, suicide bombing is not crazy."
Schoomaker noted that belief in a cause greater than oneself helped him and his fellow commandos face the likelihood of death in their top-secret mission to rescue 53 Americans held hostage by militants in Iran in 1980.
"We were a very small number of people going into a very crowded place and there was certainly no guarantee we were going to come back," he said. "I don't see anything irrational about it at all."
The mission was aborted after two aircraft collided on a runway during night staging in the desert outside Tehran, killing eight U.S. troops and leaving too few helicopters to continue.
"In many people's lives, there are a lot worse things than dying," Schoomaker said. "These things like 'death before dishonor' didn't come up by accident.
"There are a lot of people who will live on their knees forever but there are other people who won't who will die on their feet," Schoomaker said.
"In Islamic culture, honor means a lot and it goes back a long way and people will go a long way to settle scores. And they'll sacrifice a lot when they feel they've been dishonored or degraded or they feel hopeless and they see (suicide bombing) as an honorable way to do business.
"In times in the past, we've seen it with our American Indians, with the Japanese culture in World War II. It's rather arrogant for Americans to think because somebody doesn't fit our paradigm, then they're crazy.
"There are a lot more of them than there are us. We need to pay a lot more attention on what's going on out there in the world because we're going to live with this for a very long time," Schoomaker said. "It has been building for a long time and we have a long time to go."
WASHINGTON Under pressure from Congress, the Pentagon on Wednesday issued overdue regulations for reimbursing troops in Iraq and Afghanistan for body armor and other gear they bought to protect themselves. The program, effective immediately, allows reimbursement for helmets, ballistic eye protection, hydration systems and tactical vests, including body armor inserts to protect areas such as the throat and groin.
I'm sure that electrifying flash of generosity has our warriors dancing in the streets of Baghdad and Kabul. Well, maybe not dancing but filled with a sense of well-being, which they no doubt discuss during quiet conversations with one another when they are not busy trying to stay alive.
Buying your own combat implements is not like running down to the 7-Eleven for a six-pack of Bud. Helmets, for instance, run as high as $545 on one military website, although a lightweight version, normally $375, is on sale for $335 if you act fast.
Body armor is even more costly, with a full-body blast suit going for about $9,000.
But for those unable to afford serious protection, a set of dog tags can be purchased for a mere $10, to assure that otherwise disconnected human remains are properly identified. Silver chains are included.
You were probably under the impression that our men and women overseas were issued as much protection as possible in their effort to save the Middle East, and its oil, from exploitation and destruction by the forces of evil that President George Bush identified in his speech the other night.
But apparently that isn't so.
Even under the Pentagon's new policy of generosity, the cost of each item intended to keep a soldier or Marine alive cannot exceed $1,100, and the items become government property once their use is no longer required. That is unless they're, you know, destroyed or somehow no longer usable.
The directive follows a perk added two years ago when the House of Representatives approved a bill allowing free meals for hospitalized troops wounded in combat. It not only eliminated the $8.10 a day they were paying for their hospital food, but also doubled survivor benefits to $12,000, tax free, should they die.
All of this, of course, is an effort to stimulate enlistments by making the war in Iraq seem somehow safer, and perhaps even desirable. Weapons of various kinds and their ammunition are, as I understand it, free, as are the bombs and missiles we drop enthusiastically on whoever happens to be in the way.
One would assume that the $200 billion we're spending on the war to democratize the people of Iraq, whether they want it or not, would include helmets and body armor, but the military doesn't always think in logical terms when it gets down to the nitty-gritty. A modest example of this is the Great Pillow Incident of 1953.
For those in the MTV generation who may have not heard of it, there was a skirmish following the more popular Second World War in a place called Korea. Those were in the days before body armor but not before pillows. Having fought in the war, I returned more or less whole and was being mustered out at the Marine Corps Recruit Depot in San Diego where, a few years earlier, I had suffered the indignation and humiliation of boot camp.
I recall quite clearly that after standing in line for a while, I reached the mustering-out clerk who, although he might have known nothing of war, kept careful track of the equipment. I could keep my uniform, he said, including my underwear, shoes and socks, but I had to return my pillow.
Our conversation went something like this:
"You were issued a 'pillow, one, individual, bunk bed, each' during your initial training period and it was never returned."
"You're telling me I can't get out of this bloody outfit after fighting in a war because your records show I have one of your pillows?"
"That is correct."
"You feel that I took this pillow as my own possession or possibly sold it on the street for a vast profit, thereby cheating the United States Marine Corps?"
"I am not authorized to issue you departure orders until all government material is returned to the agency from which it was removed."
"The pillow."
"The pillow."
What I did was cross the parade field to the sleeping quarters of new recruits, grab a pillow from a cot and return it to the mustering-out clerk. It wasn't exactly the right pillow, probably Model 2-dash-47 instead of Model 1A-dash-22, but he accepted it and I left whistling "Colonel Bogey's March."
I suppose the man whose pillow I stole had to steal another to get out of the Corps and that man had to steal another and so on probably to this very day.
It's the way the military is, and the reluctant Pentagon generosity reflects a condition that one might think about before enlisting. You'd better be able to afford the gear before you sign the papers to go to war.
At least the body bags are free.
The American and British governments seem disconnected from the terrible reality of Iraq. Tony Blair says the time scale for withdrawal is "when the job is done." But stop any Iraqi in the streets of Baghdad and the great majority say the violence will get worse until the US and Britain start to pull out. They say the main catalyst for the Sunni Arab insurrection is the US occupation.
A deep crisis is turning into a potential catastrophe because President George Bush and Tony Blair pretend the situation in Iraq is improving. To prove to their own voters that progress is being made, they have imposed on Iraq a series of artificial milestones. These have been achieved but have done nothing to halt the ever deepening violence.
The latest milestone is the referendum on the new constitution - the rules of the game by which Iraq is to be governed.
The need for the White House to produce a fantasy picture of Iraq is because it dare not admit that it has engineered one of the greatest disasters in American history.
It is worse than Vietnam, because the enemy is punier and the original ambitions greater. At the time of the invasion in 2003 the US believed it could act alone, almost without allies, and win. In this it has utterly failed. About 1,950 American soldiers have been killed, 14,900 have been wounded, and its military command still has only islands of control.
It is a defeat more serious than Vietnam because it is self-inflicted, like the British invasion of Egypt to overthrow Nasser in 1956.
The US would take control of a country with great oil reserves. It would assume quasi-colonial control over a nation which 15 years previously had been the greatest Arab military power.
Few governments can resist the temptation to fight a short victorious war that will boost their standing at home. It enables them to stand tall as defenders of the homeland. Domestic political opponents can be portrayed as traitors or lacking in patriotism. The Bush administration had been peculiarly successful in wrapping the flag around itself after 11 September and later during the war in Afghanistan. It intended to do the same thing in Iraq in the run-up to 2004 presidential election.
When US troops began to spread out into Iraq after the fall of Baghdad they made a surprising discovery. Most people were armed, often with high-powered modern weapons. Saddam Hussein was reduced to introducing a buy-back programme in the early 1990s to cut down on the number of heavy weapons on the streets. Even so, his officials in south-east Iraq were astonished when a tribe turned up with three tanks - presumably purloined during the Iran-Iraq war - which they were prepared to turn over for a sizeable sum of money.
It was not until three years after the British army captured Baghdad in 1917 that the first serious rebellion took place. In the case of the US occupation in 2003 the rebellion started in three months.
But the two uprisings have a point in common: Iraqis do not like foreign rule or occupation any more than the people of any other country.
The vast majority of them did not support Saddam Hussein. By and large they did not fight for him. They do not feel the military victors had any rights over them as Germans or Japanese may have done in 1945.
Strangely, the Americans and the British never seem to have understood the extent to which the occupation outraged Iraqi nationalism, though anger might take a different form in the Sunni and Shia communities.
In Sunni areas anybody resisting the occupation - including bigoted and fanatical Sunni groups - could expect a degree of protection. Former members of the Baath party and the security services - never popular institutions in Iraq - may have provided a skeleton organisation for the resistance. But this would not have been enough to mount a widespread uprising if it had not enjoyed popular support.
A private poll conducted for the coalition, in effect the US and Britain, in February this year showed that 45 per cent of Iraqi Arabs supported armed attacks on the coalition forces.
Presumably to the American and British officials cut off in the Green Zone, the day-to-day friction between Iraqis and the occupation forces was not visible.
But for anybody living in Baghdad in 2003 and 2004 the ferocity of Iraqi-Arab hatred for the occupation was very evident. Local people would dance and rejoice when a bomb or a rocket hit an American vehicle. The US was outraged in the spring of 2004 when the burnt bodies of four American contractors were hung from a bridge in Fallujah. But they were mutilated not by the insurgents who killed them but by townspeople, day labourers waiting by the road for a job. The same savage joy was visible on the faces of the Shia crowd setting fire to a British armoured vehicle in Basra on 19 September.
There should be nothing surprising about the unpopularity of the occupation. How many occupations have been popular? Even Robespierre, no shrinking violet when it came to inflicting violence on others, pointed out to fellow French revolutionaries occupying foreign lands that "nobody likes armed missionaries."
Given that the Americans are probably no stupider or more crooked than anybody else, why was the occupation regime so dysfunctional? The answer is probably that the senior US officials who ran Iraq owed their positions to the exigencies of American, not Iraqi politics. They knew how to function in Washington but not Baghdad. If they failed to deliver a better life to Iraqis their careers suffered no damage; but if they displeased the White House they were fired.
It was extraordinary to watch the US occupation unravel.
In the first year and a half of the war it was still possible to drive out of Baghdad and talk to people in Sunni Arab towns and villages.
From early days they were full of rage against the American army. US generals seemed to pride themselves on their ignorance of local customs. Many innocent farmers were being shot dead. They often died because when they heard a loud knocking on their door in the middle of the night they would open it with a gun in their hand.
This was because, ever since the Saddam Hussein closed the banks in 1990 and the Iraqi dinar collapsed in value, Iraqis kept their money at home and in hundred dollar bills. Even a modest household might have $20,000 in cash, perhaps the life savings of an extended family. Farmers feared robbers and were usually armed. When a US soldier knocked at the door of a house in the middle of the night and saw an armed Iraqi in front of him he would open fire.
It was typical of the cast of mind of the US Army at this time that they thought they had dealt with questions about the number of Iraqi civilian deaths by simply not counting them. It might have public relations advantages in the US - though even this was dubious - but the Iraqis themselves knew how many of their people were being killed. And this was in a country where the tribal tradition is that a man must seek vengeance against the killer of anybody related to him over five generations. American soldiers on the ground eventually came to understand if they accidentally killed an innocent Iraqi then they would be the targets of a retaliatory attack a few days later.
The US military commanders and their civilian equivalents were in a state of denial in Baghdad. Every few days they would hold press briefings in which they would describe the insurgents as either foreign fighters or the remnants of Saddam Hussein's regime, the "bitter-enders" in the words of Donald Rumsfeld, the US Defence Secretary.
Every escalation in attacks was described as the insurgents' last desperate convulsion. The chasm between this rosy picture of the war and the bloody reality became ever deeper.
One day I heard a rumour that there was an uprising in Baiji, a Sunni Arab oil refining town north of Baghdad. The US military had not said anything about it. When I got there I found the police station and the mayor's office burnt out and the police fled. Thousands of people were on the streets chanting pro-Saddam slogans and setting fire to Turkish fuel trucks that they claimed were stealing Iraqi oil.
Back in Baghdad the US generals at their daily briefings in the Convention Centre in the Green Zone were refusing to admit that Iraq was out of control. They must have believed their own propaganda, which would explain why they were sending convoys of vulnerable fuel tankers through guerrilla-controlled territory.
There is a great sump of misery in Iraq. And until the lives of people in general improve the political crisis will not end. Given such deprivation and corruption, why should soldiers fight for the government, particularly if they only joined the army or police for a job?
Government leaders frequently travel to Washington and London to give a rosy picture of Iraq slowly emerging from the present bloody chaos. Living behind the walls of the Green Zone, protected by US troops and foreign security companies, they seldom have little idea themselves of life in Iraq.
Mr Jaafari must give 24 hours' advance warning to his security detail if he leaves the Green Zone to visit President Talabani, whose heavily defended house is just five minutes' drive away. Iraqis do not enjoy many jokes, but the disappearance of so many cabinet ministers abroad on essential business has been a source of general amusement in the last two years.
In far-flung capitals across the globe they bid the insurgents defiance and tell them their days are numbered.
In reality security is getting worse. Insurgents are tightening their grip in Sunni-dominated districts in south and west Baghdad. A policeman guarding a petrol station in this area explained that he was going home at 8pm "because the resistance takes over then and I will be killed if I stay".
Neither Mr Bush nor Mr Blair want to reveal the depth of the quagmire into which they so confidently plunged in 2003. They also presumably believe that at any moment they may touch bottom. Iraqi governments, dependent on foreign support, parrot whatever they believe Washington or London wants to hear at the time. Iraq is full of mirages.
Much of the Iraqi government exists only on paper. It is more of a racket than an administration. Its officials turn up only on pay day. Elaborate bureaucratic procedures exist simply so a bribe has to be paid to avoid them.
The fact that so many Iraqis blame the US occupation for their ills does not mean they are right. But, having spent most of my time in Iraq since the fall of Saddam Hussein, I believe that the biggest mistake being made by the US and Britain is a very simple one:
They do not realise the unpopularity of the occupation. No people wants to be ruled by another.
The occupation exacerbates a crisis it purports to cure.
Mr Blair says British and American troops will stay until the job is done, but their very presence means Iraq will never be at peace.
11 Oct 2005 (IRIN)
The Ministry of Health has warned that drug abuse is rising steadily among men and women of all ages in Iraq, especially in the capital Baghdad and in the south of the country.
And drug pushers told IRIN they had found a lucrative market amongst soldiers in the US-led occupation forces. They report strong demand from Italian troops in particular.
Many of the foreign troops ask their counterparts in the Iraqi security forces to buy on the street for them, they added.
Business is booming as heroin from Afghanistan filters easily through the porous frontier with neighbouring Iran and cocaine trickles in from Turkey.
10/04/05 Robert Fisk, Australian Broadcasting Corporation Broadcast
You've just brought up the British.
Let's look at the British in Iraq in 1917. We invaded. We announced in a document, which I have hanging on my library wall, "We come here," we said to the Iraqi people in 1917, "not as conquerors, but as liberators to free you from generations of tyranny."
Sound familiar?
We then had an insurrection in 1920, we bombarded Fallujah, similar to the Americans.
We surrounded Najaf, we demanded the surrender of Shi'ite clerics, we said there would be civil war if the British Army left and, indeed, British intelligence in 1920 said that terrorists were crossing the border from Syria.
10/10/05 The Borowtiz Report
Days after the BBC reported that President George W. Bush claimed God told him to invade Iraq, the Almighty held a rare press conference today to say that He was "totally out of the loop" on the March 2003 invasion.
Reporters packed a meeting room at the Grand Hyatt Hotel in Washington, D.C. to hear the angry denial of the Supreme Being, who had not held a press conference in over half a year.
Dressed in a white robe and sporting his trademark long, flowing beard, God told a reporter that the president's version of events was "bogus," adding, "Dude, I don't even know the guy."
The King of the Universe then showed reporters detailed phone logs from March 2003 revealing that He had no conversations with President Bush, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, or anyone else involved in the decision to invade Iraq.
While the logs showed no conversation with the president, they did indicate that on March 24 of that year God placed a call to actress Nicole Kidman to congratulate her on winning the Best Actress Oscar for her performance in "The Hours."
In what some saw as a particularly sarcastic rebuke of the president, God offered this possible explanation of Mr. Bush's claim that He had told him to invade Iraq: "Maybe he has me confused with Dick Cheney."
****************************************************
October 10, 2005 Haaretz
According to Abbas, immediately thereafter Bush said: "God told me to strike at al Qaida and I struck them, and then he instructed me to strike at Saddam, which I did, and now I am determined to solve the problem in the Middle East."
[When even firm partisans of U.S. Imperial dominance are pissing their pants, like this old Democrat politician, you know "the handwriting is on the wall." That expression, by the way, derives from a warning given to a former Emperor who thought his rule in Babylon would live forever. Thanks to Don Bacon, Smedley Butler Society, who sent this in.]
October 9, 2005 Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Los Angeles Times
Some 60 years ago Arnold Toynbee concluded, in his monumental "Study of History," that the ultimate cause of imperial collapse was "suicidal statecraft."
Sadly for George W. Bush's place in history and much more important ominously for America's future, that adroit phrase increasingly seems applicable to the policies pursued by the United States since the cataclysm of 9/11.
Though there have been some hints that the Bush administration may be beginning to reassess the goals, so far defined largely by slogans, of its unsuccessful military intervention in Iraq, President Bush's speech Thursday was a throwback to the demagogic formulations he employed during the 2004 presidential campaign to justify a war that he himself started.
That war, advocated by a narrow circle of decision-makers for motives still not fully exposed, propagated publicly by rhetoric reliant on false assertions, has turned out to be much more costly in blood and money than anticipated. It has precipitated worldwide criticism.
In the Middle East it has stamped the United States as the imperialistic successor to Britain and as a partner of Israel in the military repression of the Arabs. Fair or not, that perception has become widespread throughout the world of Islam.
Oct. 04, 2005 By Matthew Schofield, Knight Ridder Newspapers
Matthew Schofield, Knight Ridder Newspaper's Berlin-based Europe correspondent, is beginning a six-week assignment in Knight Ridder's Baghdad Bureau - his third reporting trip to the Iraqi capital since he accompanied U.S. Marines during the initial U.S. push into Iraq in March 2003. The following account was written as a memo on how he'd spent his second day back in the country.
BAGHDAD, Iraq - So, this was my Tuesday:
Woke up, 7 a.m., gunfire outside. Decided to read in the windowless bathroom, then take shower and brush teeth, using bottled water, of course.
9 a.m. - Kevin, a former British Royal Marine commando who's in charge of security for Knight Ridder, warns that things might be heating up, so be careful out there. He reads the daily reports of violence all over the country.
"Out where?" I ask. "I'm not leaving the building, am I?"
"Yes," I'm told, "You're on for the Green Zone" - the supposedly secure city center that is home to most of the Iraqi government and the U.S. Embassy.
10 a.m. - Go have breakfast. Kevin carries a blue backpack containing an AK-47. He says that I need some exercise and that he's willing to cover me if I go for a swim later. I think he's joking.
11 a.m. - We leave the 10-foot-high blast walls that surround the hotel complex in a two-car convoy. The rear car's job is to run interference in case "bad guys" try to intercept "the package" (that would be me).
Noon - Dropped off several blocks from the Green Zone and walk to Checkpoint 3 (the main entrance). Walking because on Monday Iraqi army soldiers pushed me back inside the car, while pointing a machine gun at my head and shouting. They fired at reporters - warning shots, the reporters think - from National Public Radio and The Wall Street Journal. The three incidents prompted a U.S. Embassy spokeswoman to start a briefing with journalists by saying, "OK, raise your hand if you were shot at today."
As I'm walking, phone rings. I answer. My Iraqi colleague Mohammed, who reports full time for Knight Ridder, takes the phone from my hand, whispering fiercely, "No English here. Be very, very afraid here."
I get inside and call the number back, reaching a very nice U.S. Army major who says we need to meet to discuss how to make the entrance to the Green Zone safer for journalists. "Can you meet in about an hour?" he asks. I agree, and he says he'll pick me up at the National Assembly building at 12:50 p.m., and we'll walk together to Checkpoint 3.
12:10 p.m. - Get inside National Assembly building. Someone steals my watch at the final security check.
12:30 p.m. - Talking to Saddam Hussein's old translator. He explains that democracy in the new Iraq is a fiasco. Bush's fault, and Bush will have to face the judgment of history for his mistakes. (All times from here are approximate; see above.)
12:50 p.m. - The major is late so I decide to head down to the checkpoint and wait for him. Mohammed says, "No, you're not. You're waiting for his call."
1 p.m. - On phone with the major, who's apologizing for being late when a car bomb explodes at Checkpoint 3 entrance. Gunfire ensues.
1-3 p.m. - Locked down in National Assembly building with legislators while bomb debris and bodies are cleared from the street.
3:15 p.m. - The major calls back. Come on out, he says. I join him walking to Checkpoint 3.
3:25 p.m. - We step around football-sized chunks of bomber hanging like gruesome Christmas ornaments from the razor wire. I point out the journalists' security fears, being forced to walk through a dangerous area to get to Iraqi government and U.S. Embassy briefings. He is concerned. "Wow, that's dangerous," he says, pushing aside a smoking piece of car interior with a booted toe. "I think the problem is, the guys here are nervous whenever cars come near, especially if they stop, like yours do, to drop you off."
"No kidding," I say, just avoiding treading on an eyeball.
4 p.m. - We work out a system, as the major agrees that it's not safe for us to walk the route we have been. He says he'll contact the U.S. Army guards, the Iraqi army guards, the private guards, the Georgian army guards, the Iraqi police and the Iraqi traffic cops, all of whom are on duty within 50 yards. I thank him and tiptoe back toward the National Assembly building.
4:30 p.m. - Walk a razor-wired path under gunpoint for several blocks to find waiting driver. He was 100 yards away and watching the entrance during the explosion, then hiding as bullets started raining down. He's happy to leave.
5:30 p.m. - Arrive back inside hotel blast walls, go to room and write story about Iraqi politics.
8:30 p.m. - Order dinner - hamburger with an egg and cheese-ish stuff on it. Kevin notes that it may not be the healthiest meal on Earth.
9 p.m. - The booms are now pretty constant in southern part of town. Kev says it's no big deal. Last night he said the same thing, "It's a gun battle across the street. No big deal." Tonight he notes, "The heavy stuff is a ways away." I look at a map. Three miles.
10 p.m. - And so to bed
September 16, 2005 Los Angeles Times & & By Patrick Sabatier, Libiration
Afghanistan's Electoral Complaints Commission has been largely unable to prevent those accused of crimes from running in Sunday's regional and parliamentary races.
The Karzai regime depends on foreign troops and international aid. It buys stability by tolerating cultivation of the opium poppy - which accounts for 60% of GNP, tribal chieftains' power, warlords' (sometimes narco-traffickers) power, and generalized corruption.
September 15, 2005 Inside The Pentagon
A growing number of U.S. military officers in Iraq and those who have returned from the region are voicing concern that the nascent Iraqi army will fall apart if American forces are drawn down in the foreseeable future.
The newly trained forces generally exhibit "a lack of willingness to fight for something," says retired Army Col. Gerry Schumacher, a former Green Beret who was recently in Iraq. [Motivating traitors to fight for a foreign Imperial occupation is often a problem. Duh.]
September 16, 2005 Robert Dreyfuss, Tompaine.com. [Excerpt]
No one seemed to understand that the United States is not in fact training an Iraqi army but a gaggle of mostly Shiite and Kurdish militiamen who want nothing more than to lord it over defeated Sunnis in towns like Tikrit, Baquba, Ramadi, Fallujah and Tall Afar.
It was left to Kenneth Katzman, a Middle East expert at the Congressional Research Service, to point out that such a force cannot be sent to patrol Sunni cities and that a major priority is to bring Sunnis into the Iraqi security forces.
Naturally, that is nearly impossible as long as the vast majority of Sunnis bitterly oppose the ersatz regime that Washington is propping up in Baghdad.
September 11, 2005 Gary Steven Corseri, Dissident Voice [Excerpt]
The American Empire failed its people and American predatory capitalism has failed.
We could not fight a war based on mendacity in the Middle East, and protect the Empire at home. The word for these times, the basic metaphor, is implosion: the WTC towers imploded and the two-foot thick flood walls that held back the vast lake and the sea imploded, and the levees sank.
And soon the Empire's vast tentacles will begin to contract, salted with the wounds of defeat. And the troops will come home.
Vis consili expers mole ruit sua, Horace wrote about another empire two thousand years ago. "Brute force, bereft of wisdom, falls to ruins of its own weight." And he continued:
Vim temperatam di quoque provehunt in maius; idem odere vires omne nefas animo moventes.
Rome's most popular poet put the matter squarely: "Power tempered with wisdom, even the gods make greater. But might that in its soul is bent on all impiety, they hate."
"The insurgency in Iraq is in its last throes."
- Vice President Dick Cheney, in May
A mini-Tet offensive happened in Baghdad on Monday.
In a city allegedly under the control of American and American-trained Iraqi forces, more than 100 guerrillas mounted a devastating attack on Baya'a, the biggest police station in Baghdad - employing successive waves of mortars, explosions, rocket-launcher attacks, hand grenades, sophisticated diversionary tactics and the sinister icing on the lethal cake, car bombings.
Hi al-Elam, the neighborhood around the police station, was turned into a smoldering disaster zone. The guerrillas retreated after two hours, having lost dozens of men.
But just like the Tet offensive, the message was clear: the writing, scrawled in graffiti, was literally on the walls of Hi al-Elam - "We'll be back."
Three days after this mini-battle in Baghdad. . . during eight hours of back-to-back testimony to House and Senate committees in Washington, the Pentagon still refused to abandon the rhetoric of "steady progress" and "victory is certain".
General John Abizaid, the Centcom chief, had to admit "more foreign fighters [are] coming into Iraq than there were six months ago" - not exactly Cheney's "last throes" scenario.
The disorientation was more than evident in the behavior of Senator Lindsey Graham, a Republican from South Carolina and staunch war supporter. Graham said he was concerned by declining support for the war - which means bad news in the next elections - but he also said, ominously, "We have bought into a model that is extremely difficult, but the only answer, because you can't kill enough of these people" - implying that it is such a pity the Pentagon cannot produce a thousand Fallujahs.
For his part, Carl Levin, Democrat from Michigan and the senior Democrat on the Senate Armed Services Committee, came up with the wacky suggestion that "the United States needs to tell the Iraqis and the world that if that deadline (for approving a new constitution) is not met, we will review our position with all options open, including but not limited to, setting a timetable for withdrawal".
Levin shifts the blame for all the mess from the occupation to Iraq's politicians. He should beware of what he wants: Iraqis may enthusiastically welcome his proposition, as throwing the occupiers out is their No 1 priority.
The hearings this Thursday in Washington may have been just the tip of the iceberg.
The real facts on the ground are, in Iraq, a horrific quagmire; and in the US, the unstoppable rising of anti-war sentiment.
This is not a "last throes" scenario - rather the first throes of a national American rejection of the Iraqi imperial adventure. Just like in Vietnam.
From letter in GI Special 3B67:
I've actually heard that the freeing of prisoners from there was
incidental, and that actually people stormed the Bastille because it was
an armory and they needed weapons.
Comment By Phil G:
It was incidental in the sense that there were hardly any prisoners housed there in 1789 (only 7 according to contemporary accounts). Nevertheless, the Bastille was also a symbol of the old regime's repression, and its fall was seen by the Parisian masses as a blow for freedom.
My favorite quote about the French Revolution, BTW, is from Mark Twain:
There were two "Reigns of Terror," if we would but remember it and consider it; the one wrought murder in hot passion, the other in heartless cold blood; the one lasted mere months, the other had lasted a thousand years; the one inflicted death upon ten thousand persons, the other upon a hundred millions; but our shudders are all for the "horrors" of the minor Terror, the momentary Terror, so to speak; whereas, what is the horror of swift death by the axe, compared with lifelong death from hunger, cold, insult, cruelty, and heart-break?
What is swift death by lightning compared with death by slow fire at the stake?
A city cemetery could contain the coffins filled by that brief Terror which we have all been so diligently taught to shiver at and mourn over; but all France could hardly contain the coffins filled by that older and real Terror -- that unspeakably bitter and awful Terror which none of us has been taught to see in its vastness or pity as it deserves.
Dear GI Special,
Don't be so tough on Bob Herbert. Bob Herbert's essay in the NY Times : " The Vast Majority Of "The Parents Who Support The War Do Not Want Their Children To Fight It " was in answer to Thomas Friedman's, also in the NY Times : " Let's Talk About Iraq " in which Mr Friedman wrote : " Well, we need to talk about Iraq. This is no time to give up - this is still winnable - but it is time to ask: What is our strategy?.. before we give up on Iraq, why not actually try to do it right? Double the American boots on the ground and redouble the diplomatic effort to bring in those Sunnis who want to be part of the process and fight to the death those who don't... "
Mr. Friedman, who has been a supporter of this war since before the get-go, has two college-aged daughters.
Somehow I know that they'll avoid the draft he is advocating here, will avoid sacrificing their lives in pursuit of Mr Friedman's Greater American/Israeli Prosperity Sphere. They have other priorities, I'm sure. So your children and mine will have the honor of "fighting to the death" in their place.
I guess he figured everyone likely to read his article was as likely as his family is to avoid the consequences of his "brave" resolve.
Only later, as darkness falls and details of the day's horrors ricochet through their camp, do that question and others begin to haunt Hayes and his tightknit Iowa platoon.
With a fifth of its soldiers killed or wounded, the platoon is reeling from the trauma of repeated loss, facing a constant threat from bombs and gunfire on Ramadi's streets, or mortar strikes on their base.
They are angry, anxious, wracked by guilt -- one soldier suffers from combat stress so acute that he is unable to go on missions, and stays behind camp walls.
Dermer asks bitterly why the crew had sat exposed so long, making them an easy target.
Hayes turns inward, tormented over why the sniper had set his cross hairs on Miller instead of him.
Others wonder what Miller -- who sought escape by playing video games underneath a blanket -- was doing here in the first place.
Ramadi is a grim destination for U.S. troops. No battalion stationed inside the city has so far escaped a tour without serious casualties. More than 120 troops have been killed and hundreds more wounded since the summer of 2003 -- proportionally more than in Baghdad.
And not all the deaths are from combat: One homesick 19-year-old recently shot himself in the head.
Miller's platoon of the 224th Combat Engineer Battalion headed to Ramadi in late February with 31 soldiers. Six weeks later it was down to 25.
Soldiers and Marines give roads here unofficial names like RPG (rocket-propelled grenade), Easy Street and Death Row -- routes so littered by bombs they're too dangerous to drive down. Although small-arms skirmishes with bands of insurgents have decreased sharply in recent months, the threat of snipers keeps troops crouching low on rooftops, ducking into doorways and sprinting across streets.
"It's kind of the heart of darkness," says Lt. Joseph Hallett of the 2nd Infantry Division, as he loads his Humvee for the April 12 mission with Miller's unit. Their task: to clear a neighborhood along Easy Street of road bombs, known as improvised explosive devices, or IEDs.
At dawn, Miller and his platoon awaken from a rough slumber cramped inside Humvees or stretched out on the packed dirt of an austere Army base in eastern Ramadi known as Combat Outpost. The base has no running water, only a few wooden latrines, and is regularly pounded by mortars.
As Miller's vehicle commander, Hayes, 31, of Des Moines, is tough on his men in an effort to keep them alive, but he does what he can to lift morale. He notices a row of rose bushes in the otherwise barren compound. He picks a red and a pink rose, puts them in a plastic water bottle, and ropes it to the top of his M-113. Then he pulls on his body armor.
The convoy rolls into the city, zigzagging down alleys to avoid major roads. Almost immediately, soldiers start spotting telltale signs of explosives. "Corner of RPG and Easy, possible IED," calls out Staff Sgt. Kris Rainwater of Nowata, Okla. Rainwater and his infantry squad dismount. Banging on doors and climbing over courtyard walls, they begin searching houses bordering Easy Street, looking for IED-makers and triggermen.
Invisible to the Americans, the insurgents are ready.
"We have sniper fire down by the water tower," Rainwater says. "They're starting to come out and play." Meanwhile, Hayes, Dermer and Miller advance south of Easy Street in their M-113 with the engineers' bomb-clearing crew, outpacing the infantry's protection. They find the road ahead oddly deserted. Fruit stalls are open, and skinned sheep and fowl hang from shop fronts -- a car idles without a driver, Dermer later recalls -- but not a single Iraqi is in sight.
The engineers soon discover why: Two 155mm rounds lie ready to explode, buried in a crater on the edge of the street. Using "the Buffalo," a lumbering anti-mine vehicle with a long metal claw, the soldiers try to remove the bomb. But before they can, a white dump truck comes storming down the street. A Bradley gunner fires warning shots, then opens up on the truck, stopping it and killing an Iraqi inside. All the while, Miller is standing guard, giving the sniper time to aim, squeeze the trigger and get away.
Holschlag runs to Miller. When the platoon medic sees that insurgents have taken out another of her "boys," she swears, grabs her medic's bag and walks back to her Humvee, slamming the side of it with her fist. Then she pulls out the gray body bag she has learned to carry at all times, and waits for a vehicle to evacuate Miller's body.
Hayes and Dermer ride back to camp in their M-113, the roses still tied to the back. They've barely cleaned the blood off the vehicle when frustration begins to erupt that afternoon over what seemed to some a flawed, futile mission.
Their faces dusty and streaked with sweat, the soldiers huddle to talk through the incident, raising more questions than answers. Why had the engineers been operating in daylight, when insurgents could easily "template" their position? Why had the infantry left them vulnerable? Why hadn't they caught the sniper who killed Miller?
"What sucks the most," says Miller's platoon leader, Lt. Tom Lafave, of Escanaba, Mich., "is we sweep an area and five hours later an IED goes off in the same spot."
Miller's squad leader, Staff Sgt. Steve "Shaggy" Hagedorn, is more blunt. "We spent three days clearing a route and I guarantee it's worse now than when we started," he says. "So everyone's asking, 'What are we doing it for?' Everyone's asking, 'Am I next?' "
Dusk envelops the camp, and soldiers brace for mortars. Miller's best friend, Spec. Greg Feagans, and his bunkmate, Spec. Shawn Conrad, withdraw into their barracks and begin packing up the remnants of his life.
Into a black plastic trunk they lay his uniform and sewing kit, his "Book of Dragons" and lucky red pack of Magic game cards. They carefully arrange his Xbox, Wal-Mart ID badge, and the volleyball he bought for others even though he didn't play.
"He can't be replaced," says Conrad, recalling how Miller would keep him awake with stories about fantasy space stations and underwater military bases. "We'll miss him."
"J-Dub," as platoon mates called Miller, was an unlikely hero. His mother died when he was a teen, and his father was in and out of jail, they said.
After high school he found a job stocking shelves at Wal-Mart on the graveyard shift, which he liked because it let him devote his days to his real passion -- video games.
Miller had a one-bedroom apartment on Prairie Street in West Burlington and a mean pet ferret. Other than that, they said, the lanky young man didn't have much going on in his life. So one day in March 2002, more for friendship than anything else, Miller signed up for the Iowa National Guard.
"At first he seemed sort of annoying, but then he became the best friend I ever had," says Feagans, 22, of Burlington. "We did everything together. It was just me and John Wayne."
In Iraq, Miller pulled pranks, like stealing Holschlag's cans of Pepsi. His platoon mates loved him for his generosity -- the pizzas he bought when they were home, how he was always ready to help. On chilly nights, when Conrad and other soldiers stood guard at a detention center nicknamed the dog pound, Miller would talk with them to help pass the time.
But he almost never got mail. And every night, he climbed into a narrow space created by a blanket draped over his top bunk, and watched movies like "Dragonball Z" and "Resident Evil" or played video games alone. "He loved the dark," says Feagans. "It was his way of getting away from the war."
A cat-whisker moon rises over the base, quiet but for the hum of generators. In the gravel outside their barracks, soldiers from Miller's platoon pull up chairs around a "campfire" of three green light sticks. Shirtless in the heat, they talk and swig nonalcoholic beer.
Miller has made his final escape from the war, his body refrigerated and readied for the flight out. But his death will replay in the minds of his platoon mates for a very long time.
The shock is compounded by the loss just weeks earlier of the platoon's commander, 2nd Lt. Richard B. Gienau, 29, of Peoria, Ill., and Sgt. Seth K. Garceau, 27, of Oelwein, Iowa, when their Humvee was hit by a large road bomb. For some, it was already too much to bear.
Spec. Justin Edgington lights a cigarette and inhales, his face illuminated by the pale green glow.
"It's been pretty hard," says Edgington, 23, of West Burlington, who was close to all three of those killed. "I don't think John's death has really set in yet."
Edgington, so traumatized by the losses that he has been unable to go on missions,is one of hundreds of soldiers in Iraq being treated for combat stress each month, even as they confront new dangers every day in the war zone.
Only about 2 percent of troops with combat stress are evacuated, Army psychiatrists in Baghdad say, based on a belief they have a better chance of recovery if they stay with their units. [That is a flat out fucking lie. They have a better chance of recovery back in Iowa. Duh. But the command cant have soldiers leaving combat alive or with all their body parts. There wouldnt be anybody left to put up with this futile, meaningless, dishonorable bullshit mission for the Empire and the politicians in DC.]
Edgington is the sole survivor to stay in Iraq from the IED attack Feb. 27 that killed Gienau and Garceau and wounded two other soldiers. He says he still dreams about the attack nightly, disturbed above all by his last glimpse of his commander. After the bomb exploded and the dust cleared, he found Gienau lying in his lap. "I remember looking for blood, and all it looked like was a little scrape on his scalp. He really looked like he had put his head in my lap and gone to sleep," he recalls.
After treatment in Baghdad for a concussion and combat stress, Edgington went back to Iowa for two weeks in March. There he saw a man halfway across the Wal-Mart who, from behind, looked exactly like Gienau. "I followed him around for a while trying to get a look at his face, and when I saw it -- it was totally different," he said. "It was really hard, almost like reliving the whole thing from the start."
Edgington, who in civilian life deals cards at Burlington's Catfish Bend Casino, can't stop thinking about his own close scrape with death. He's troubled about being apart from his wife, baby daughter Emylea and 5-year-old stepson Jaydon. "I won't see my family for so long," he says, taking a drag on his cigarette, "or I might not see them ever."
Then came the morning's news of another death, hitting Edgington hard. "Which buddy did I lose this time?" Edgington recalls thinking as he escorted Iraqi workers on the base. When he learned it was Miller, he says, "I was, like, numb all over."
Now he stays on the base, taking cover under his bunk when mortar rounds fly in. But he struggles to overcome his fear and return to combat to help the platoon. "Part of me wants to just stay here and never go out again. Another part wants to help my buddies, even though I'm scared to death to go out."
Back in the barracks, Hayes silently cleans his weapon, readying his gear for the next mission. Hoarse vocals from the Staind song "It's Been Awhile" play in the background, and Hayes's body language tells platoon medic Holschlag just how badly he's hurting.
Combat stress takes many forms, and Hayes wrestles not with fear but with guilt over narrowly surviving twice -- when Miller was shot next to him, and when Gienau died riding in his place.
"Lieutenant Gienau jumped in . . . my seat" in the Humvee the day he was killed. "Why did he do that?" Hayes asks quietly. "This time, we were standing shoulder to shoulder," he says of Miller. "What's to say (the sniper) didn't have his cross hairs on each one of us?"
Holschlag worries about Hayes blaming himself for what she sees as the fickle nature of war. With the unit facing several more months in Iraq, she knows all they can do is trudge on.
A construction worker from New Hampton, Iowa, Holschlag tries to sway fate with good-luck charms. On every mission, she fills her pockets with talismans: her bullet, her lucky dollar, photos of Gienau, Garceau and Miller, prayer beads and her Uncle Sam bear. "He brought me to Iraq -- he'll take me out," said the M-16 sharpshooter and mother of two.
To Holschlag and many in the unit, Miller was their "boy," their "kid," and in his sudden death, the good-hearted but awkward young man was mourned as a family member. "You live on top of each other. You get used to working together . . . then you go out one day and -- boom -- he's gone," she says.
It has become clearer than ever that Americans do not want to fight George W. Bush's tragically misguided war in Iraq.
You can still find plenty of folks arguing that we have to stay the course, or even raise the stakes by sending more troops to the war zone.
But from the very start of this war the loudest of the flag-waving hawks were those who were safely beyond military age themselves and were unwilling to send their own children off to fight.
It's easy to be macho when you have nothing at risk. The hawks want the war to be fought with other people's children, while their own children go safely off to college, or to the mall. The number of influential American officials who have children in uniform in Iraq is minuscule.
Times Square in Midtown Manhattan is the most heavily traveled intersection in the country. It was mobbed on V-E Day in May 1945 and was the scene of Alfred Eisenstaedt's legendary photo of a sailor passionately kissing a nurse on V-J Day the following August. There is currently an armed forces recruiting station in Times Square, but it's a pretty lonely outpost. An officer on duty one afternoon last week said no one had come in all day.
What hasn't changed is the fact that the vast majority of the parents who support the war do not want their children to fight it.
A woman in the affluent New York suburb of Ridgewood, N.J., who has a daughter in high school and a younger son, said: "I would not want my children to go. If there wasn't a war it would be different. I support the war and I think we need to be there. But it's not going well. It's becoming like Vietnam. It's a very bad situation. But we can't leave." [Theres that we bullshit again. We are not in Iraq, you condescending piece of shit. Other peoples kids are in Iraq. You dont get any closer than your smug words coming out of your smug mouth. You certainly dont have to worry about we cant leave. You wouldnt go there for anything: they dont have credit cards and neat shopping; you know, the things that are really important for affluent people.]
The Bush crowd may be bellicose, but for most Americans the biggest contribution to the war effort is a bumper sticker that says "support our troops," and maybe a belligerent call to a talk radio station.
The home-front "warriors" who find it so easy to give the thumbs up to war endanger the truly valorous men and women who are actually willing to put on a uniform, pick up a weapon and place their lives on the line.
The president and these home-front warriors got us into this war and now they don't know how to get us out.
Nor do they have a satisfactory answer to the important ethical question: how do you justify sending other people's children off to fight while keeping a cloak of protection around your own kids? [Wrong. You just dont get it. They dont have to justify anything. They own and run the whole country for themselves, and if you dont like it, they really dont give a fuck. You can whine or go shit in your hat. As long as you dont threaten their wealth and power, why should they take you any more seriously than an annoying house fly?]
If you want to understand why it's so difficult to build a new Iraqi army that is willing to fight and die for a new Iraq, a little imagination is a very helpful thing.
More specifically, it helps if you can imagine what is unimaginable. Imagine that some foreign power - say, China - has invaded and occupied the United States, imposed a form of government similar to that of China and is now recruiting Americans to serve in a new American army, to be trained by and to fight alongside the Chinese military that is now occupying our country.
That, in a rough sense, is what we're trying to accomplish in Iraq.
Given that situation, what sort of Americans do you think would volunteer to serve in this Chinese-sponsored army? Hardly the cream of the crop.
And would those volunteers have the respect and support of their fellow Americans? No. They would probably have to hide their faces from the rest of us when they went on patrol alongside Chinese troops in American neighborhoods, just as Iraqi troops do now.
Furthermore, would such men take pride in their service, or would it be a source of inner shame? Would such troops be willing to fight and die for each other, and for their Chinese sponsors, or would they melt away when things got hard?
Who would fight harder under those circumstances - those drawn to serve in this new army by the promise of a paycheck, or those Americans who were fighting to drive the Chinese invaders out of our country?
Today, we can preach to the Iraqis all we want about individual rights and the rule of law and democratic self-government. We can tell them that they now have sovereignty, that we're remaining in Iraq just to help them.
But all that fine talk goes for naught when uniformed Americans stop and search Iraqis at gunpoint, humiliating them before their wives and daughters. The relationship then is not about equality, it's about power: We have it, they don't, not even in their own country, not even in their own homes.
In the immediate wake of our invasion, experts talked of having a window of opportunity, a brief period of time in which U.S. officials had to get control of the security situation, surrender day-to-day control of Iraq and withdraw the bulk of our troops. If we stayed beyond that window, they warned, Iraqi resentment would grow so great that our presence would become more of an obstacle than a benefit.
Most such estimates put that window at roughly three months. When those initial three months passed and it became clear that withdrawal was not yet an option, a team of five experts assembled by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld traveled to Iraq to assess the situation.
While the panel reported "rising anti-Americanism in parts of the country," it also held out hope that the window might be held open slightly longer. To do so, however, "the entire effort ([must) be immediately turbo-charged."
"The next three months are crucial to turning around the security situation, which is volatile in key parts of the country," the panel reported to Rumsfeld.
That was almost two years ago.
For the first time since Vietnam, the term "fragging" is in the news with military officials currently investigating whether revenge was a factor in the murder of two National Guard officers in Iraq
Sgt. Alberto Martinez of the New York National Guard is accused of killing his two superior officers after reportedly being disciplined by one of them and is believed to be the first soldier in Iraq to face such charges.
MSNBC military analyst and retired Army Col. Jack Jacobs joined MSNBC's Amy Robach on Friday to discuss the charges and whether there is a danger of fragging becoming a growing trend.
Amy Robach: There have been differing reports on how Martinez allegedly killed these two officers. First reports were that it was a grenade, now it might have been mines. What are your sources telling you?
Jack Jacobs: Well, people I talked to said it was a claymore mine that actually killed these two officers and it was set up on the windowsill of their quarters which is one of the palaces among the 58 or so palaces in this enormous compound in Tikrit which the 42nd Division is using for its headquarters.
It was command detonated. The claymore mine ... is used principally in defensive positions. It's got a pound or so of plastic explosives and embedded in that, a .33 caliber piece of buck shot and this was command detonated and killed both of those officers, commanders of Headquarters Companies; Esposito and the executive officer who was only in the country for four days.
Robach: Initially, investigators believed that the two men died from indirect fire but they were able to determine 'no they didn't believe that happened.' What was it about the evidence that made them change their minds. Was it an easy thing to spot?
Jacobs: Yes, it was relatively easy. Apparently, what I understand the perpetrator tried to cover it up by making it look like a mortar attack by throwing a few hand grenades after he had detonated this claymore mine. But when other people came to the quarters where the claymore had been detonated and officers killed, they could tell immediately by the blast pattern, by the type of shrapnel that was embedded all over the place. They could tell that it was a claymore mine and that it was command detonated.
I found out later on that the handheld generator, which is used to detonate the claymore, had been thrown in a nearby lake. The lake was drained and the detonator found
Robach: What do we know about Sgt. Martinez and the type of impact this will most likely have on his unit?
Jacobs: I don't know much about him. He was a staff sergeant in Headquarters Company and he was a supply specialist which would indicate that he is the supply sergeant so he worked directly with the commander and the deputy commander, executive officers, both of whom were killed.
This seems to be an isolated incident that was the result of some sort of discipline problem. But evidently, that occurred because it seemed that the company commander gave non-judicial punishment or reprimanded Sgt. Martinez.
Ah, say some, we wish we could withdraw but if we left, those who have sided with us in Vietnam would all be slaughtered.
The massacre is now. The slaughter is now. To continue to burn women and children with napalm, to poison rice fields, to devastate a whole nation to save those who have sided with the destroyers is an excuse that can appeal only to the insane.
From Vietnam, Vietnam, by Felix Greene, Fulton Publishing Co., Palo Alto, Calif. 1966
The war in Vietnam has been a moral disaster for the United States.
Many Americans, it appears, have been persuaded that there would be something shameful in withdrawing from Vietnam so as to allow the people there to settle their own affairs.
Even those who have come to see that entering the war was a huge and tragic blunder often add that of course, we cant pull out now.
But many others disagree.
I, for one (wrote Henry W. Edgerton, Senior Circuit Judge of the United States Court of Appeals, in a letter to the New York Times), see no remaining reason why our fighting men should not be brought home as fast as our ships and planes can carry them. If the President were to bring them home, instead of sending still more of then to kill and be killed in Vietnam and devastate the country, he . . . would gain the esteem of almost all humanity, including most of the people of South Vietnam
Prestige?
What prestige, we must ask, will America retain if the war goes on?
Ah, say some, we wish we could withdraw but if we left, those who have sided with us in Vietnam would all be slaughtered.
We have heard this many times before. It was, for years, the standard pretext given by Great Britain for not giving her colonies their independence; but when she withdrew the slaughters didnt happen.
I think, said Andr Denis to the French Parliament in 195O, that withdrawal. . . would be more criminal than the war itself. . . the Vietnamese soldiers. . would be exposed to a massacre. . . These people have placed confidence in us.
But when, after Dien Bien Phu, the French had no choice but to withdraw, there was no massacre.
No. We can no longer accept such a pretext. The massacre is now. The slaughter is now. To continue to burn women and children with napalm, to poison rice fields, to devastate a whole nation to save those who have sided with the destroyers is an excuse that can appeal only to the insane.
The United States cannot win this war.
This, by now, should be clear.
The harsh fact (said Major General Edward T. Lansdale), and one that given pause to every thoughtful American, is that, despite the use of overwhelming amounts of men, money and materiel, despite the quantity of well-meant American advice the Communist subversive insurgents have grown steadily stronger in numbers and size of units. The Communists have let loose a revolutionary idea in Vietnam and it will not die by being ignored, bombed or smothered by us. Ideas do not die in such ways.
That was written in October 1964; it hasnt changed much since.
The U.S. cannot win this war because it is for the first time directly confronting a war of liberation, a type of war whose politics and military technique the United States present culture simply cannot comprehendthough the United States itself began its national history with a war of liberation.
Not understanding the nature of this war, hopes for victory have been pinned first on this, then on that; but each new strategy, each new hope, has prove illusory.
It was, at first, the Vietnamese with help from U.S. advisers that were going to accomplish it; then the helicopters; then the strategic hamlet plan; then the amphibious vehicles for flooded rice paddies; then the Special Forces; then defoliation; then napalm; then the bombing of north Vietnam; then the B52s from Guam.
And all the time the commitment grows, the huge vested interests that gain by the continuation of the war grow, the number of U.S. troops growsand victory remains still somewhere beyond the horizon.
The United States can burn and devastate; it can annihilate the Vietnamese but it cannot conquer them.
The war itself has no legitimacy. The Vietnamese know it, the world knows it, and an increasing number of American citizens know it
The United States cannot win this war because (in the only sense that matters) it has already lost it.
The day may yet come when the people of the United States will call their leaders to account for having so grossly misled them
Sooner or later the real meaning of the Vietnam war will be understood.
Vietnamese will remember it as an epic of almost unbelievable human fortitude. In the United States it will be recalled as a huge tragedy the darkest hour of the nations history.
At the hearing, four military and civilian officials overseeing the processing of prisoners at Guantnamo could not, or would not, provide the most basic information - such as how many detainees there are and what countries they came from.
Lt. Cmdr. Charles Swift, a military lawyer, later courageously testified that he was assigned to represent one of the prisoners at Guantnamo, for the sole purpose of extracting a guilty plea.
He provided a written order that contradicted the denials of the man who made the assignment, Brig. Gen. Thomas Hemingway, who oversees the military tribunals Mr. Bush created after 9/11 to screen selected prisoners away from public and judicial scrutiny.
Faced with a need to expand the Army and ease recruitment problems, Army officials have decided to loosen the requirements for junior officer candidates - accepting prospects who exceed the current age limit by more than a decade, and permitting more flexibility to waive their minor criminal or civil offenses, according to a memo obtained by The Sun.
The May 25 memo, sent to division commanders and other generals, said the Army hopes to attract 300 soldiers up to age 42 to attend Officer Candidate School and become second lieutenants. Using the same age criteria, they also hope to attract an additional 300 civilians with college degrees as officer candidates. The Army National Guard and Army Reserve are working on similar programs, according to the memo.
The new criteria establish a clear departure from current requirements, which state that applicants should not reach their "29th birthday prior to training" and should be in "good moral standing." The average age for an OCS graduate is 27, Army officials said.
According to the memo, soldiers ages 18 to 42 may apply and division commanders may recommend waiving minor civil or military offenses.
Some Army officers at the Pentagon who were shown the memo were incredulous that the Army would resort to attracting a 42-year-old to become a second lieutenant, the most junior officer, given the physical requirements to lead troops in the field.
Retired Army Maj. Gen. Robert H. Scales, Jr., a Vietnam War combat veteran and former commandant of the Army War College, said in an interview that he found it "disturbing" that the Army would waive offenses.
Scales also could not recall a time when the Army tried to attract officer candidates so old, other than during the Civil War. "It is unusual to stretch the upper level that far," he said, referring to the age limit.
The retired general also said the "seemingly endless" U.S.-led military mission in Iraq, with repeated deployments for soldiers may be starting to have an effect on officers. "Now that we're in the third year, we're starting to see some fissures in our long-term professional officer corps," he said.
Despite continued Pentagon opposition, a bipartisan group of senators is pressing on with a proposal to have the federal government make up any salary losses for federal employees in the National Guard or reserve who earn less when mobilized than they do in civilian life.
Most reservists lose money when called to active duty, with an average loss of $368 a month, Sen. George Allen, R-Va., said. This is $368 that goes into putting food on the table, paying the mortgage, the utility bills and making the car payment, he said.
Sen. Mary Landrieu, D-La, said reservists who volunteer to fight and possibly die for their country shouldnt have to sacrifice financial stability.
As to complaints about costs, she said that is just a matter of priorities. We have voted time and time again to hand out relief to corporations for far less important reasons, she said.
Before the war in Iraq began--the covert black operation known as Operation Iraq Freedom--then-Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill predicted a cost of approximately $200 billion for the operation. The media storm that greeted his forecast cost O'Neill his job.
Unfortunately, the meter's still running, while the war machine idles at the curb, like an overheated Abrams tank. Now the estimate is $300 billion and rising.
We will lose the war in Iraq. Let us count the ways.
Time Is Not On Our Side
By now, had the mass of Iraqis bought into the idea we were "freeing" them, the guerilla war would have ended.
Iraqis, Sunnis and Shiites, do not want us there, just as Colonial Americans did not want the British troops here, occupying our towns and villages. Historian David McCullough's book 1776 makes that abundantly clear. Still, American opposition to the British measured less than half the population, with Loyalists and Tories rallying opposition to the nascent Revolution.
"There were too few soldiers and too few guns," wrote reviewer Jon Meachen, of the so-called American patriots. Anyone seeking an overview of the Iraqi resistance might be excused for thinking the same: How can too few Iraqis with too few guns defeat the most powerful army in the world?
Because They Won't They Fight Fair
Fourth Generation War wasn't invented by the Iraqis, nor the Vietcong, nor even the American insurgents fighting the British.
To the British redcoat, an American "patriot" was nothing but a terrorist and a cowardly traitor, fighting behind trees and using sneak attacks, burning the homes and destroying the property of Loyalists.
Not surprisingly, most of us are aghast at bloodthirsty Iraqis who massacre fellow Iraqis who've collaborated with the American "Coalition." Yet these Iraqis wage war as the Vietcong waged it, as WE would wage it if we were the occupied country and turncoat Americans collaborated with the occupying army. We wouldn't fight fair; many Americans--conservative, liberal or anarchist--would fight just as fiercely.
According to William Lind, "We have pointed out over and over that the 4th Generation is not novel but a return, specifically a return to the way war worked before the rise of the state." In this type of warfare, time is on the side of the guerilla fighter, while the occupying force expends his wealth, squanders his soldiers, and spreads increasing resentment and thus resistance.
The Hubris of History Ignored
Collectively, the current crop of US leaders--Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz--may be the most amoral, historically ignorant of any in recent times. I cannot imagine any of that claque reading McCullough's book 1776 or understanding what it might mean today. History befuddles those full of bluster and hubris, and Bush may be one of the most befuddled emperors ever.
Certainly, at the height of their empire, the English could subjugate smaller, neighboring countries like Ireland and Wales, as we subjugate Haiti or Honduras.
But against distant enemies the English lost, as we shall lose. Robert Fisk wrote vividly of one doomed column, "On the heights of the Kabul Gorge, they still find ancient belt buckles and corroded sword hilts. You can no longer read the insignia of the British regiments of the old East India Company but their bones, those of all 16,000 of them, still lie somewhere amid the dark earth and scree of the most forbidding mountains in Afghanistan ."
The English lost in Gallipoli; they lost against the American colonists. They learned that foreign wars fought far away, against an impassioned enemy, cost a lot of money. An enormous amount of money, men and material.
No wonder Treasury Secretary O'Neill calculated $200 billion before the war, a conservative estimate nowadays. America will bankrupt itself (morally it already has), in a vain effort to force a fraudulent freedom on Iraq and the Middle East. The Neocons' fixation with this extremely costly imperial adventure--which costs nothing to them personally--could well become the first trillion dollar war in history.
According to The Art of War, by Sun Tzu, knowledge is power. "If you know the enemy and know yourself, you need not fear the result of a hundred battles. If you know yourself but not your enemy, for every victory gained you will also suffer a defeat. If you know neither the enemy nor yourself, you will succumb in every battle."
In Vietnam, the people practiced ancestor worship, worshiped a blend of Confucism and Buddhism, and believed in a spiritual kinship to the land. We did not know the Vietnamese; a gentle people but fierce fighters. If we had, we might never have fought them. They fought for their land; they fought for their ancestors; they fought because they had no choice. We lost.
Draw Your Own Conclusion
We will lose the war in Iraq, whether in five years time or 50. The longer the postponement, the more costly the delay.
We do not know the enemy; we do not know our own history; we do not know ourselves.
That collective ignorance may lead to knowledge one day, a knowledge too painful to accept at the present, but we're fated to learn some fragments of it one day in the future, more than a few painful lessons.
Lastly Sun Tzu wrote: "If an enemy has alliances, the problem is grave and the enemy's position strong; if he has no alliances, the problem is minor and the enemy's position weak." I think perhaps a billion people are aligned against us.
But it is a lie.
You do not have to follow illegal orders EVER, under any circumstances, and you ARE bound by International Law.
You can hear it in many of the reports from Iraq. They are - a typical word used by military officers there - "resilient". No matter what we throw at them, they come back again. All on their own they develop sophisticated new tactics. Facing terrible odds, when it comes to firepower, they are clever, dangerous, resourceful opponents. The adjectives, even when they go with labels like "terrorists", are strangely respectful.
Then there's this other race of Iraqis, as if from another planet - our Iraqis, the ones who scatter "like cockroaches". They are, as several recent articles on the desperately disappointing experience of training an Iraqi army reveal, not resilient, not resourceful, not up to snuff, not willing to fight, all too ready to flee, and, in the eyes of American military men on the scene, frustrating, cowardly, child-like, and contemptible.
Compare that, for instance, to the following comment on the enemy: "The ability of the (insurgents) to rebuild their units and to make good their losses is one of the mysteries of this guerrilla war ... Not only do (their) units have the recuperative powers of the phoenix, but they have an amazing ability to maintain morale." Oh sorry, that wasn't Iraq at all. That was actually General Maxwell Taylor, American ambassador to South Vietnam, in November 1964.
Let's face it. This is deja vu all over again. In Vietnam, their Vietnamese regularly proved so much more admirable - in the eyes of American military officers -- than ours.
America's Vietnamese often seemed like the sorts of thugs white adventurers in Hollywood films had once defeated single-handedly. They were corrupt, cowardly, greedy and rapacious in relation to their own people, and regularly amazingly unwilling to fight their own war.
The enemy, on the other hand, often seemed like "our kind of people". They were courageous, disciplined, willing to endure terrible hardships, and capable of mobilizing genuine support among other Vietnamese.
Major Charles Beckwith, the chief American adviser to the Special Forces camp at Plei Me, was not atypical in his reported comment after a siege of the camp was broken, "I'd give anything to have two hundred VC under my command. They're the finest, most dedicated soldiers I've ever seen ... I'd rather not comment on the performance of my Vietnamese forces."
From: Diane R, Veterans For Peace
To: GI Special
Sent: Friday, June 10, 2005 1:49 AM
Subject: Attorney letter to commander regarding recruiter fraud and the DTP
This came to me from a counter recruiting yahoo group.
Diane
This is a letter from an attorney who counsels people (pro bono) on getting out of the DEP (DTP in this case). It tells an interesting story that includes typical recruiter misbehavior.
Note that the threatened loss of financial aid and job training is an apparent attempt to exploit confusion over the difference between military enlistment and draft registration, a recruiter tactic that we are encountering increasingly in immigrant communities (there have also been threats concerning residency status).
This letter is also a useful example of how to communicate with a recruiting commander regarding a counselee's situation. The names of the counselee and recruiter have been changed for privacy reasons. -R
MICHAEL I. MARSH
State Bar Number: 232861
Attorney at Law
1950 Ginger Street #63
Oxnard, CA 93036
June 6, 2005
Commanding Officer
U.S. Army Recruiting Station
1201 Truman Street, Suite D1
San Fernando, CA 91340
Re: John Doe, SSN 123-45-6789
Dear Commanding Officer:
I represent John Doe who enrolled in the Army Reserve Delayed Training Program (DTP) on August 13, 2004, when he was seventeen years and three months old. Mr. Does recruiter was Sergeant A.K.
I have reviewed Mr. Does enlistment contract and advised Mr. Doe that he is eligible for separation from the DTP based on his change of life plans and based on basic principles of contract law.
Mr. Doe was a minor when he signed the DTP "contract." A contract signed by a minor is not enforceable against the minor unless the minor, upon reaching adulthood, takes some action to exercise rights or obligations under the contract.
Mr. Doe has taken no such step since turning eighteen years old on May 15, 2005. Mr. Doe has not received any pay, taken any oath, signed any paper, or attended any activity sponsored by the Army Reserve since turning eighteen years old.
In short, the Army cannot enforce the enlistment "contract" against Mr. Doe.
The fact that his parents signed the contract is insignificant and of no importance, because the parents of a minor, without seeking judicial intervention, cannot bind a child past his or her eighteenth birthday.
My client has decided that military enlistment is not in his best interest and therefore the enlistment contract is invalid.
What disturbs me is that two recruiters provided my client with false information.
Those recruiters told Mr. Doe that he could not withdraw from the DTP, and further stated that he would be denied federally subsidized school assistance and federal employment if he tried.
I am shocked that less than two weeks after the Army was forced to institute a nationwide day-long recruitment stand down in response to recruiter fraud, Army recruiters are up to their same old tricks.
I respectfully request that you investigate this matter and take appropriate action. If the Army does not resolve this matter, it might be necessary to take additional steps to bring this situation to the public's attention.
Feel free to contact me at 805-486-1068 x 224, should you have any questions. We look forward to the prompt processing of my client's separation from the DTP.
Thank you for your assistance.
Sincerely,
Michael I. Marsh
From: Mike Hastie
Sent: June 10, 2005 3:29 AM
Subject: Dear Mothers
To G.I. Special:
The following was written by a friend, who did not want to be named.
"When I finished Marine Corps basic training at eighteen, I felt like the loving heart of my mother died inside of me. But, when I got severely wounded in Vietnam, she was the first person I thought of.
One other Marine who was wounded at the same time, was actually yelling out for his mother. When we were put on the helicopter, along with three other Marines in body bags, I could still hear him crying out for his mother. A few minutes before we landed, he stopped crying, because he bled to death.
I still hear him screaming in my nightmares, and that happened in 1968.
I truly believe if mothers had been on that helicopter that day, the anti-war movement in this country would skyrocket."
Dear Mothers,
Don't let your children join the military.
I don't care what you have to do.
Once they have been exposed to war, they never come home the same--never.
As a medic in Vietnam, I saw teenage boys take their last breath. It is a moment in time you never forget. When you zip up a body bag, something inside of you dies.
When I came home from that lying war, I shut the door on my life.
The only person I eventually let in, was my mother, because she never stopped loving me.
Five years ago she died, and her loving memory is the only thing that gets me up in the morning.
Mike Hastie
U.S. Army Medic,
Vietnam 1970-71
Harry Markopolos, a Massachusetts financial analyst who since 2000 several times sought to alert the SEC to Madoff's fraud, told a House of Representatives committee that the agency should replace its lawyer-heavy enforcement staff with senior securities professionals who have years of industry experience and can understand cutting-edge financial instruments used by hedge fund traders.
He said regulators should give fraud investigators a pay incentive to unearth large fraud, and eliminate the turf wars that he said kept New York-based regulators from heeding tips he fed to the Boston office.
Markopolos discovered Madoff's alleged malfeasance in May 2000, after he became suspicious of his years-long record of success in all market conditions. Markopolos said it took him about five minutes perusing Madoff's marketing materials to suspect fraud, and another roughly four hours to develop mathematical models to prove it. He eventually delivered a detailed case to securities regulators in Boston and followed up several times over the next eight years as he continued to gather evidence. He said that important SEC officials in New York and Boston brushed his reports aside.
In testimony before members of the House financial services committee, Markopolos described "an abject failure by the regulatory agencies we entrust as our watchdog".
He estimated the size of Madoff's fraud was about $7bn (£4.4bn) in 2000 when he first alerted the SEC. Markopolos said today that figure reflected the aggregate amount on customers' financial statements, but that Madoff actually took in between $15bn and $25bn in clients' cash.
Asked to suggest remedies, Markopolos said the SEC's enforcement staff was too reliant on lawyers and people who lacked industry experience.
"They really don't comprehend the frauds of the 21st century," Markopolos said.
He said that one competent SEC regulator in Boston described relations between the Boston field office and New York field office, which had jurisdiction over Madoff's New York-based operation as "about as warm and friendly as the Yankees-Red Sox rivalry". Markopolos was told the New York office did not want tips from Boston.
"My team and I kept collecting additional information, and I kept sending it to the SEC, and they kept ignoring it," he said.He said that the SEC was afraid of bringing big cases, and that only Massachusetts state regulators and the New York attorney general's offices were willing to prosecute financial fraud.
"I gifted and wrapped and delivered the largest Ponzi scheme in history to them but somehow they could not be bothered," he said. "If a $50bn Ponzi scheme doesn't top their list of priorities, I want to know who sets their priorities."
June 9, 2005 Richard Cohen, Washington Post
The Air Force Academy allowed a culture of militant Christianity, intimidation and outright bigotry to become so entrenched that no one even realized something was wrong. Congress needs to look hard at the academy and the officers it has graduated. They can fly, but maybe they dont understand what they are flying for.
[Thanks to David Honish and PB who sent this in. PB writes: Wonder who has the more impossible mission - the recruiters, or the troops in Iraq?]
June 9, 2005 By ROBERT BURNS, AP Military Writer
The Army appears likely to fall short of its full-year recruiting goal for the first time since 1999, raising longer-term questions about a military embroiled in its first protracted wars since switching from the draft to a volunteer force 32 years ago.
Charles Moskos, a sociology professor and expert on military personnel issues at Northwestern University, has said the Army's recruiting woes are likely to persist until the children of upper-class America begin to enlist more readily. He also sees a possibility of the services relying more on non-Americans to sign up.
Moskos said in an interview Wednesday that of the 750 males in his graduating class at Princeton University in 1956, more than 400 went on to serve in the military. Of the 1,100 males and females in last year's Princeton class, eight joined.
"That's the difference," he said.
Mideast Stars and Stripes, May 25, 2005
American military officials have kicked off a new awareness campaign they hope will reduce deaths and injuries caused by the No. 1 killer of U.S. troops in Iraq: homemade bombs.
Dubbed "5-and-25," the slogan refers to perimeters that should be secured when moving in a vehicle (a 5-meter radius) or stopped (25 meters).
5.31.05 Via Vietnam Veterans Against The War
The interest on that government debt now exceeds all the personal income tax collected by that government.
That means that the government isnt keeping up with the interest on the debt, let alone able to pay down the principle.
Even before the wars started with lies, the US Government was sinking deeper into debt by one third of a trillion dollars every year. With Bushs war, the debt is increasing at another half trillion every year just at the Federal level.
And because the federal Government, struggling with payments on past debts, is sending less money back to the states, the states are sinking deeper into debt as well.
FORT BENNING, Ga. Three long rows of young soldiers stood in front of unloaded M249 squad automatic weapons for the first time.
Unable to resist touching the cold steel during orientation, the soldiers were ordered to step back an arms length.
It was Week 7 of basic training.
Does anybody know what posthumous means? Staff Sgt. Andre Allen asked the 150 infantrymen-in-training, members of F Company, 1st Battalion, 19th Infantry Regiment.
A basic training company here should be packed with as many as 250 men, but what has been a chronic recruiting shortfall this year means the mission to train about 24,500 infantrymen at Benning by the end of fiscal 2005 is looking more elusive every day.
As of May 5, the Infantry Training Brigade had been forced to cancel 14 training cycles, or companies, representing about 3,200 soldiers programmed to go through 14-week, one-station unit training.
But since January, the training center has been forced to cancel cycles because there were not enough soldiers to make up even a small company.
Parents dont want their kids to join the Army because theyre getting killed, said F Company Staff Sgt. Peter Garwood, who has been a drill sergeant at Benning for two years.
In April, the Army filled an average of 50 percent of its recruit training classes, versus 92 percent for the same month last year.
At F Company, the 150 soldiers in training is an even lower number than the bare minimum of 185 the ITB likes to have to fill a training cycle.
But the standard of training is as rigorous as usual, and the enthusiasm and sense of duty among the soldiers, even with the prospect of heading to Iraq as few as 27 days from graduation, hasnt wavered.
They need help. Thats why I joined. I want to get over (to Iraq) as soon as possible, said Pvt. Robert Blevins, 21, of Niagara Falls, N.Y., who left what he called a dead-end job at a steel plant after earning his general equivalency diploma. His 18-year-old brother is coming in, too, and will be in training at Benning in two months.
My friends wanted to join before, but now they dont want to join because theres a war going on, Blevins said. Personally, I think theyre cowards.
Equally committed but admittedly a little bit nervous, Pvt. Daniel Hough chased cows, broke horses and fixed fences on a ranch near Kamiah, Idaho, and later operated a forklift at a sawmill before joining the Army.
I have a lot of friends who have been in Iraq. Theyve said the casualties are not as bad as they say, as bad as the media makes it out to be, Hough said. Still, he said his friends think hes stupid for joining the Army. And, at 26, hes not a typical recruit.
In this company, one-third of the soldiers have GED certificates, and almost all have had some work experience before coming to Benning.
Thats according to company commander Capt. Justin Bosanko, who said this cycle is the smallest hes seen in the six months hes been on the job.
Bosanko said hes worried that if the number of recruits doesnt pick up, he will start to lose training resources. But he does like the higher drill-sergeant-to-trainee ratio.
Many American military officials have pointed to less-effective roadside and car bombs as proof that a series of captures of top insurgent leaders had weakened the insurgency.
But 39 of the 54 soldiers and Marines killed so far this month died as the result of those devices.
They also do a disservice who deny that much has been achieved; that the military program, the economic program, the social program, the informational program, and the technical programs have all accomplished much, have indeed built the springboards of victory. AMBASSADOR TO VIETNAM HENRY CABOT LODGE
From: Mike Hastie, Vietnam Veteran
To: GI Special
Sent: May 26, 2005
I read a very good article in the June issue of The Progressive. It is by Robert Fisk. He is a war correspondent for The Independent of London. He has lived in Beirut for almost thirty years. He is not a drive-by journalist, like most of the journalists in Iraq.
He blatantly states: "Most of Iraq is in a state of anarchy."
I believe this war is on its way out. The U.S. will not pull out right away, because that would not look good on a resume.
There is no way the U.S. can control the destiny of 25 million people.
So, it's "Peace With Honor" again.
Only this time, it's far worse than Vietnam.
When we pulled out of Southeast Asia, 50 million people hated us. This time, a billion people around the world hate us.
I see nothing but very dark days ahead for America. It is only a matter of time before U.S. corporate interests around the world get targeted like never before. The U.S. military will not be able to stop it, I don't care what kind of weapons we think we have.
The days of wine and roses are coming to an end in this country.
When I was in Vietnam, I saw the hatred in the faces of the Vietnamese people. That same hatred is happening in the Muslim World.
When 911 hit this country, I was not surprised, because 911's occurred in Vietnam everyday.
If the American people knew what their government did in Southeast Asia, they would have panic attacks.
Mike Hastie
Vietnam Veteran
When you bury your history, resurrecting the truth sounds like a lie.
Two weeks ago, a small, single-engine plane inadvertently strayed into the closed air space above Washington. The result was panic.
Both the White House and the Capitol were evacuated, with police shouting "Run! Run!" at fleeing staffers and visitors. Senators and Congressmen abandoned in haste the floors of their respective Houses. Various RIPs (Really Important People) were escorted to their Fuehrerbunkers. F-16s came close to shooting the Cessna down.
The whole episode would have been funny if it weren't so sad. As an historian, I could think of nothing other than the behavior of an earlier profile in courage, the Persian king Darius, at the battle of Issus. As the Roman historian Arrian described it,
The moment the Persian left went to pieces under Alexander's attack and Darius, in his war chariot, saw that it was cut off, he incontinently fled - indeed, he led the race for safety . . . dropping his shield and stripping off his mantle - even leaving his bow in the war-chariot - he leapt upon a horse and rode for his life.
Not surprisingly, Darius's army was less than keen to fight to the death for its illustrious leader. As one British officer said, commenting on U.S. Marines' love of running for exercise, "We prefer our officers not to run. It can discourage the troops."
I suspect that more than a few of our soldiers and Marines in Iraq and Afghanistan, enjoying as they do a daily diet of IEDs, ambushes and mortarings, were less than amused at watching Washington flee from a flea.
More importantly, what message does such easy panic send to the rest of the world?
Osama bin Laden has whole armies trying to kill him, but as best I know he has shown no signs of fear. Here again we see the power of the moral level of war.
5.27.05 Associated Press
BAGHDAD You'll see it unfold over the next week -- an offensive called Operation Lightning -- the largest Iraqi-led security operation since the U-S invasion began.
Lieutenant General David Petraeus, who leads the Multi National security transition command in Iraq, tells A-P Radio that 40-thousand Iraqis from an array of police, security and military units will be involved.
General Petraeus says a major aim of this offensive is to flush out the "facilitators" and "enablers." They run what Petraeus calls "an underground railroad of sorts" that funnels foreign fighters in place to execute suicide bombing attacks. [What, hes the only one left who hasnt given up the foreign fighter bullshit? Even the Pentagon by now has admitted the resistance is local and nationalist.
[The General wants to find a foreign fighter? Try looking in the mirror. Maybe he might see himself through the eyes of an Iraqi patriot. Successful field generals are able to do that. But at the end of the day, it doesnt matter whether he does or not. The troops can. Over and over they say: If I were in their shoes, and a bunch of foreign troops came in and took over my home town, Id do the same thing.
[Game over. Time to come home.]
MORE:
Hello? Earth To Petraeus?
24 May, By Roger Hardy, BBC Middle East analyst
What is striking, more than two years after the war which toppled Saddam Hussein, is how little the Americans appear to know about their enemy.
There are thought to be dozens of insurgent groups, with differing agendas. They sometimes act autonomously, sometimes in loose co-operation.
They'll Challenge Their Patriotism, Their Manhood
May 27, 2005 By DIANE D'AMICO Education Writer, Press of Atlantic City
Egg Harbor Township guidance supervisor Terry Charleton said the school will implement a policy for the 2005-2006 school year that restricts recruiter access to one visit each marking period. They have allowed recruiters to set up a table in the cafeteria or common area, but do not let the recruiters walk around the cafeteria.
"They have to wait for a student to come up to them," Charleton said. "They can't walk around."
Ocean City used to allow recruiters to set up in the cafeteria. But after a situation in which the recruiter was mingling and talking to students, they moved the table outside the cafeteria and now require students to make the initial contact.
"We decided that went beyond the intent of what we should do," superintendent Donald Dearborn said.
Lower Cape May Regional's school board recently requested that the high school stop allowing recruiters to set up outside the cafeteria because that option is not given to colleges, principal Joseph Castellucci said. Now recruiters will have to work through the guidance office, with students making appointments to meet with them.
Millville High School has no restrictions on how often recruiters can come in. The guidance office coordinates requests and requires students to make appointments to meet with the recruiters.
"There's no limit to how often they can come, but they can't walk through the halls or go into classrooms or solicit," guidance counselor David LaGamba said. "It's similar to what we do with colleges."
The high schools do notify parents of the option to remove their child's name from the military notification list. But how they do it varies, as does the response.
Millville and EHT include the information in their student handbook. Both schools said they get little parental response.
LCMR and Oakcrest include the information in a letter to parents at the beginning of the school year. About 100 parents a year opt out at LCMR. Oakcrest this year removed the names of 482 of about 1,650 students.
Parent Stephen Fenichel of Ocean City said even after he asked to have his son's named removed from the notification list, his son still got almost daily calls at home from recruiters.
"They won't say how they got his name," he said. "And they are very aggressive with students. They'll challenge their patriotism, their manhood."
Mahala Gordon, a retired Vineland educator believes parents don't really understand how persistent recruiters can be.
"Some 17-year-olds are really no match for the recruiters," she said.
Adults find they can be targeted as well. Castellucci said recruiters have offered school guidance counselors trips to mini-boot camps to familiarize them with the military.
"They offered to land a helicopter in the field to pick us up," he said.
The U.S. Navy has pulled out all the stops to recruit hard-to-reach candidates using classified ads in newspapers across the country offering jobs as postal workers with "excellent pay & benefits" for high school graduates who respond to a toll-free "800" telephone number.
What has a number of critics seething is that the ads do not mention the Navy at all, or that the telephone number connects inquiries to a Navy recruiting team manning a nationwide telephone bank, a DefenseWatch inquiry has learned.
A woman in Bridgeport, Conn., seeking summer employment for family members stumbled upon the ruse when she dialed an 800 number last week for someone seeking postal workers. The so-called "blind ad" led her to a Navy recruiter instead of the U.S. Postal Service.
The discovery so incensed her that she complained to her boss, Miles Gerety, an attorney who contacted DefenseWatch because he found the ad to be deceptive and unworthy of appropriate behavior by an organization such as the U.S. Navy.
"My secretary, Darrett Evans, showed me an ad in The Connecticut Post 'Help Wanted' section that read, 'Postal Workers Wanted,' Gerety explained in an email to DefenseWatch. "It gave an 800 number and said that anyone 17-34 could apply. She has a nephew looking for work so she called the number. A Navy recruiter answered it. His pitch was that this was for work on a Navy ship but would involve enlisting."
Ms. Evans, who already has a brother-in-law who just completed one tour in Iraq and doesn't want to send another family member there, grilled the recruiter as to whether he could guarantee that enlisting wouldn't mean going to Iraq. Of course, the recruiter couldn't make that guarantee.
"Darrett got the impression that this is a national recruitment program not just an ad run by Connecticut recruiters," Gerety said. "It seems like a pretty desperate tactic."
"I was looking for my nephew and my daughter," explained Evans, 43, a legal secretary in Bridgeport who works for the State of Connecticut Public Defender's Office. "I was looking at ads for jobs they might be interested in. It sounded good, I know a young man who graduated from high school not too long ago and got a job working at the post office. When I called I said I was calling for an ad in the paper. He asked me if I knew this was the U.S. Navy."
Robin Watson, a spokeswoman for the newspaper, said The Connecticut Post was unaware of the Navy classified advertisement until alerted by DefenseWatch last Thursday. When Watson, a 29-year-old editorial assistant in the newsroom, called the 800 number last Friday morning, the recruiter who answered asked her a series of qualifying questions before he identified himself as a Navy recruiter, Watson said.
A Navy Recruiting Command spokesman says the use of so-called "blind ads" has been an approved Department of Defense recruiting policy since the mid-1970s. "Blind advertising had been used in the recruitment arena for a long time," said Capt. John Singley, a 27-year Navy veteran and Recruiting Command spokesman. "The Navy has had the permission of the Department of Defense for a long time,"
Singley added that the Navy not only perceives the nebulous practice as ethical, but finds it a worthy marketing tool that can be aimed at particular targets that can't always be reached in mass advertising.
Watson said when she called the 800 number a male voice on the other end of the line asked her a series of specific questions before he identified himself as a Navy representative.
"He asked for my age, where I lived, if I had a high school diploma, if I was single, had any children, and when I said no, he told me he was a Navy recruiter," Watson said.
Watson said Navy officials have not given an explanation for why they used that form of advertisement. She said her newspaper's inquiries to the Navy had been bounced around and nobody to date has provided her with a response of any kind. When DefenseWatch tried calling the 800 number listed in the ad Friday afternoon and Monday morning, there was no response.
Evans, of Costa Rican descent, said she thought the ad was sneaky and discriminatory because it targeted poor people and minorities that search the classified ads because they are desperate for good jobs that are hard to come by for inner-city kids and disadvantaged youth. She said the lure of a good paying job right out of high school is irresistible to kids who find themselves in that predicament.
Whether it works well or not seems to be an issue outside the scope of this inquiry. The real issue is whether blind advertising in tantamount to unethical advertising, an accusation the U.S. military is facing more and more frequently as it becomes desperate for recruits to fulfill it needs during a war that is becoming unpopular.
Situation Disastrous But Not Catastrophic, Defense Sec'y Says
May 9, 2005 The Borowitz Report
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld told reporters at the Pentagon today that the conflict in Iraq had improved to the point that it could no longer be considered a quagmire and should now be thought of as a morass.
"After taking a look at what is going on there on the ground, it is my judgment that it is time to upgrade Iraq from quagmire to morass," Mr. Rumsfeld said, adding that he was "very confident" in making the new assessment.
The Defense Secretary said that the decision to invade Iraq could no longer be considered "a boneheaded mistake of unthinkable proportions" and should now be thought of as "a colossal error we will regret for years to come."
"That's a measure of how much things have improved," he said. "Anyone who takes a look at the big picture over there would come away saying that the situation is disastrous but not catastrophic."
In order to fight the perception that the war in Iraq is going badly, Mr. Rumsfeld said he would ask Congress for an additional $37 billion dollars to go toward euphemisms and synonyms.
Mr. Rumsfeld appeared to bristle at the question of one reporter, Charles Dolgian of the Toledo Blade, who asked if it was still appropriate to refer to the war in Iraq as "a train wreck."
"It is most decidedly not a train wreck," Mr. Rumsfeld said. "It is a train derailment in which the train hurtles down into the embankment and bursts into flames."
From: A
To: GI Special
What i am including below is from my friend that i mentioned who is in the national guard i don't know anything about how the army works on these matters, but this shit doesn't sound kosher at all.
"By the way, as far as the Army . . . I would love to borrow from you knowledge as a union organizer.
This one is really kind of an FYI in case you're talking with any other activists out there. (maybe this weekend I will bring a tape recorder to drill. actually, i think i might).
First the recruiter offered us $100 cash for each lead who joins. As far as I understand it, at least as far as my superiors have verified, that's cash out of his pocket, not directly out of Army funds.
So that's bad enough, right? But get this . . .
This month and every month hereafter, Battalion expects one "good lead" from each soldier in our unit. I have gotten several phone calls about this. And they keep passing around lists for me to add my friends' personal information.
I never put anything down.
But this month they told us we all NEED to bring a lead. I told my squad leader i'm not doing it because i think it's wrong of them to make us do it. But i'm probably going to face a talk from the commander, at the very least. Probably, it wont get up to Battalion (BN) level because someone else will give two leads and my leaders will put one of them down as being mine.
Somewhat indirectly, they have told us that if we don't provide a lead, we will be moved up on the list to go to Iraq.
Actually, they said it pretty directly. They said something just like "If this BN doesn't present enough good leads, we will be moved up on the list to go to Iraq." I don't know if that's for real or not, but it's pretty fucked up.
Send your friends to Iraq, or you'll have to go."
(Washington Post, April 22, 2005, 2004, Pg. 15)
Confronting medical costs that have doubled in four years, military officials and congressional leaders said that the Pentagon needs to rethink the generous coverage it provides or risk making sacrifices in other areas of the Defense Department budget.
London Daily Telegraph, April 21, 2005
Almost daily, another e-mailed order from the U.S. military arrives at monument-maker Granite Industries of Vermont, all too many carrying the acronym OIFOperation Iraqi Freedom. Ten days after the order is received, a 230-pound headstone is shipped to military cemeteries such as America's premier graveyard, Arlington in Virginia.
The soldiers knew what they considered real rest and recuperation. "Beer and babes," a crew-cropped private, just arrived at the US military's new Middle East rest and recuperation resort, shouted to hoots of approval from his buddies.
They would not find much of either here. America may have instigated four-day off-duty trips for its Iraq servicemen but these breaks obey all the modern-day rules of acceptable behaviour for a soldier.
During the Vietnam war, American troops made resorts such as China Beach a byword for immorality as the booze flowed, the local vice girls laboured and the pungent smell of marijuana drifted through the breeze.
Others flew to neighbouring Thailand for even livelier debauchery.
This time things are different.
The troop planes land daily amid the concrete warehouses that constitute Camp As Sayliyah - the barren, sand-covered base in Qatar which is the American military's new entertainment centre - and pour out their daily cargo of battle-weary GIs in search of a good time.
But the biggest stimulants on offer are piles of free chocolate bars and cans of Coca-Cola piled throughout the facility. Alcohol is limited, and sex between male and female soldiers strictly banned.
Qatar was struck by a suicide bomb attack on a British amateur dramatics group last Saturday - force off-base tours to be accompanied by armed guards while civilian visitors are strictly prohibited.
"This is a military camp and military rules are going to apply," an officer said. "Not everyone may like it but those are the rules and everyone is expected to abide by them."
Since being launched in July 2003, around 60,000 servicemen have been on the breaks, available to everyone who has served four months in the Middle East.
Millions of dollars were spent building a giant gym, a swimming pool and pizza restaurants and burger bars. Comfortable sofas in pastel colours, DVD screens and a mini-cinema fill the building.
In Vietnam, rest and recuperation meant officialdom turning a blind eye to excess.
In the Iraq conflict, soldiers are being offered the modern American teenager's fantasy living room, and encouraged to sit on a sofa playing computer games while gorging themselves on an unlimited supply of snack foods.
In its centrepiece, the computer gaming room, GIs lounged on Ikea furniture and played the latest X-Box and Playstation2 games while a Filipino attendant provided sweets and crisps on demand, bringing them straight to their table so that they did not even have to rise from their console.
There are two nightclubs but drinks are limited to a total of three a night, a system monitored via a computer logging system that requires military IDs to be swiped with each purchase.
But it is not, perhaps unsurprisingly, to everyone's liking.
"This is like a correctional facility," said 25-year-old Specialist Lashunda Townes. "We sleep in bunk beds, 30 to a room. We can't get off base when we want. What are you to do?"
Pte Randy Pemberton, 22, bemoaned the lack of a good party. "They give you just enough beer that it's a tease," he said. "As for the girls - there is a severely limited hunting ground."
The problem for the facility's organisers is how to keep the troops happy while not breaching contemporary standards of morality, as defined by the Pentagon and their Arab hosts.
Now women soldiers make up 15 per cent of US troops, the previous staple of visits by female dance troupes is no longer politically acceptable. A two-week tour to installations in Iraq and Kuwait last month by a scantily-clad group, known as the Purrfect Angels, resulted in a reprimand for the officer who organised it.
Instead, horseshoe throwing competitions, the occasional comedian, volleyball games and even a chess tournament are on offer.
There is, in fact, a massage parlour but it is not the vice den the words would have implied to their comrades who fought in the paddy fields of South-East Asia.
Run by the military, a sign at the door of one stated: "All male patrons are required to wear BRIEFS during entirety of their session."
American leaders have placed ever-increasing reliance on the use of military force to protect the global production and transport of oil. This trend began in 1980, when President Jimmy Carter vowed that the flow of oil from the Persian Gulf would be assured by any means necessary, including military force.
The same basic premise was subsequently applied to the Caspian Sea basin by President Clinton, and is now being extended by President Bush to other producing areas, including Africa. All of this entails the increased involvement of US military forces in these areasand it is to facilitate such involvement that the Defense Department seeks new bases and operating locations.
Normally, Pentagon officials are reluctant to ascribe US strategic moves to concern over the safe delivery of energy supplies.
Nevertheless in their explanations of the need for new facilities, the oil factor has begun to crop up. In the Caspian Sea you have large mineral (i.e., petroleum) reserves, observed General Charles Wald, deputy commander of the US European Command (EUCOM), in June 2003. We want to be able to assure the long-term viability of those resources.
Wald has also spoken of the need for bases to help protect oil reserves in Africa (which falls under the purview of the EUCOM). The estimate is in the next ten years, we will get 25 percent of our oil from there, he declared in Air Force magazine. I can see the United States potentially having a forward operating location in So Tome, or other sites in Africa.
Of the dozen or so locations mentioned in Pentagon or media accounts of new basing locations, a majorityincluding Algeria, Azerbaijan, Cameroon, Gabon, Iraq, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Qatar, Romania, So Tome and PrIncipe, Tunisiaeither possess oil themselves or abut major pipelines and supply routes.
And, from the Pentagons perspective, the protection of oil and the war against terrorism often amount to one and the same thing.
Thus, when asked whether the United States was prepared to help defend Nigerias oilfields against ethnic violence, General Wald replied, Wherever theres evil, we want to go there and fight it.
Equally strong geopolitical considerations link the pursuit of foreign oil to American concern over the rise of China. Like the United States, China needs to import vast amounts of petroleum in order to satisfy skyrocketing demand at home. In 2010, the Energy Department predicts, China will have to import 4 million barrels of oil per day; by 2025 it will be importing 9.4 million barrels.
China will also be dependent on major producers in the Middle East and Africa, and so it has sought to curry favor with these countries using the same methods long employed by the United States: by forging military ties with friendly regimes, supplying them with weapons and stationing military advisers in them. A conspicuous Chinese presence has been established, for example, in Iran, Sudan and the Central Asian republics. To counter these incursions, the United States has expanded its own military ties with local powersand this in turn has helped spark the drive for new basing facilities in the Gulf and Caspian regions.
This is certain to involve the United States more deeply in the tangled internal politics of these regions, and to invite resistance from local forcesand there are many of themthat object to current US policies and will resent a conspicuous American military presence in their midst.
Far from leading to a reduction in terrorism, as advertised, these moves are certain to provoke more of it.
A. Read a CENTCOM Press Release --- Command Always Tells The Truth
B. Try To Drive Seven Miles
22 April 2005 By Patrick Cockburn in Arbil, Independent News & Media (UK) Ltd.
The inability of the US army to secure the seven-mile road between Baghdad and the airport, also the site of the main US military base, has become a symbol of the failure of the US in Iraq.
Heavily armoured US patrols, prone to open fire unpredictably, are regarded as being as dangerous as the insurgents.
Mike Hastie
U.S. Army Medic
Vietnam 1970-71
December 13, 2004
From: te
To: GI Special
Sent: Wednesday, April 20, 2005 6:56 PM
Subject: Re: Military Project
A small contribution to your excellent site:
CALL # 959.7043 A
AUTHOR Appy, Christian G.
TITLE Patriots : The Vietnam War remembered from all sides
PUBLISHER New York : Viking, c2003.
pp 122,123
Related by Lt. General(ret) Charles Cooper, a marine major who was assisting with a briefing in Johnson's office with the JCS in 1965:
...As I'm looking, Johnson says "Come on in, Major. You can stand right over there."...
Johnson didnt invite the chiefs to sit down. Instead he took us over to some big picture window and started lining us up. He had me standing in the middle (holding) the map. Then he said, "Well, it's really nice to have you people over here. You're so kind to come over and brief me." I was thinking to myself, he's kind of greasy. ... So then he says, "Well what have you got."
General Wheeler, the chairman said, "Well, Mr. President, we fully realize that what we're going to present to you today requires a very difficult decision on your part." The essence of what he said was, "We all have very serious misgivings about the direction of the war. We don't want to be piling up American boys like cordwood fighting endless Asian troops. We feel we can bring this war to a quick conclusion by using overwhelming naval and air power."
The basic idea was that we had to use our principal strengths to punish the North Vietnamese or we would risk becoming involved in another protracted Asian ground war with no definitive solution.
Wheeler proposed mining Hiaphong harbor, blockading the rest of the North Vietnamese coastline, and simultaneously beginning a B-52 bombing offensive on Hanoi. The assumption was that the North Vietnamese would sue for peace if we increased the level of punishment.
At one point Johnson interrupted to say, "So you're going to cut them off, keep them from being reinforced, and then you're going to bomb them into the Stone Age."
Air force chief McConnell said, "Well, that's not exactly it, but you've got to punish them." When the briefing was over Johnson turned to the Army and marine chiefs who had remained silent and asked, "Do you fully support these ideas?" Both generals said they totally agreed.
At that moment Johnson exploded. I almost dropped the map. He just started screaming these obscenities. They were just filthy. It was something like, "You goddamn fucking assholes. You're trying to get me to start World War III with your idiotic bullshit - your 'military wisdom.'" He insulted each of them individually. "You dumb shit. Do you expect me to believe this kind of crap? I've got the weight of the Free World on my shoulders and you want me to start World War III?"
He then called them shitheads and pompous assholes and used the f-word more freely than a marine in boot camp. He really degraded them and cursed at them. Then he stopped and went back to a calm voice, as if he'd finished playing his little role, and said:
"I'm going to ask you a question and I want you to give me an answer.
Imagine that you're me - that you're the president of the United States - and five incompetents came into your office and try to talk you into starting World War III. Then let's see what kind of guts you have with the whole goddamn world to worry about. What would you do?" The silence was overpowering. Finally he turned to Earl Wheeler and demanded an answer.
General Wheeler said, "Mr. President, we've obviously upset you." The understatement of the year. Then he said something close to this: "There are many things about the presidency that only one human being can understand. You, Mr. President, are that human being. With that thought in mind, I cannot take your place, think your thoughts, know all you know, and tell you what I would do if I were you. I can't do it, Mr. President. No man can honestly do it. It's got to be your decision alone."
So then Johnson went down the line and they just kind of agreed with Wheeler. Then Johnson erupted again. "The risk is just too high. How can you fucking assholes ignore what China might do? You have just contaminated my office, you filthy shitheads. Get the hell out of here right now." I know memories are normally dimmed by time, but not this one. My memory of Lyndon Johnson on that day is crystal clear.
The chiefs really thought that they could sell their plan to the president. They had really built up a head of steam going into that meeting. I think Johnson had already made up his mind long before they got there and was using his most forceful way to kill the plan.
When I got back into the car with Admiral McDonald, he said, "Never in my entire life did I ever expect to be put through something as horrible as what you just watched from the president of the United States to his five senior military advisers." He was just destroyed.
For three or four days they seriously considered a mass resignation - all of them. I think the reason they didn't was that we were at war and they did not want to be labeled as traitors who quit in the face of the enemy. Well, I've been in positions damn near this tough, and I wouldn't have done what they did.
"People Need Not Be Helpless Before The Power Of Illegitimate Authority"
WHATS WRONG WITH THE ARMY?
WHY WE OPPOSE MILITARY RECRUITMENT AT UMB
5/1/80 U. MASS/BOSTON ANTI-WAR COMMITTEE [Thanks to Michael Letwin]
During the Vietnam war, the answer seemed obvious to millions of people: the U.S. military was waging a ghastly war of aggression against the people of Vietnam. Some 2 million Vietnamese and 65,000 American soldiers were being killed. The entire country of Vietnam, along with large portions of Cambodia and Laos were permanently maimed by the scorched-earth and saturation bombing policies of the U.S. government. The myth that America fought for democracy seemed dead.
As a result, in the late 60's and early 70's, students declared that their schools would not be used to service and provide more cannon-fodder for the military machine responsible for such brutality. Students at nearly every campus in the country drove military recruiters and the ROTC out of their schools. At U. Mass/Boston, the military was officially banned from campus in 1972.
But today, when millions of Americans have forgotten Vietnam, young people have never been taught the truth about the war, and all of us are being whipped up for yet another war (against Iran or some other former possession of the U.S.) the military is back, with the blessing of the university, which lifted the recruitment ban in 1974 when things were quiet.
Today, the military comes against the background of waves of government and media-inspired nationalism and racism directed against anyone who is not a white American. They exploit the economic draft: the pressure on working class and third world students to join because they cant find decent jobs. They send recruiters in fancy uniforms and rows of shiny medals armed with videos, slick pamphlets and ads in the Mass Media (4/29/80) that promise everything most of us are missing: training, jobs and adventure.
But they are lying.
They dont tell us that in peacetime army life is demeaning, boring and harsh; that they can put you at whatever Job they want regardless of any recruitment promise; that you have few rights of free speech and no union; and that sexism and racism (though blacks make up 30% of the army, they fill 51% of the armys prison population Philadelphia Inquirer, 12/10/78) are rampant.
But the biggest lies are about wartime, especially the war in Vietnam.
They dont tell us what nearly everyone began to realize by the late 60's: that the U.S. had created and was backing a corrupt military dictatorship with no popular support, for the sole purpose of protecting the American business empire around the world from growing revolt.
They dont say anything about the routine policies of torture and murder which American soldiers were forced to carry out under programs such as Operation Phoenix, the Electronic Battlefield, Strategic Hamlets, and Body Counts.
They forget the systematic rape and murder of Vietnamese women. They say nothing about napalm, anti-personnel weapons, defoliants, and more bombs than were dropped in all of WWII. They forget to mention that the military encouraged racism so that American soldiers wouldnt think twice about killing gooks and chinks.
Nor do they have much to say about the effect of the war on American soldiers. That working class and non-white troops were the people murdered on the front lines (by 1970, blacks made up 11% of the troops in Vietnam, but 22% of the casualties -- Robert Mullen, Blacks in Americas Wars, New York, 1973, p. 77). And that those who made it home met unemployment and racism as cripples, agent-orange victims and heroin addicts.
The recruiters are also silent about Americas other recent Vietnams: (for example) Korea (1950-2), Lebanon (1958), and the Dominican Republic (1965), not to mention the training in murder and torture provided to countless military dictatorships in all corners of the far-flung American empire.
Perhaps most hidden is the role of the military at home: in suppressing ghetto rebellions (Detroit 1967, Washington, D.C. 1968), anti-war activity (Chicago 1968, Kent State 1970), and in strike-breaking (against the postal workers 1970, and threatened against the coal miners 1978).
Whats more, its not just the past. The army is gearing up now for other Vietnams, in Iran, El Salvador or the Philippines wherever U.S. business is threatened.
In other words, what the recruiters dont tell us is that the whole point of recruitment and the draft is to get us to fight and kill people very much like ourselves in other countries or cities, based on phony myths about protecting democracy, when whats really at stake is the power and profits of an IBM, G.M., Coca Cola or Exxon.
Even a U.S. Marine Corps Major General, Smedley D. Butler, hardly a radical, came to see this earlier in the century: I spent 33 years and four months in active service as a member of our countrys most agile military force -- the Marine Corps . . . And during that period I spent most of my time as a high class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street, and for the bankers. In short I was a racketeer for capitalism . . .
American soldiers in Vietnam came to realize the same thing. The result was that by the late 60's, American troops were always stoned, GIs had formed groups against the war and racism, entire units had been known to refuse combat orders, and gung-ho officers and lifers watched their backs to make sure they werent fragged (killed) by their own men.
WHAT ABOUT FREE SPEECH?
If organized crime set up a table in building 020 to recruit assassins would anyone defend their right to free speech? If pimps came to recruit prostitutes or heroin pushers recruited junkies would crowds of angry students gather in their defense? Hardly. That type of speech is directly related to activity so obviously dangerous and wrong that no one defends them.
Why then is military recruitment different?
Weve seen that the military serves as the armed wing of big business, that it actively encourages racism and sexism, and that its purpose is to suppress by murder popular movements whether in Vietnam, the non-white communities in the U.S., the unions or the universities.
As such, it is the most deadly and large scale form of organized crime in the world today. It is legal (as was slavery 100 years ago) only because those who make the laws (the corporations and their representatives) need it to survive.
But like organized crime, pimps, heroin pushers and slave traders, it has no right to organize anyone into its criminal activities. Legal or not, it must be stopped.
April 5, 2005 By John R. Macathur, Providence Journal (Rhode Island). John R. MacArthur, a monthly contributor, is publisher of Harper's Magazine.
So you've heard all the analogies between Iraq and Vietnam. I know I thought I had -- that is until the other night, when I watched Apocalypse Now Redux, the enhanced version of Francis Ford Coppola's classic Vietnam horror film.
In the key restored segment, Marlon Brando (Colonel Kurtz) tortures Martin Sheen Captain Willard), not with needles, cigarettes or branding irons, but with upbeat war propaganda manufactured by Time magazine on behalf of Lyndon Johnson's White House.
Having turned the tables on Sheen, his would-be executioner, the crazed Brando seats himself in front of his nearly comatose captive and reads to him from a Sept. 22, 1967, article assembled in the never-never land created by Henry Luce, who had died the previous March, high above Sixth Avenue in Manhattan.
Brando's dissociated voice relays the momentous news that "one of the most exhaustive inquiries into the status of the (Vietnam) conflict" offers "considerable evidence that the weight of U.S. power, two and a half years after the big build-up began, is beginning to make itself felt," and that "White House officials maintain [that] the impact of that strength may bring the enemy to the point where he could simply be unable to continue fighting."
After another paragraph or so, Brando looks up from the dog-eared magazine and inquires of the dazed and sweating Sheen, "Is this familiar?"
I asked myself the very same question when I picked up The New York Times on March 24 and read the front-page headline "Backed by U.S., Iraqis Raid Camp and Report Killing 80 Insurgents." The accompanying "news" story -- which depicted a "fierce battle" on the shores of Lake Tharthar -- was based entirely on uncorroborated statements by Iraqi and American spokesmen that suggested two highly improbable developments: first, that the so-called Iraqi army had suddenly gotten its act together and was taking the initiative without U.S. prompting; and second, that the Iraqi rebels had just as suddenly abandoned their very successful hit-and-run tactics and started camping in big bunches out in the open, where anyone could see them.
Is this familiar?
For anyone who was raised on the press-release war waged by the Johnson and Nixon administrations, this was very familiar indeed.
As a kid, I woke up almost daily to optimistic war headlines in the Chicago papers -- large numbers of "Reds" were constantly being wiped out in surprise "raids" by a highly competent South Vietnamese army, "backed" by the super-powerful U.S. war machine. Like The Times's narrative of the raid at Lake Tharthar, the U.S.-Vietnamese forces were frequently "responding to (tips) from villagers nearby" devoted to the cause of freedom.
We now know that many of those stories were fabricated, in part or whole, and that the enemy casualties -- a.k.a. "the body count" -- were vastly overstated for domestic political profit. We know that the South Vietnamese army was incompetent and demoralized, riddled with Viet Cong spies, and that it rarely took the initiative in battle. And we know that the American government was fully aware of the sorry state of its Vietnamese subsidiary, even as it publicly insisted that the war could be won with just a little more help from the Pentagon.
But today's newspaper editors, mostly old enough to remember the government's lies during Vietnam, seem to have learned nothing from recent history.
President Bush, mindful of his brother Jeb's ambition to succeed him in the White House, needs to show military progress in Iraq, lest he face a rebellion within his own party. Borrowing from President Nixon's "Vietnamization" program (during which more than half of American war deaths occurred), he aims to invent an effective and successful Iraqi military where none exists.
Meanwhile, even pro-war pundits like Boris Johnson, the British Tory politician and Spectator editor, describe Iraq in rather less optimistic terms. "Life in Iraq is in some respects so bad that it gives the insurgents and recusants the perfect rallying cry for terror: look at what a world the Americans have brought you! . . . Here in Baghdad I am writing next to a table sliced in two by a falling pane of glass, and am told by the seraphic ambassador that we could be shelled again at any time."
Back in the Heart of Darkness, Marlon Brando isn't quite finished torturing Martin Sheen.
Tightening the screws, he reads from another Time-magazine bromide, dated Dec. 12, 1969: "Sir Robert Thompson, who led the victory over Communist guerrillas in Malaya and is now a Rand Corp. consultant, recently returned to Vietnam to sound out the situation for President Nixon. He told the president last week . . . 'that things felt much better, and smelled much better over there.' "
Of the half-dead Sheen, Brando asks, "How do they smell to you, soldier?"
April 2004 by Amy Worthington, Idaho Observer
No American kid should sign on the military's disingenuous dotted line before reading a new book by Dennis Kyne, former Army air medic in the 18th Airborne Corps during Gulf War I.
This easy-read book, despite a few expletives, should be a basic primer in all American high schools. It is guaranteed to give kids a perspective on the realities of the atomic battlefields to which Washington has been sending American troops since 1991.
Kyne comes from a family with a proud military heritage, but his experiences in Gulf War I revealed that the military structure as it exists today is not what it claims to be. He describes the filthy living conditions, lies, corruption and incompetence that continually put our young troops in harms way.
He confirms the military's despicable treatment of vets when they return to the United States decimated from disease, battlefield toxins, vaccines and radiation.
Desperately needing adequate medical testing and care, they are abused with games and denials from a callous establishment determined to escape responsibility and save money.
The fact that America deliberately creates and arms the enemies it will fight later is not lost on Kyne.
He notes that the United States sent $1.6 billion in arms and high tech equipment to Saddam and that one U.S. shipment landed in Iraq just one day before the U.S. went to war against him in 1991.
Kyne says, Much like the casinos in Las Vegas that give you money to get you started at the black-jack table, we were giving Iraq the weapons to get a war started.
This is why Corporate America, including Dick Cheney's gluttonous Halliburton, Inc., now growing tick-fat from ongoing Middle Eastern conflagrations, has continued to supply Saddam into the late 1990s.
Kyne illustrates the incredible disinformation to which both the American public and U.S. forces are continuously plied to stampede the U.S. into perpetual war so lucrative for corporate warmongers.
He says, As citizens we were told that our mission was to save Kuwait and so we voiced our support of intervention without knowing the truths of the war. We did not know that the Kuwaiti girl speaking before the U.S. Senate, about atrocious things Iraqi soldiers had done, was the Emir of Kuwait's niece, lying profusely. We did not know that the oil fields of Kuwait and Southern Iraq were set ablaze by our own forces.
What worked for father George, worked for son W. Thus America has been abused with the 9-11 and WMD scams, costing a bankrupt America $3.7 billion a month in Iraq and $900 million a month in Afghanistan.
Kyne's most shocking revelation is that 75 percent of U.S. Desert Storm casualties in 1991 were caused by friendly fire, a fact he says is confirmed by an MIT study.
Considering a recent media report about marines being strafed with depleted uranium by a U.S. A-10 in Nasiriyah, Iraq, this comment by Kyne hits home:
Combat fight badges are awarded to officers when they obtain combat flight hours .... commanders would get up and lose their minds in the sand storms.
Lacking any points of reference or terrain recognition skill, these officers flew with no knowledge as to where they were going, or which side the enemy was on... Most (on the ground) cried into the transmitter and started picking their own troops out of the sand while they pissed themselves in fear..... It became who gets who first between the United States and itself.
Kyne, who like hundreds of thousands of Gulf War I vets, suffers from Gulf War Syndrome, describes the horrendous depleted uranium exposure endured by U.S. troops during and after the three-day ground war of Desert Storm.
U.S. air forces had spent 45 days contaminating Kuwait and Iraqi territory with depleted uranium weaponry into which our ground forces were then forced to march. Kyne tells potential military recruits, It is time for the world to know that the United States military is using young soldiers for guinea pigs, not defenders of the constitution.
Kyne's excellent web site is DennisKyne.com. It contains graphic pictures of radiation-melted Iraqi bodies, demonstrating the horrific effects of U.S. nuclear weaponry now used routinely and illegally in foreign nations for the aggrandizement of the amoral U.S. defense industry.
Kyne's book and an 8-minute video are only $10 plus $2 shipping.
The book is gripping and easy read.
The video brings home the message of battlefield radiation that has killed thousands of U.S. troops and which will continue to poison hundreds of thousands more. This is a great package for informing friends and family.
If any young person you know is contemplating military suicide, give him or her this book and video and consider it an investment in America's future.
(Miami Herald, March 24, 2005, Pg. 1)
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld issued the strongest U.S. condemnation yet of Venezuela's planned purchase of 100,000 AK-47 rifles, saying he couldn't "imagine why" Venezuela needed the weapons. [Golly, maybe because they got oil? And they intend to keep their own hands on it? And Rumsfeld and the rest of the gang of corporate criminals and traitors in DC seem to have this thing about sending U.S. troops to invade other peoples countries to steal their oil? Could that possibly be it?]
FORT BENNING, Ga. - After two years of war, the Army is finding it harder to fill the ranks and is cutting corners on how it turns civilians into soldiers ready for war.
Although top brass insist that high standards are maintained, the gritty drill instructors and officers at this legendary post near the Alabama border bluntly disagree with their superiors about the quality of the raw recruits and their basic training.
"I won't lie to you - the Army is not being as picky as we used to be," said one ranking officer.
Instructors told the Daily News that the Army is recruiting more ex-felons, drug abusers and high school dropouts than in the past.
A burly sergeant in a felt Smokey Bear drill instructor's hat, who stood glaring at privates struggling with a Fort Benning obstacle course last month, said his recruits in the past year have performed poorly compared with those in previous years.
Yet, attrition in basic training hasn't fallen below the average 10% washout rate before the Iraq invasion.
"We're graduating them from basic even if they fail," the drill instructor said. "It wasn't like that two years ago."
The less-qualified graduates of the nine-week course "deploy to a unit and become their liability," he said.
Another drill instructor agreed, adding, "Even if they graduate, they may not have Army values."
March 14, 2005 Army Times
A recent fund-raising effort by a student club at Marquette University, a Catholic school in Milwaukee, was canceled because its goal was to raise money for a program run by a nonprofit support group for military snipers in Iraq and Afghanistan. The program, Adopt a Sniper, solicits donations to buy gear that sharpshooters need in their specialized line of work.
The College Republicans set up a table on campus to sell bracelets and other trinkets provided by Adopt a Sniper, including items featuring the slogan: One Shot, One Kill, No Remorse, I Decide.
University officials, who said the initiative did not fit in with the schools Jesuit sensibilities, were not amused and quickly shut down the fund-raiser.
Officials with the nonprofit group that promotes Adopt a Sniper (motto: Assistance From a Distance) decided not to take sides in the fray.
"The US forces opened fire at 8:00 pm (1700 GMT) on Brigadier General Ismail Swayed al-Obeid, who had left his base in Baghdadi to head home," police Captain Amin al-Hitti said.
"They spotted him on the road after the curfew, which goes into effect at 6 pm," the officer said in Baghdadi, 185 kilometres (142 miles) west of the capital. [Use your imagination on this one.]
AWOL and desertion are chronic problems; all any Army can hope for is to keep them at manageable levels, not to lose soldiers needlessly. The Army admits that youth, lack of a high-school diploma, coming from "broken homes," and having early scrapes with the law make a soldier only "relatively more likely" to go AWOL or to desert. In fact, the Army is careful to note, "the vast majority of soldiers who fit this profile are not going to desert."
Yet the Army used that very same profile to try to identify potential deserters and give them extra attention-and the desertion rate, mysteriously, rose.
It doesn't take a huge leap of the imagination to suppose that high-school dropouts and juvenile delinquents might have joined the military for a fresh start, a chance to succeed at something, and when they were instead tagged as potential failures and trouble-makers, they took off.
The Georgia Marine who thought he would be stationed in Kentucky made it all the way to his MOS training at Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri, before he took off. There, Jarred tried to get a foot injury treated and was told to take Tylenol.
His pay was less than the recruiter had promised him, and he even seemed to be missing money from what he was paid. When he complained to his CO, he was told to shut up and mind his own business. Then he learned that his company was going to be deployed to Fallujah. "I ain't goin' to war," he told his sister flatly.
His sister kept telling Jarred to go talk to somebody. "Aint anybody to talk to," Jarred told her. "Ain't nobody here interested."
When he went home to Georgia on leave last March, he didn't return to his base. He made his mother and sister take down from the walls all their Marine paraphernalia, stripped the bumper stickers from their trucks, and refused to watch any movies or TV shows that featured the military.
"The military," he said, "is a bunch of lies."
To: GI Special
Sent: Saturday, March 12, 2005 10:44 AM
Subject: WHY
To G.I. Special,
As a medic in Vietnam, there were two back to back experiences that remain vivid in my mind for the past 35 years.
On a firebase one day, I helped put a severely wounded American soldier on a medevac helicopter. He was barely alive, because he had been shot in the abdomen. We were trying desperately to get him to an evacuation hospital, so he could be operated on.
As the chopper lifted off, I saw something written on the front of the helicopter just above the Red Cross: It simply said, " WHY." That teenage soldier never made it to the operating room.
Two days later, I was awakened in the middle of the night by another medic, and told that a soldier had shot himself in his tent. When I got there, he was lying under his bunk. When I turned him over, I realized he had taken his M-16 and shot himself in the front of his head.
The whole back of his skull was blown out, and I eventually had brain tissue and blood all over myself.
He was nineteen, a heroin addict, and was getting ready to go home. But, like so many heroin addicts I saw in Vietnam, he was scared to go home with a full blown addiction, so he took his own life.
By the time I left Vietnam, I had experienced the rapid deterioration of U.S. operations in Southeast Asia. In looking back, I never once had a conversation with a fellow soldier about the merits of being in Vietnam. By 1971, most of us knew that the war was a big fucking lie!
Nothing made any sense anymore.
For so many of us, something died in us over there. I have never felt like I came home.
In fact, when people say, " Welcome Home," it means nothing to me.
Betrayal has always been the unspeakable wound that no one wants to talk about.
For me, it almost became the lethal injection that destroyed my life.
After I experienced that suicide, I remember throwing my blood soaked fatigue jacked into a 55 gallon oil drum.
Now, here it is 2005, and I am experiencing the same lies all over again in Iraq.
Whenever I hear any member of the Bush administration speak, I see America dying.
They are sending American soldiers into a one-way abyss. And, Iraqi people are dying as fast as the U.S. government can kill them.
As Marcus Cicero once wrote: " He who does not know history, is destined to remain a child." All the silent people, where do they all come from?
Mike Hastie
"Nothing is the same, even as nothing changes. The ghosts of war are chained to America's ankles, as it marches onward. I have a poster from the days of Vietnam. I have kept it all these years as a reminder of the politics behind war. It is a photograph of Arlington Cemetery, neat orderly rows of white headstones, on green grass, below a sunny sky.
The caption reads: We are the unwilling, led by the unqualified, to do the unnecessary, for the ungrateful."
John Corry, A Vietnam Veteran who received the Purple Heart and Bronze Star with V device.
March 11-12, 2005 LAGAUCHE IS RIGHT
After the 1989 invasion of Panama, the U.S. allowed the press to enter Manuel Noriegas office. He was portrayed as a sexual pervert. In the office were pictures of young boys, a picture of Hitler, red underpants and pornographic magazines. The dirty bastard.
A few months later, the first Marine to enter Noriegas office was released from the Corps. He eventually talked to a reporter and said that he was the absolute first to enter the office after the U.S. kidnapped the former Panamanian president and all that was inside were a desk, a telephone, a chair and a typewriter.
Lets go back 16 years from Noriegas demise. In 1973, Salvador Allende, the president of Chile, was assassinated.
When the press was allowed to enter his office, they saw a pair of red underpants, pictures of young boys, a picture of Hitler and pornographic magazines.
The CIA did not have the decency to change props.
They used the same for both offices, thinking that 16 years was a long time and no one would figure out the ruse. A reporter who covered the 1973 event was also in Panama in 1989 and happened to see both made-up scenarios.
Lt. Gen. Daniel K. McNeill, Liar, Covered Up The Murders
12 March 2005 By Douglas Jehl, The New York Times
Washington - Two Afghan prisoners who died in American custody in Afghanistan in December 2002 were chained to the ceiling, kicked and beaten by American soldiers in sustained assaults that caused their deaths, according to Army criminal investigative reports that have not yet been made public.
One soldier, Pfc. Willie V. Brand, was charged with manslaughter in a closed hearing last month in Texas in connection with one of the deaths, another Army document shows. Private Brand, who acknowledged striking a detainee named Dilawar 37 times, was accused of having maimed and killed him over a five-day period by "destroying his leg muscle tissue with repeated unlawful knee strikes."
The attacks on Mr. Dilawar were so severe that "even if he had survived, both legs would have had to be amputated," the Army report said, citing a medical examiner.
The reports, obtained by Human Rights Watch, provide the first official account of events that led to the deaths of the detainees, Mullah Habibullah and Mr. Dilawar, at the Bagram Control Point, about 40 miles north of Kabul. The deaths took place nearly a year before the abuses at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq.
Among those implicated in the killings at Bagram were members of Company A of the 519th Military Intelligence Battalion, from Fort Bragg, N.C. The battalion went on to Iraq, where some members established the interrogation unit at Abu Ghraib and have been implicated in some abuses there.
The reports, from the Army Criminal Investigation Command, also make clear that the abuse at Bagram went far beyond the two killings. Among those recommended for prosecution is an Army military interrogator from the 519th Battalion who is said to have "placed his penis along the face" of one Afghan detainee and later to have "simulated anally sodomizing him (over his clothes)."
American military officials in Afghanistan initially said the deaths of Mr. Habibullah, in an isolation cell on Dec. 4, 2002, and Mr. Dilawar, in another such cell six days later, were from natural causes.
Lt. Gen. Daniel K. McNeill, the American commander of allied forces in Afghanistan at the time, denied then that prisoners had been chained to the ceiling or that conditions at Bagram endangered the lives of prisoners.
But among those mentioned in the new reports is Capt. Carolyn A. Wood, the chief military intelligence officer at Bagram.
The reports conclude that Captain Wood lied to investigators by saying that shackling prisoners in standing positions was intended to protect interrogators from harm. In fact, the report says, the technique was used to inflict pain and sleep deprivation.
Captain Wood, who commanded Company A in Afghanistan, later helped to establish the interrogation and debriefing center at Abu Ghraib. Two Defense Department reports have said that a list of interrogation procedures she drew up there, which went beyond those approved by Army commanders, may have contributed to abuses at Abu Ghraib.
Mr. Habibullah, a brother of a former Taliban commander, died of a pulmonary embolism apparently caused by blood clots formed in his legs from the beatings, according to the report of June 1, 2004. Mr. Dilawar, who suffered from a heart condition, is described in an Army report dated July 6, 2004, as having died from "blunt force trauma to the lower extremities complicating coronary artery disease."
How To Market Dying In Iraq
March 08, 2005 Moshe Furuhashi, montages.blogspot
Black Army Recruits Down 41% since 2000
The "propensity to serve" is very low, according to the "U.S. Military Image Study" 8.4.04 prepared for the Army.
Last not the least, the "U.S. Military Image Study" is worth reading in its entirety, as it presents many fascinating findings that have not been reported by the media.
To take just one example, the study, in the inimitable language of marketing experts, offers an unintentionally funny recommendation to the Army in its conclusion:
"For the Army to achieve its mission goals with Future Force Soldiers, it must overhaul its image as well as its product offering" . . . because, "in today's reality, the risk/reward ratio is even more out of balance" than usual (8.4.04 p. 98).
WAR-RESISTERS - 12 Feb 2005
In 2004 more than 158,000 US Troops flew through Shannon Airport, most on their way to Iraq. During much of that same period of time approximately 5,500 US Troops have deserted, gone into hiding, sent to jail and some have escaped to Canada.
What if the funnel to Iraq, called Shannon Airport, were to be transformed into a sanctuary for US Troops resisting the Iraq War by requesting asylum in Ireland?
This is the new effort by the Dublin Catholic Worker and other anti-war activists and politicians announced in Dublin on Feb 3rd.
More at: http://www.freewebs.com/routeirish/
`
From: Max Watts
To: GI Special
Sent: March 06, 2005
IN VIETNAM DAYS IT TURNED OUT THAT ANYBODY WHO HAD AT LEAST ONE IRISH GRAND-PARENT COULD GET IRISH CITIZENSHIP, AN IRISH PASSPORT...
QUITE A FEW GI'S DID..
ACCORDING TO ROUTE IRISH - SEE BELOW - THIS IS STILL POSSIBLE.
ANYONE WHO MAY BE INTERESTED SHOULD GET IN TOUCH WITH DAMIAN AT ROUTE IRISH
TEL: 00353 879638398
EM : routeirish@gmail.com
(Washington Times, March 4, 2005, Pg. 9)
The number of U.S. troops killed in Iraq fell in February to the lowest level in seven months, even as the overall death toll increased to more than 1,500.
Among the reasons: The military has dramatically improved its ability to electronically jam remotely detonated roadside bombs and is getting more intelligence tips since the Jan. 30 elections.
Comment:
The stupidity of those in charge of the Iraq occupation appears exceeded only by those who write articles like the one just above.
Its not rocket science.
In the run-up to the election, about 20,000 battle tested, first line, well-equipped U.S. regular army and Marine troops were held in Iraq, instead of returned to bases elsewhere outside Iraq, as had originally been planned.
In February, thousands of them began shipping out to the USA or Germany, like many from the 1st ID.
Now, if you are a resistance commander with an IQ over 10, do you:
Attack these battle tested, well equipped troops while they are packing up to leave Iraq, thereby pissing them off no end, and also risking a U.S. command decision to cut the number being pulled out?
Attack these battle tested troops before they leave, meaning that the ratio of occupation troops to your troops is at its highest point?
OR
Do you hold off launching more than scattered attacks until the number of U.S. forces in Iraq has dropped by about 20,000, and those left are composed of a higher proportion of ill-equipped National Guard and Reserve troops, rather than first line regular army and Marine combat tested veterans?
Do you understand that as the number of occupation forces decreases by about 20,000, those remaining are stretched thinner, less able to mount offensives, easier to attack, and more likely to be confined to force protection, rather than offensive action?
In short, do you attack before or after your opponent is fewer in numbers and reduced in experience and equipment?
Duh.
T
From: AR: (USMC retd) & Iraq Veterans Against The War
To: GI Special
Sent: March 04, 2005
Subject: Desperate Recruiters Try Subway
Hey T, how's it going?
I've got something for GI Special.
Seems like college students info isn't safe from recruiters either.
I was recently contacted (twice) by an army recruiter who had gotten my contact info from my college.
I've heard of the 'No child left behind act', but didn't think it applied to institutions of higher education.
Luckily, there is the Solomon Amendment, which states military recruiters shall have:
(2) access by military recruiters for purposes of military recruiting to the following information pertaining to students (who are 17 years of age or older) enrolled at that institution (or any subelement of that institution):
(A) Names, addresses, and telephone listings.
(B) Date and place of birth, levels of education, academic majors, degrees received, and the most recent educational institution enrolled in by the student.
And like the 'No child... act', schools that do not comply have their federal funding revoked.
I also want to point out that this recruiter was given my info, but had no idea that I had served 4 years in the Marines and that I am an Iraq Veteran.
If you would like to read this amendment, here is the link:
http://www.yalerotc.org/Solomon.html
Oh, and speaking of desperate recruiting measures, a friend of mine saw recruiters going through subway cars and talking to people about the Army.
Up to this point, I only knew that they did this in subway stations.
Gee, I wonder why nobody wants to join...
Keep up the good work. Ttyl.
Uncle Sam got himself in a big ol jam,
Way down yonder in Viet-nam.
Throw down your books and pick up a gun.
Were gonna have a whole lotta fun!
And its 1, 2, 3 what are we fightin for?
Dont ask me
I dont give a damn!
My next stop is Viet-nam."
Piss On What The Troops Need:
Bush Spending $6 Billion On His Presidential Helicopters
[Thanks to Mark S for sending this in. He writes: Keep your commentaries going, I agree with you about 98%.]
Jan 28 WASHINGTON (AFP)
The US Navy awarded Lockheed Martin a 1.7 billion dollar contract to build the next fleet of Marine One helicopters, picking its European designed helicopter for the signature dark green-and-white ride of US presidents.
The contract would ultimately be worth 6.1 billion dollars for the 23 helicopters that the government wants to acquire for the presidential fleet, Navy officials said.
When are you going to tell the truth to the people of the United States?
Why don't you tell them why you want to be in Iraq so bad?
I was there for six months and I did not see the first weapon of mass destruction. I did receive orders from the company commander to shoot children if they threw small rocks at us and that was when I figured out that the entire thing was way over the line.
Over 1200 soldiers have died in Iraq so that you can have a couple billion more dollars, that should make you feel very good about yourself.
The soldiers that have died for this sham that you have put over on the American people are so much more deserving than that. You are not worth the dust off of their boots.
If you truly had respect for the military and the people that serve then you would not continue to kill them in your war.
I joined the Army to protect my country and not to be a mercenary for a political despot.
If you wish to put me in prison because of my views then you should make room for about 75% of the military.
And while you are at make some room for yourself and about half of your administration. You are responsible for what happened at Abu Gharaib and you are shirking your responsibility.
The commander in chief is not above the UCMJ, as you would like to believe.
I want to fulfill my contract that says I joined the Army to protect my country against all enemies foreign and domestic, and as far as I am concerned you are a domestic enemy of the United States.
You care nothing for this country; you just care about the profits that are to be made from the oil in Iraq. That much is evident to me from the way the contracts were passed out to Halliburton and KBR. It must be nice to have the deck stacked in your favor by the president of the USA.
Since your are raising the debt ceiling of America so that we can pay the bills that you have run up, why don't you forgive the debts of every one in the armed forces since they are the ones that are making it possible for you to make billions from the oil from Iraq.
Sincerely,
SGT Kevin M. Benderman
January 10, 2005 Via Vietnam Veterans Against the War VVAWNET:
(From ambotchka, the weblog of a woman deployed in Baghdad.)
this is likely only funny for those who've been to Iraq, but i just had to put this out for public perview....
i picked only the best ones, and most of them apply to myself, which is scary..
You know you've been in Iraq too long when...
~ mortars land near your compound and you roll over in bed and think, "still way off, i've got another five minutes."
~ you actually volunteer for convoy security duty because you still haven't seen the country yet
~ driving around in SUVs with weapons pointing out the windows and forcing cars off the road seems normal to you
~ you see celebratory fire going over the compound at night and think, "wow, the tracer colors are so pretty" and want to fire back
~ you forgot there are colors other than brown that can be found in places other than PowerPoint slides
~ when you go on R&R, you duct tape your child to the roof of your car, hand him a pellet rifle, and assign him a sector of fire for the ride to "Olive Garden"
~ when 12 hours is a short work day
~ when, during a brief, "DIV asked MNSTC-I for the FRAGO that MNC-I was supposed to publish, but couldn't because MNF-I hadn't weighed in, since they were too inundated with MOD and MOI war-gaming the JCCs within the ISF to square us away!" is a valid comment and generates no questions
~ when you start using words like "G'day mate," "Cheers," and "bloody 'ell" as part of your normal vocabulary
~ when the trailer next to you catches on fire and instead of helping to put it out you grab a bag of marshmallows and start roasting
~ when you step into any office and there are 6 Colonels, 12 Lt Colonels, 15 Majors, and 8 Captains supervising the work of one NCO
~ when the weapon buy-back program has become so successful that you've issued the same AK47 to the Iraqi Army 3 times
~ when you cant tell the difference between the sound of an exploding car and an exploding mortar
~ when on R&R you go to Church and wonder why no one is wearing body armor or carrying an automatic weapon to the service
~ you know that you need to run inside immediately after any win of an Iraqi sports team to keep from being hit with celebratory fire
~ you decide that for shits and grins - "lets take a run around Lost Lake at Camp Victory to see if we can get shot at by the sniper"
~ you never worry about oversleeping because if the morning prayer calls don't wake you, the 0430 rocket attack will
~ you decide it's a better course of action to pull your blankets over your head than put on your body armor during an attack -- the woobee will save you and at least you're comfortable
~ a rocket attack isn't a big deal until the crater it leaves is big enough to trip over in the dark on the way to the latrine
~ you go to a social gathering and intermittent gunfire doesn't cause a pause in the conversation
[Thanks to artisan, who sent this in.]
Jan 9 2005 By Rupert Hamer, Defence Correspondent, telegraph.co.uk
RELATIVES of the six Royal Military Police men murdered in Iraq last night reacted with fury after an officer linked to the scandal was awarded the MBE.
Senior quartermaster Major Peter Lodge was ultimately responsible for the unit that supplied the Red Caps with ammunition, grenades and morphine. But the six were left virtually defenceless after his department asked them to return grenades and left them with just 50 rounds of ammunition each.
The military policemen were killed after being surrounded by a rampaging mob of Iraqis in the town of Major al Kabir 18 months ago.
Last night Reg Keys - father of Lance Corporal Tom Keys, who died in the tragedy and who has campaigned for an independent inquiry into the deaths, said: "Had this been a civilian company, those involved would have been immediately suspended pending an investigation. But because it is the Army this officer is given an MBE. I am disgusted.
Mike Aston, whose son Russell was also one of the six killed, said: "It would seem that people who really have questions to answer have either been promoted or given awards. I really feel that such awards should not be forthcoming until the whole issue of what happened has been settled once and for all."
Last year a Ministry of Defence Board of inquiry revealed a catalogue of errors led to the murder of the six soldiers - LCpl Keys, 20, Sgt Simon Hamilton-Jewell, 41, Cpl Aston, 30, Cpl Paul Long, 24, Cpl Simon Miller, 21, and Lance Cpl Ben Hyde, 23.
The report said: "Having spoken to all members of the RMP Pl (the soldiers' unit) it is apparent they felt uncomfortable with the amount of ammunition they had been allocated and that they did ask for more."
The inquiry concluded that no individual was to blame for the deaths.
Following a weekend of growing friction and frustrated attempts to negotiate with officers, black and white GIs threatened to blow up the entire base.
Their warnings were not idle threats, for two fire bombs had already gone off in the early morning at an MP station near the base gate.
Frightened commanders responded by mobilizing truckloads of MPs and imposing a 6:30 P.M. curfew. At about 9 P.M. that evening, however, approximately one hundred GIs deliberately broke the curfew and marched through the base shouting Revolution and Join Us to fellow GIs.
Several hours later, the men returned to their barracksbut only after a pledge by provost marshal Lieutenant Colonel R. McCarthy that no action would be taken against them.
From: SOLDIERS IN REVOLT: DAVID CORTRIGHT, Anchor Press/Doubleday, Garden City, New York, 1975
While military commanders often portray rank-and-file convulsions as solely the result of racial divisions, in fact the roots of enlisted resistance go much deeper, with whites often sharing the same bitterness and outrage as blacks.
The spread of anti-war, anti-military feelings and the oppressive conditions of GI life in Germany led to militance among whites as well as blacksas strikingly illustrated by events at Nellingen in the summer of 1970.
The arrival of a zealous new commander and an increase in harassment and disciplinary measures in the 903rd HEM Company created a virtual war within the unit. On July 21, after a soldier was unjustly placed in pretrial confinement, a Molotov cocktail exploded outside the company orderly room.
When the new captain responded by jailing two men as suspects, the GIs fought back with two additional fire-bombings, on August 10th and 24th, which damaged the commanders office.
Similar unrest developed in most of the other units at Nellingen as well, as evidenced in an increasing number of incidents of minor sabotage, such as flattenings of officers tires and telephoned bomb threats.
After months of mounting dispute over racism and harassment, resistance at the base reached a climax on September 21. Following a weekend of growing friction and frustrated attempts to negotiate with officers, black and white GIs threatened to blow up the entire base.
Their warnings were not idle threats, for two fire bombs had already gone off in the early morning at an MP station near the base gate.
Frightened commanders responded by mobilizing truckloads of MPs and imposing a 6:30 P.M. curfew. At about 9 P.M. that evening, however, approximately one hundred GIs deliberately broke the curfew and marched through the base shouting Revolution and Join Us to fellow GIs.
Several hours later, the men returned to their barracksbut only after a pledge by provost marshal Lieutenant Colonel R. McCarthy that no action would be taken against them.
Although repression and reprisals against leading activists continued, the events at Nellingen set an important precedent for black-white unity. As one black soldier told a reporter for Overseas Weekly: There is no racial problem among E-5s and below . . . thats one thing our demonstration proved.
Similar examples of resistance took place at numerous other bases.
On September 1, 1970, The Wall Street Journal published a startling tale of drug use, black militance, and dissent in one of the Army in Europes elite nuclear missile units, the 1st Battalion/81st Artillery, at Neu Ulm.
On August 20, the unit was wracked by a serious sabotage attack in which four five-ton trucks were fire-bombed, causing fifty-five thousand dollars damage. In late September, white soldiers joined Puerto Ricans and blacks in a series of united protests against command harassment and discrimination at Bad Hersfeld. Approximately fifty of the men, on one occasion, staged a no-work strike and demanded that commanders listen to their grievances.
A few weeks later, blacks and whites again joined together, in the 3rd Medical Battalion at Aschaffenburg. At a meeting on October 9, some one hundred soldiers agreed to boycott work unless their demands concerning command harassment and unbearable living conditions were accepted.
An actual strike was averted only after the base commander agreed to meet with the men and discuss their complaints.
At the Mannheim stockade, similar demands ended in open confrontation, with inmates forced to actually carry out a threatened strike. When names were called for morning work formation on October 6, more than one hundred GIs refused to move; the action reportedly resulted in speedy improvements in stockade conditions.
On December 22, 1970, yet another uprising occurred, this time among troops of the 36th Infantry at Ayers Kaserne, Kirch Goens.
Fed up with harassment and the commands refusal to acknowledge their grievances, nearly two hundred men went on a violent rampage, setting off artillery simulators near the battalion headquarters building, assailing the officer of the day, and smashing windows at the base officers club.
These incidents, and dozens of others, signaled an Army on the verge of collapse, rent by virtually open rebellion among large numbers of black and white troops.
By the beginning of 1971, the GI movement in Europe had grown to massive proportions.
Dozens of GI organizations were in operation, including at least ten underground newspapers and a large number of black study groups; sabotage and rebellion were occurring at bases throughout Germany.
Even top military officials in Washington were beginning to take note of the Armys deterioration. Senator Stuart Symington reported to the Senate Armed Services Committee in 1971 that he had seen signs of serious disintegration during his visit to bases in Germany earlier in the year. Commenting on widespread drug usage and anti-war protest, Symington remarked: My impression is that the morale of the armed services in Europe is in very bad shape.
Representative Dan Daniel (D-Va.) of the House Armed Services Committee gave a similar assessment to his colleagues following a journey in the summer of 1971. Daniel spoke of a noticeable decline in discipline and morale since I was there two years ago and relayed reports from officers in the field of threats against enforcement of disciplinary rules.
The Washington Ports survey of the state of the Army quoted an officer in Nuremberg who succinctly summed up the militarys predicament in Germany: There is no control. The word is, Dont harass the troops.
Outside of Vietnam itself, the Army probably encountered more internal turmoil in Germany than anywhere else in the world.
The level of resistance climbed steadily during the latter stages of the war, reaching a peak in the summer of 1971.
An official Army report on group dissent against authority listed a total of fifty-four instances of insubordination from October 1970 through September 1971, with the rate of such acts accelerating from one every two weeks in late 1970 to two a week in the summer of 1971.
Overseas Weekly aptly captured the atmosphere in Germany at the time with the banner GIs Declare War on the Armypart of an April 11, 1971, feature on GI organizing and guerrilla assaults against military installations.
In one episode at Karlsruhe, twenty black and white GIs of the 78th Engineers Battalion launched a co-ordinated raid against the battalion commanders office and trucks of the highly sensitive Atomic Demolition Maintenance Section.
Using Molotov cocktails and a pickax, the group managed to bum the headquarters of the commanding and executive officers and damage twenty-three trucks, thus delaying the scheduled beginning of field exercises the next morning.
The article also told of an earlier incident at Nuremberg, where men of the 3rd Battalion/i7th Artillery incapacitated fourteen self-propelled cannons and Forty-five other vehicles by pouring sugar into V the fuel tanks.
While such sabotage attacks happened frequently, the resistance movement in Europe also witnessed many examples of mass organizing.
One of the most dramatic - and politically effective protests occurred among troops of the 77th Artillery at Camp Pied, in Wiesbaden. In March of 1971, approximately seven hundred of the twelve hundred men at the camp signed a petition protesting discrimination, excessive harassment, and intolerable living conditions, and demanding major changes in base policy.
The petition contained an ingenious provision which guaranteed its sponsors an immediate hearing: a pledge not to re-enlist unless the improvements were made (an idea other GI groups might do well to copy).
Several hundred of the men also attended a gathering in the post gymnasium and cheered a call for a mass GI strike.
[This is for anybody who fell for those Iraqi Sovereignty lies last summer.]
January 8, 2005 By Joseph Giordono, Starts And Stripes
On Wednesday, senior Marine Corps officials brought their message directly to the mayors of Hit and Baghdadi.
The wide chasm was reflected in the meeting: The two mayors sat on one side of the Baghdadi mayors office, separated from the Marines by 15 feet of green Persian carpet. In the middle stood a translator, alternately explaining each sides comments.
Said Hit Mayor Ali Hamdi, residents of Al Anbar will not vote because they have no local candidates on the ballot.
There are four opinions of the election here: People will boycott the elections and urge others to do so; people will ignore the elections and not care; people will ask the elections be postponed; or people will threaten anyone who participates or cooperates in any way, Hamdi said.
With a string of attacks including the bombing of a new city administration complex built with U.S. reconstruction funds the U.S. militarys patience is at its end, Lt. Col. Greg Stevens, commander of the 1st Battalion, 23rd Marine Regiment said. [What a coincidence. My patience is at an end, was one of A. Hitlers favorite comments, just before he slaughtered more people. What, the war is about him and his fucking patience?]
Stevens closed the meeting with a blunt warning to the local officials. Attacks on reconstruction projects and U.S. forces in Hit need to end, he said, or those projects will end and a decidedly more military attitude will be taken.
I will make it clearly understood to the people that it was the insurgents who caused that to stop. If the insurgents continue their activities, we will fight them in the streets of Hit, Stevens told Hamdi. [But Iraq is sovereign, isnt it? How can he announce an attack on a city without orders from the sovereign Iraqi government? Why, that would be grounds for arrest and court-martial. If there really were an Iraqi government, which everybody knows there isnt.]]
The blame will not be on the multinational forces. It will be on the Iraqis who stand idly by and do nothing for the security of Al Anbar, Stevens told the officials. [Lt. Col. doesnt get it. Iraqis are sparing no effort to do things for the security of Al Anbar. They join the resistance and fight the Occupation. Very successfully, it would appear, since the Lt. Col. is forced to admit his reconstruction workers have been run out of town. And everybody knows neither Lt. Col. Stevens nor any other commander in Iraq has the forces necessary to do more than mount a few costly raids in force and retreat. Worst of all, transparent bluffing by an occupation commander facing a strong insurgency displays weakness, thereby inviting encirclement and attack by the opponent.]
Everything is a choice, and with choices come consequences, good or bad. The attacks need to stop, or there will be severe consequences. [The severe consequences will fall on the Occupation troops, if the commander insists on poking the hornets nest. It really is time to leave Iraq, with all haste. Now.]
2005-01-07 Sara Paretsky, Guardian (United Kingdom)
The ideals that welcomed my exiled family to the US have been violated
My grandmother came to America from eastern Europe in 1911, when she was not quite 13. Her father had been murdered in a pogrom in front of his family. Her mother was afraid the mob would turn on her next, so she sent her eldest child, alone, to the new world.
My grandmother often talked about sailing into New York harbour and seeing the Statue of Liberty, like a second mother, welcoming her under its outstretched arm. She never saw her mother or most of her family again: they perished in the Holocaust.
Her education ended when she left Europe. She worked as a finisher in the garment industry for 50 cents a day, became active in the Garment Workers Union, became pregnant and married at 15. But she knew when she sailed in under the statue that her life would not be in danger again because of who she was or what she thought or said. She had come home to freedom.
I recently completed a speaking tour in Europe in connection with my novel Blacklist, which is set partly in the McCarthy era and partly in the world of the Patriot Act. The book has generated hate mail from people who accuse me of hating America and loving terrorists. When I walked into the US consulate in Hamburg and saw a sketch of the statue on the wall, I thought of my grandmother and wept.
Grannie, this is what we're doing now:
* We imprisoned an artist in upstate New York for an installation piece he was creating around genetically modified food. When his wife died suddenly one morning and he called 911, he was arrested for having micro-organisms in the apartment. He was held without charge until a postmortem was completed and showed that the benign, legally obtained organisms in his home had not caused his wife's death. He faces trial in January for having benign, legal organisms in his house, his travel is restricted, and he is subject to frequent drug tests.
* We arrested a library patron in New Brunswick for looking at foreign-language pages on the web. We held him for three days without charging him, without letting him call a lawyer, or notify his wife.
* We arrested a man at St John's College in Santa Fe for making a negative comment about George Bush in a chatroom from the college library. We put a gag order on all the students and faculty, forbidding them from revealing that this arrest had taken place: the staff member who told me about it could be imprisoned for doing so.
* We pressured a North Carolina public radio station to drop a long-time sponsorship from a reproductive rights group, claiming that it is political and therefore not permissible as a donor.
* We've seized circulation and internet-use records from a tenth of the nation's libraries without showing probable cause. We're imprisoning journalists for their coverage of a White House vendetta on a CIA agent. We coerced newspapers in Texas and Oregon to fire reporters who criticized the president's behavior in the days immediately after 9/11. We have held citizens and non-citizens alike for more than three years in prison, without charging them, without giving them any idea on how long their incarceration might be, and we have "out-sourced" their torture to Pakistan and Egypt.
* When George Bush spoke at the Ohio State University commencement in 2002, we threatened protesters with expulsion from the university.
* We imprisoned an 81-year-old Haitian Baptist minister when he landed at Miami airport with a valid passport and visa. We took away his blood-pressure medicine and ridiculed him for not speaking clearly through his voice-box. He collapsed and died in our custody five days later.
On the plane coming home, I sat next to an Englishman, urbane, fluent in four languages, traveling every month to South America or the Pacific rim, who told me "you Yanks" had done the right thing in giving Bush four more years. "He's protecting you from terror," the man explained.
I told him about the arrests and interrogations of writers, artists, ordinary citizens. He paused, then said: "You Yanks put a lot of your people in prison, anyway." I was bewildered. He said: "It's a necessary price to pay for protection against terrorism. You'll be glad 10 years from now that you did it."
Grannie, you know that's what a lot of people said in Germany in the 30s - that the torture of Jews, communists, homosexuals and the mentally retarded was a necessary price to pay for moving Germany in a better direction.
When I think of you sailing into New York harbour alone, terrified, and seeing "the Mother of Exiles" lift her lamp beside the golden door, I feel my heart breaking.
From: SOLDIERS IN REVOLT: DAVID CORTRIGHT, Anchor Press/Doubleday, Garden City, New York, 1975:
The Machine Breaks Down
Recounting this seemingly endless tale of woes, we tend to lose sight of what was actually happening within the ranks.
Underlying the various statistics and measures of unrest was an Army on the verge of collapse, crippled by a virtual general strike among a sizable minority of enlisted people.
For example, if we look at the Army during fiscal 1971, its worst year of decline, we find seven acts of desertion, seventeen incidents of unauthorized absence, two disciplinary discharges, twelve complaints to congressmen and eighteen non-judicial punishments for every one hundred soldiers; at the same time, 20 per cent of the men smoked marijuana frequently, while 10 per cent used narcotics on a regular basis.
The same kind of problems existed within the other services, but with declining severity in the Marine Corps, the Navy, and the Air Force.
Such figures suggest that as many as one fourth of all Army enlisted men engaged in some form of rebellion against military authority. In an organizational environment requiring intense interpersonal loyalty and a high degree of cooperation, defiance of this magnitude necessarily exerted a profound influence on operational effectiveness. No armed force can function properly when faced with such internal disruption and resistance.
Division In The Ranks
The division within the enlisted ranks is perhaps most evident in what, for lack of a better term, may be called a GI counterculturea community of shared values and expressions antithetical to military standards.
As within civilian society, a new consciousness emerged within the services, expressed in cultural idioms and an anarchic indifference to authority. Black and white GIs, searching for an identity apart from their role in the military, formed buddy groups of brothers and freaks.
In the totalitarian environment of the military, solidarity was expressed symbolically through long hair and afros, rock and soul music, beads and black bracelets, peace signs and clenched fists.
The consequences of open defiance could be extremely harsh, and most GIs thus normally expressed their loathing for the military through more subtle means. Vast numbers of Vietnam-era servicemen participated in countless minor acts of sabotage and obstruction designed to clog the gears of the Green Machine.
Every unit had its examples of intentionally bungled repair or paperwork, of unexplained minor damage to equipment, of constant squabbling between certain GIs and the lifers, of mysteriously appearing peace signs, etc. The cumulative effect of thousands of such acts constituted the reality of the morale crisis.
In my own Army experience, I saw many examples of this covert resistance.
My favorite involved a band performance at the Federal Building, in the heart of Manhattans financial district, before a huge crowd of businessmen and military dignitaries.
During a rendition of Sousas The Klaxon march, our first clarinetist played the melody an octave and one half- step higher than written. The effect was both embarrassing to the military and extremely hilarious, as a shrill, oriental-sounding dissonance echoed through the canyons of Wall Street.
Afterward, our enraged first sergeant attempted to find the culprit but unfortunately was not a capable enough musician to identify where the eerie sounds had originated and of course none us were about to give him any aid.
Another, more serious example involved the antics of my friends Paul Fuhs and Dennis Oney at the Defense Language Institute in Fort Bliss.
When Sp/4 Fuhs was assigned to Fort Bliss, he was tapped by the command for important positions of authority. He was named section leader of his class at the Vietnamese language training center and was assigned as military intelligence agent to spy on the area GI political group, GIs for Peace. Paul and his roommate, Dennis, soon experienced a change of heart, however, and instead of aiding the Army, worked together to wreak havoc on the military.
While supposedly an Army agent, Paul became a leading organizer of GIs for Peace, consistently sending the Army false reports and using government money to bolster the groups treasury.
Meanwhile, back on post, the fabulous furry freak brothers (as they were sometimes known) exhorted fellow classmates, all Army security trainees with top-secret clearances, to resist orders to Vietnam.
By the time Fuhs was removed as class leader (the Army finally realized something was wrong when he submitted an application as a conscientious objector), twelve out of the twenty-one original members of the class had deserted, obtained discharges, or filed for conscientious objector status.
Paul and Dennis themselves were later discharged, fourteen and twenty-six months early respectively, Paul by federal court order and Dennis through what must have been one of the most bizarre medical discharges in Army history.
When the government refused to approve his C.O. application, Oney concocted the following wildly incredulous tale (excerpted from his official discharge papers):
Chief Complaint: Someone injected LSD in my brain.
History of Present Illness: . . . he became increasingly convinced that war was evil, the Army was run by psychotics and that he would be unable to live with his conscience if he stayed in the Army. . . . His friend advised him to take LSD and then the Army wouldnt matter. On the following day patient was told that LSD would be injected into his brain. . Patient since has felt he has been on a continual trip. .. Patient describes specifically that whenever he sees something that is evil he can close his eyes and he will hear such things as voices sounding like the multitude of the heavenly hosts. He can also see and hear such things as nursery rhymes.
Another far more dramatic example of this underground struggle within the ranks occurred among clerks at Ft. Devens, Massachusetts.
It is often said, with some justification, that the ordinary clerk, not the general, really runs the military bureaucracy, an irony immortalized in Joseph Hellers World War II character ex-Pfc Wintergreen.
In 1970, an elaborate network of some seventy personnel workers at Fort Devens and other East Coast bases sprung up for the purpose of keeping GIs out of Vietnam. Four men in the proper offices at Fort Devens reportedly could delete the name of any soldier wanting to escape a levy to Vietnam. Individual orders were a bit more difficult, requiring the fixing of four men at Fort Devens and two at the Pentagon. According to reports in the Boston Phoenix and the GI Press Service, the operation was able to successfully prevent dozens of GIs from being sent to Vietnam.
The Armys most serious morale problem at home was the impact of veterans returning from the combat zone.
After a twelve-month tour of Vietnam, dehumanized by the senselessness and indiscriminate destructiveness of American policy and increasingly drug-ridden and defiant of authority, veterans assigned to garrison bases were often unwilling or unable to comply with normal military standards of discipline.
Having risked death, many combat veterans were simply incapable of being moved by the petty awards and punishments of military justice.
Moreover, as Robert Jay Lifton has argued in Home from the War, many soldiers returned from Vietnam with a bitterness and rage at the deception to which they had been subjected and were in some cases motivated to resist military authority. At many bases, combat veterans sparked the development of overt resistance and political organizing. The Vietnam War and the veterans who fought it were like a cancer gnawing at the U.S. military apparatus.
Investment Banker Politely Warns That The Empire Is Bankrupt And The Bush Regime Is Looney
18 November 2004 By Gerry van Wyngen, Business Review Weekly. Gerry van Wyngen is an investment banker and chairman of CPI Group.
It is potentially worse than Vietnam because this time America is weaker economically and poorer in world status.
George Bush, President of the United States for another four years, may change the world more than he might hope, or his critics fear. Contrarily, the outcomes will differ from what is intended. Bush was re-elected on a platform of keeping America strong, but an obsession with imposing a global Pax Americana will drain the administration's ability to achieve its foremost aim.
The cost of war in Iraq alone is running at about $US100 billion a year.
Like Vietnam, Iraq will bleed America, yet there is a big difference between then and now. In 1973, the US was an economically powerful creditor nation and it could afford the war. Today, it is a weak debtor nation and its negative position on net overseas assets (investments and loans made by US entities to foreigners less investments and loans received by US entities from foreigners) is 30% of gross domestic product (GDP) and worsening.
The US has a current account deficit of almost 6% of GDP, which also is rising, and it is dependent on large purchases of US bonds by the Japanese and Chinese central banks to help offset the deficit.
Politically, Bush's mandate to continue the war against Muslim terrorists helps President Vladimir Putin legitimise Russia's subjugation of Chechnya as a fight against Muslim terrorists. Putin's support for Bush, however, does not extend to the US dollar, and he has intimated that he would like to see a lowering of dollar holdings in Russia's foreign exchange reserves.
For Europe, which is increasingly seeing the world through different eyes and against a background of economic and financial interests that differ to those of the US, Bush's uncompromising and confrontational style may result in the evolution of more cohesive and functional government in the European Union. That may have implications for its economy and will almost certainly improve the euro as a reserve currency, eventually ranking with the US dollar.
On the home front, the Bush administration will be pushed along by an economic agenda that is as far removed from reality as is the military agenda.
This year, federal tax revenue was $US100 billion lower and spending was $400 billion higher than when Bush took office in 2001.
Although Bush is paying lip service to halving the budget deficit, he is determined to make permanent the temporary tax cuts, lessen further taxation of investment income and make other reforms of the tax system, all of which will worsen the budget deficit.
And, in case you are wondering, no, the future cost of the war in Iraq is not in Bush's forward projections. He assumes that his tax changes will promote higher economic growth and thus increase tax revenue. To put it politely, it is an interesting hypothesis, completely at odds with the results of tax reforms in the past four years.
The combined effect of the chronic budget deficit and the deteriorating current account deficit will be of increasing concern to the international community next year.
Downward pressure on the US dollar may become extreme, placing central banks in the difficult position of having to decide whether to support it to keep their own currencies competitive, notwithstanding the deteriorating creditworthiness of the US.
The Bush administration and, more recently, the US Federal Reserve appear to be receptive to a depreciation of the US dollar. There is doubt this would provide much relief to the current account deficit. Depreciation would certainly make some European exports uncompetitive but the effect on Asia would be minor. To come to the core of the problem, even a 20% depreciation of the dollar against the Chinese yuan might have negligible effect on US import volumes, and in fact make the same volume of imports 20% more expensive.
The crux of the matter is that the US has a chronic national savings problem. Personal savings, as a percentage of net income, are slightly above zero. Although this is marginally better than in Australia, at present the world's worst savings offender, the US Government is a massive deficit spender, which is in marked contrast to Australia's performance.
Fixing these core problems is not on the Bush agenda, yet they may eventually undermine his ability to achieve a safe America with prosperity and full employment. Indeed, the longer the US remains bogged down in Iraq and defers putting its domestic house in order, the greater the possibility of a crisis erupting before Bush's second term is complete.
From: Zeljko C
To: GI Special
Sent: December 15, 2004
Subject: 1917 IWW poem
People knew the score even before the "war to end all war!"
I Love My Flag
World War I Anti-war poem, Author Unknown, Published in The Industrial Worker on April 14 1917
I love my flag, I do, I do,
Which floats upon the breeze.
I also love my arms and legs,
And neck and nose and knees.
One little shell might spoil them all
Or give them such a twist,
They would be of no use to me;
I guess I won't enlist.
I love my country, yes, I do,
I hope her folks do well.
Without our arms and legs and things,
I think we'd look like hell.
Young men with faces half shot off
Are unfit to be kissed,
I've read in books it spoils their looks;
I guess I won't enlist.
December 11, 2004 By R. NORMAN MOODY, Gannett News Service
Dr. John Caulfield thought it had to be a mistake when the Army asked him to return to active duty. After all, he's 70 years old and had already retired - twice. He left the Army in 1980 and private practice two years ago.
"My first reaction was disbelief," Caulfield said. "It never occurred to me that they would call a 70-year-old."
In fact, he was so sure it was an error that he ignored the postcards and telephone messages asking if he would be willing to volunteer for active duty to "backfill" somewhere on the East Coast, Europe or Hawaii. That would be OK, he thought. It would release active duty oral surgeons from those areas to go to combat zones in Iraq or Afghanistan.
But then the orders came for him to go to Afghanistan.
Today, Caulfield, a colonel from Satellite Beach, Fla., is an example of how the continuing demands of keeping ground troops in Afghanistan and Iraq are forcing the military to go to extraordinary measures to keep its ranks filled. He's attending to patients - U.S. troops, Afghan soldiers and civilians - at the Army's 325th Field Hospital in Bagram, Afghanistan.
He is one of about 100 over the age of 60 known to be serving. The Department of Defense couldn't provide exact figures.
Lt. Col. Bryan Hilferty, an Army spokesman, said "It's the continuing demand in the service."
From: Zeljko Cipris
To: GI Special
Sent: Sunday, December 12, 2004 11:04 PM
Today (12/12) is the birthday of one of my favorite writers, Kuroshima Denji, a staunch antimilitarist.
Kuroshima was drafted into the Japanese army and sent to Russia in 1921 to fight the 'Reds.'
The experience radicalized him, and led to some fine antiwar literature.
An English translation of some of his key narratives, entitled 'A Flock of Swirling Crows and Other Proletarian Writings,' will be coming out in March (from University of Hawaii Press).
Incidentally, there's also a book called "Soldiers Alive," produced by a different writer, that GI Special readers might find of interest. Though its author was not an antimilitarist, he does present war in the raw (and gets in trouble for it). The English version was brought out last year by University of Hawaii Press.
Here's the book cover copy about Soldiers Alive:
When the editors of Chuo koron, Japan's leading liberal magazine, sent the prize-winning young novelist Ishikawa Tatsuzo to war ravaged China in early 1938, they knew the independent-minded writer would produce a work wholly different from the lyrical and sanitized war reports then in circulation.
They could not predict, however, that Ishikawa would write an unsettling novella so grimly realistic it would promptly be banned and lead to the author's conviction on charges of "disturbing peace and order."
Decades later, Soldiers Alive remains a deeply disturbing and eye-opening account of the Japanese march on Nanking and its aftermath. In its unforgettable depiction of an ostensibly altruistic war's devastating effects on the soldiers who fought it and the civilians they presumed to "liberate," Ishikawa's work retains its power to shock, inform, and provoke.
Back to Kuroshima-- here's a brief description of the book:
One of the most consistently antimilitarist intellectuals of modern Japan, the proletarian writer Kuroshima Denji (1898-1943) produced numerous literary works potently expressing his passionate opposition to armed force as an instrument of imperialism.
Best known for his "Siberian stories" of the late 1920s--vivid depictions of agonies suffered by the Japanese soldiers and Russian civilians in the course of Japan's invasion of the newly emerged Soviet Union--Kuroshima also wrote a number of powerful narratives dealing with the hardships, struggles, and rare triumphs of Japanese peasants.
His only full-length novel, a shocking description of economic and military aggression against China by Japan and other powers, was censored both by Japan's imperial government and by the US occupation authorities.
The present collection marks the first rendition into English of much of Kuroshima's most highly acclaimed work.
The first writer, Ishikawa (1905-1985) remains well known in Japan. As for Kuroshima, few have heard of him--unless they happen to be on the left.
And finally here's one writer who did not get caught by censors:
Japanese poet Kaneko Mitsuharu (1895-1975) published his subversive poem 'Todai' (The Lighthouse) in the December 1935 issue of Chuo Koron (Central Review), a leading and still flourishing magazine.
It was a brave feat to carry off at a time when authoritarianism, militarism, and emperor worship were in the ascendant. Two years later, just after the outbreak of full-scale war with China, Kaneko reprinted the poem in a collection entitled 'Same' (Sharks). The cover calligraphy for the book was done by his friend Yu Dafu, a brilliant Chinese writer killed eight years later by the Japanese military police for his anti-imperialist activities.
That Kaneko himself did not suffer a similar fate for writing seditious poetry is probably thanks to the symbolist and ironic camouflage he employs, transparent as it is.
The censors were too stupid to understand the poem; the militarists, the plutocrats, and the members of the imperial court evidently did not read it, and so the poet survived into happy old age (incidentally helping his son to evade conscription).
The Lighthouse
1.
It is forbidden to peer into the depths of the sky.
The depths of the sky
Are swarming with gods.
They drift about in syrupy ether.
Angels' armpit hair.
Hawks molted feathers.
The fearsome smell of godly skin, like burning bronze.
It is forbidden to gaze into the depths of the sky.
Eyes that do will be burned out by the light.
Descending from heavenly depths is the everlasting power.
It punishes those who defy heaven.
A single white candle
Stands erect in the middle of the sky
To which only the faithful souls ascend
--The lighthouse.
2.
This is indeed the heavenly beacon, guidepost of the seas.
(How fortunate for the fainthearted). Phimosis.
Baldheaded Socrates.
Sliding along the white wall of the lighthouse
Lit by morning sun that smells of roses
I circle round it. These gummy eyes regard the summit from afar.
God: Trinity. Love. Immortal truth. The nursery of such sublime words.
Amid the flow of lapis lazuli, a drop of milk.
In the depths palpably rattling with godly cough and panting,
The lighthouse floats.
The lighthouse quivers, like an ear.
3.
The heavens, said to be a bright mirror reflecting the heart,
We formerly loathed and dreaded.
--There is no god
We foolishly blurted out.
What then of god's stern warnings all around us now?
Being born was above all being sold to gods.
Our lives are gods' riches, and if time to sacrifice them comes,
We must joyfully fling these lives away.
To hide from gods' domain cannot be done.
To flee from gods' retainers can't be done.
From a height no stones, wings, spit, bullets, nor anything can reach,
Gods are inertly looking down on earth.
Pointing at sadness, hatred, heavenly darkness,
I shout
--That one. That's the one. Drag that one down.
But on us insolent blasphemers, seekers of freedom,
Heavenly punishment swoops in a flash.
Thunder.
No, those are
Stubborn flies buzzing round the lighthouse.
Menacingly flying in formation,
They bare their icy fangs and roll over
One by one
Armed with oracles
Five seaplane bombers
July 2003 as Kabul: The Bradt Mini Guide & [Reuters] & BBC 26 November, 2004
The Kabul Golf Club is up by the Karga Dam just outside Kabul on the road past the Intercontinental Hotel and the University. The English speaking Pro is Mr Afzal Abdul (079 02 9011). He was the club's last pro in 1978. He had a zero handicap. The course opened in 1967, closed in 78 and has reopened. 18 holes (actually twice round!). Two sets of clubs.
They assure me that the course is all safe. It used to be a demining training area.
Highlights of the course, after teeing off on the first hole, include a bombed-out army barracks, the lack of any fairways, greens that are actually black (made from a mixture of sand and oil) and a collapsing clubhouse with no walls.
It may provide new challenges to any modern player, but it used to be a lot worse. The entire area has had to be cleared of mines in recent months and three Soviet tanks and a multiple rocket launcher have been removed.
Ten foreigners have come to play at the newly opened course, and Abdul hopes many more from Kabul's burgeoning community of aid workers, diplomats and journalists will join them.
The green fee for two rounds of the nine-hole course is 500 afghani, or $10.
MORE:
Afghanistan has been hosting its first golf tournament for more than 30 years.
Some 40 golfers entered the competition on a course in a picturesque valley, once a battlefield, outside the capital, Kabul.
Security fears have meant that many of those who took part in the tournament were accompanied by Kalashnikov-carrying caddies.
But the owners have high hopes for the club, whose annual membership costs 7,500 Afghanis ($160).
"In the past there was a lot of killing going on here," club pro Mohamad Afzal Abdul told Reuters news agency.
Their Vehicles First Class;
Why Wont The Pentagon Get Some?
December 12, 2004 By Luke McIlveen, The Sunday Telegraph
The Australians are universally regarded as the best equipped troops in Iraq and the Australian light armoured vehicle (ASLAV) is considered the safest form of transport.
The Humvee vehicles used by US forces were exposed last week when a junior soldier asked US Secretary of Defence Donald Rumsfeld why he was forced to pin scrap metal - which he called "hillbilly armour" - to the panels for extra protection.
Air Commodore Evans said he was relieved his troops were not put at risk by sub-standard equipment.
"There are many soldiers who are out there in quite lightly armoured vehicles. I'm glad my diggers don't have to do that," he said.
December 7, 2004 By David H. Hackworth www.hackworth.com
We'll soon have 150,000 U.S. troops stuck in the ever-expanding Iraqi quagmire, a number that will probably grow even larger before Iraq holds elections presently scheduled for the end of January '05.
Maintaining such a force is a logistical and personnel nightmare for every grunt in Iraq. And according to several Pentagon number crunchers, it's also driving the top brass bonkers.
Meanwhile the insurgents continue cutting our supply lines and whacking our fighting platoons and supporters, who attrit daily as soldiers and Marines fall to enemy shots, sickness or accidents. Empty platoons lose fights, so these casualties have to be replaced ASAP.
Since this tragic war kicked off in March 2003, the United States has evacuated an estimated 50,000 KIA, WIA and non-battle casualties from Iraq back to the States leaving 50,000 slots that have had to be filled.
The job of finding fresh bodies to keep our units topped off falls mainly to the Army Recruiting Command. But the "making-quota" jazz put out by the Recruiting Command and the Pentagon to hype their billion-dollar recruiting effort, with its huge TV expenditure and big expansion of recruiters during the past year, is pure unadulterated spin.
Not that this is anything new. The Command has a sorry reputation for using smoke and mirrors to cover up poor performance.
"Hack, here's a snapshot of how little of our first-quarter mission has been achieved," says an Army recruiter. "Look at it from a perspective of a business releasing quarterly earnings information. To keep unit manning levels up out in the field, especially in Iraq, there's no question our recruiting mission is in serious trouble.
"These are totals for the 41 USAREC (Recruiting Command) Battalions, so these stats represent the USAREC mission accomplishment:
"Regular Army Volume (all RA contracts):
"Mission: 25,322
"Achieved: 12,703 (50.17 percent)
"Army Reserve Volume:
"Mission: 7,373
"Achieved: 3,206 (43.48 percent)."
The Army National Guard is faring no better. A Guard retention NCO says: "The word is out on the streets of Washington, D.C. 'Do not join the Guard.' I see these words echoing right across the U.S.A."
"The bottom line is that Recruiting Command is in trouble," says another recruiter with almost 30 years of service. "The Army has re-instituted 'stop loss,' which is basically a backdoor draft. They're stopping people from retiring or completing their enlistment and leaving the Army. They do this fairly often, mostly in August and September, depending upon how far behind they believe they'll be at the end of September.
"I believe the Army will have to drastically change what they offer to enlistees to overcome what's happening in Iraq. The war is ugly, and not many kids want to enlist to be blown up."
Moms and dads are outraged about desperate Army recruiters on a relentless campaign to sign up their teenagers. High-school kids are actually running away from recruiters like they were George Romero's living dead.
"Recruiters have called my son a minimum of 20 times in the two years since he finished high school," a dad reports.
"The phone calls usually come in clusters. I answered five calls in a two- or three-week span. Each time a recruiter calls, he receives the same polite, respectful response from me or my son ... no interest, and please take the name off the list. When asked why the name hasn't been removed, excuses are made. While recruiters are brief with me, when my son is on the phone, the sales tactics are clever, prolonged and very high-pressure.
"I took the latest recruiting call. This time I also called the supervisor at the local Army recruiting office, who's promised to take his name off the list. She made excuses for the repeated calls despite the fact that five calls were on her watch."
Unless a miracle happens and the new Iraqi security force decides to stop running and start fighting, we'll be in Iraq for a long time. Most likely with a draftee force.
ZIEGLER, JEAN: - 1967 !
SWITZERLAND'S FEDERAL GOVERNMENT WAS DEPORTING AMERICAN ANTI-VIETNAM WAR SOLDIERS BACK TO GERMANY AND US ARMY STOCKADES.
THIS WAS - AFTER ALL - A WELL-ESTABLISHED TRADITION - THE SWISS GOVERNMENT OFTEN DID THIS WITH JEWS AND ANTI-FASCISTS DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR, AT LEAST UNTIL AFTER STALINGRAD, WHEN THEY FIGURED HITLER MIGHT LOSE.
WE, FRITAS (friends of the Resisters inside the (US) Army) - knew..but didn't know how we could stop it.. THE SWISS GOVERNMENT, WHICH HAD BEEN ACCEPTING EASTERN EUROPEAN DESERTERS "FROM COMMUNISM" WITH OPEN ARMS, HAD DENIED EVER TURNING AMERICANS OVER TO THE GERMANS/AMERICAN ARMY.
THEN JEAN-JACQUES Ziegler, A MEMBER OF THE SWISS FEDERAL PARLIAMENT, HELPED.
A YOUNG (MALE) AMERICAN TRAVELED AROUND SWITZERLAND: "I AM AN ANTI-WAR SOLDIER"...
WHEN ARRESTED - AND JUST BEFORE BEING TURNED OVER TO THE US ARMY - HE PULLED OUT HIS PASSPORT. "NAH NAH, YOU IDIOTS, I'M A CIVILIAN TOURIST, NOT IN THE ARMY AT ALL" - ZIEGLER AND A TRIBUNE DE GENEVE JOURNALIST WERE RIGHT THERE...ZIEGLER BROUGHT THIS EXAMPLE OF SWISS "NEUTRALITY" UP IN PARLIAMENT:
THE SWISS GOVERNMENT'S RESPONSE WAS A GEM: "WE NEVER DONE THIS, AND NOW WE WON'T DO IT ANY MORE".
SOME US ANTI-VIETNAM WAR US SOLDIERS DID, THEREAFTER, SETTLE IN SWITZERLAND.
HATS OFF TO JEAN ZIEGLER! THE HONEST MEMBER OF THE SWISS PARLIAMENT!
December 19, 2004 Lorna Martin, Scotland editor, The Observer
Senior army commanders have expressed fears that the increasingly vocal anti-Iraq war movement is discouraging thousands of young men from considering a career in the armed forces.
They blame high-profile campaigns against the war, often led by bereaved parents and supported by celebrities and political figures, for worsening recruitment problems, particularly into the infantry.
According to military sources the high media visibility of bereaved parents, such as Rose Gentle, whose 19-year-old son was killed, and the unpopularity of the war have made recruitment and retention a problem, exacerbating an already acute recruitment crisis in areas such as Scotland. The problem is now also spreading to the north of England and Wales, forces officials say.
As well as a shortfall in young men volunteering, army officers have reported a wider reluctance to support a career in the army with parents refusing to sign consent forms for junior soldiers to sign up and, in some cases, local authorities with a strong anti-war sentiment refusing permission for recruitment officers to put up stands at local venues.
According to army sources the problem is also evident in the Territorial Army which has bolstered the regular Army's ranks in Iraq.
'People join the Territorials for a hobby,' said another source. 'They don't expect to end up being sent to Iraq for six months, taking casualties and seeing a lot of killing. There is no end in sight to the war in Iraq. That is what is really putting people off.'
GET THE MESSAGE?
"Bush Has Two Daughters. Let Them Go Over And Fight"
Dolly Wilson's father proudly served in the Second World War and her husband in Vietnam. But her children will not join the military if she has any say in it.
"We don't want our kids to go into no war for nothing," said Mrs Wilson, snatching a cigarette with colleagues outside her Washington office.
"Bush has two daughters. Let them go over and fight," she added, to a chorus of "That's not our war" from the others.
James Golladay served in the US coastguard, but would discourage his two teenagers if they came home talking about enlisting. "I wouldn't want them to experience anything like that," he said, as he passed a US army recruiting office on 14th Street, Washington.
Constance Allen's husband, grandfather, uncle and son all served, but she would "never" let her grandson join up.
Mrs Wilson, Mr Golladay and Mrs Allen are not typical of America as a whole. But their views are enough to give the Pentagon cause for alarm. The reason? All three of them are black.
For years, black Americans have formed the backbone of the all-volunteer US army, filling a quarter of its ranks, though blacks account for only 13 per cent of the population.
But the proportion of black recruits into the army was only 15.6 per cent, down from 22.3 per cent in the fiscal year 2001. In the part-time army reserve, the drop is sharper.
That hostility increased exponentially with the invasion of Iraq, which was opposed by a large majority of black Americans, amid suspicion over the reasons given for toppling Saddam Hussein and anger at billions of dollars spent overseas, rather than at home.
Mrs Allen pointed to the rain-lashed streets of Washington, a large, poor, mainly black city that also happens to be the nation's capital.
"You've got so many homeless people here, they were in the military, half of them. You look at that, people ask, 'Why should I go fight the white man's war when there's nothing for us here?' " she said.
Pentagon statistics from 2003 back him up, showing that 67 per cent of black soldiers served in support or rearguard units, working as technicians, medical assistants, clerks or cooks. Only 16 per cent of black soldiers were in combat units.
Asked why blacks chose rear-line units, Mr Golloday answered: "People looked to the military as a way of receiving benefits. People want to transition into a civilian life later. Being a chief gunner isn't something that people will pay a lot for." Then he laughed, and added: "And they don't want to die."
Kayla Roach, a black woman, said: "I know families whose kids want to join the military, and their parents are saying no. Maybe they have just one or two children and it's scary to them."
The perception has spread among black Americans that in the war on terrorism, rear-line units are as vulnerable as front-line infantry squads.
To Mr Golladay, the military is not the problem. "People join understanding that they might go to war," he said. "But this war now, I feel it's unnecessary."
And why should anyone think that a complete victory is possible? Conventionally, our US forces win territory here or there, killing a plethora of civilians as well as insurgents with each new boundary conquered. However, such as the recent case in Falluja, the rebel fighters have returned like a swarm of angry hornets attacking with a vicious frenzy.
I was in Falluja during the last two days of the final assault. My mission was much different from that of the brave and weary infantry and marines involved in the major fighting. I was on an escort mission, accompanied by a squad who’s task it was to protect a high brass figure in the combat zone. This particularly arrogant officer went to the last battle in the same spirits of an impartial spectator checking out the fourth quarter of a high school football game. Once we got to the marine occupied Camp Falluja and saw artillery being fired into town, the man suddenly became desperate to play an active role in the battle that would render Falluja to ashes. It was already rumored that all he really wanted was his trigger time, perhaps to prove that he is the toughest cowboy west of the Euphrates. Guys like him are a dime a dozen in the army: a career soldier who spent the first twenty years of his service patrolling the Berlin Wall or guarding the DMZ between North and South Korea. This sort of brass may have been lucky to serve in the first Gulf War, but in all actuality spent very little time shooting rag heads. For these trigger-happy tough guys, the last two decades of cold war hostilities built into a war frenzy of stark emptiness, fizzling out almost completely with the Clinton administration. But this is the New War, a never ending, action packed “Red Scare” in which the communist threat of yesteryear was simply replaced with the white knuckled tension of today’s “War on Terrorism”. The younger soldiers who grew up in relatively peaceful times interpret the mentality of the careerists as one of making up for lost opportunities. To the elder generation of trigger pullers, this is the real deal; the chance to use all the cool toys and high speed training that has been stored away since the ‘70s for something tangibly useful…and its about goddamn time.
However, upon reaching the front lines, a safety standard was in effect stating that the urban combat was extremely intense. The lightest armored vehicles allowed in sector were Bradley tanks. Taking a glance at our armored humvees, this commander insisted that our section would be fine. Even though the armored humvees are very stout and nearly impenetrable against small arm fire, they usually don’t hold up well against rocket attacks and roadside bombs like a heavily armored tank will. The reports from within the war zone indicated heavy rocket attacks, with an armed insurgent waiting on every corner for a soft target such as trucks. In the end, the overzealous officer was urged not to infiltrate into sector with only three trucks, for it would be a death wish during those dangerous twilight hours. It was suggested that in the morning, after the air strikes were complete, he could move in and “inspect the damage”.
Even as the sun was setting over the hazy orange horizon, artillery was pounding away at the remaining twelve percent of the already devastated Falluja. Many units were pulled out for the evening in preparation of a full-scale air strike that was scheduled to last for up to twelve hours. Our squad was sitting on top of our parked humvees, manning the crew served machine guns and scanning the urban landscape for enemy activity. This was supposed to be a secured forward operating area, right on the edge of the combat zone. However, with no barbed wire perimeter set up and only a few scattered tanks serving as protection, one was under the assumption that if someone missed a minor detail while on guard, some serious shit could go down. One soldier informed me that only two nights prior an insurgent was caught sneaking around the bullet-ridden houses to our immediate west. He was armed with a rocket-propelled grenade, and was laying low on his advance towards the perimeter. One of the tanks spotted him through its night vision and hastily shot him into three pieces. Indeed, though it was safe enough to smoke a cigarette and relax, one had to remain diligently aware of his surroundings if he planned on making it through the night.
As the evening wore on and the artillery continued, a new gruesome roar filled the sky. The fighter jets were right on time and made their grand appearance with a series of massive air strikes. Between the pernicious bombs and fierce artillery, the sky seemed as though it were on fire for several minutes at a time. First you would see a blaze of light in the horizon, like lightning hitting a dynamite warehouse, and then hear the massive explosion that would turn your stomach, rattle your eyeballs, and compress itself deep within your lungs. Although these massive bombs were being dropped no further than one kilometer away, it felt like it was happening right in front of your face. At first, it was impossible not to flinch with each unexpected boom, but after scores of intense explosions, your senses became aware and complacent towards them.
At times the jets would scream menacingly low over the city and open fire with smaller missiles meant for extreme accuracy. This is what Top Gun, in all its glory and silver screen acclaim, seemed to be lacking in the movie’s high budget sound effects. These air-deployed missiles make a banshee-like squeal, sort of like a bottle rocket fueled with plutonium, and then suddenly would become inaudible. Seconds later, the colossal explosion would rip the sky open and hammer devastatingly into the ground, sending flames and debris pummeling into the air. And as always, the artillery—some rounds were high explosive, some were illumination rounds, some were reported as being white phosphorus (the modern day napalm). Occasionally, on the outskirts of the isolated impact area, you could hear tanks firing machine guns and blazing their cannons. It was amazing that anything could survive this deadly onslaught. Suddenly a transmition came over the radio approving the request for “bunker-busters”. Apparently, there were a handful of insurgent compounds that were impenetrable by artillery. At the time, I was unaware when these bunker-busters were deployed, but I was told later that the incredibly massive explosions were a direct result of these “final solution” type missiles.
I continued to watch the final assault on Falluja throughout the night from atop my humvee. It was interesting to scan the vast skies above with night vision goggles. Circling continuously overhead throughout the battle was an array of attack helicopters. The most devastating were the Cobras and Apaches with their chain gun missile launchers. Through the night vision I could see them hovering around the carnage, scanning the ground with an infrared spotlight that seemed to reach for miles. Once a target was identified, a rapid series of hollow blasts would echo through the skies, and from the ground came a “rat-a-tatting” of explosions, like a daisy chain of supercharged black cats during a Fourth of July barbeque. More artillery, more tanks, more machine gun fire, ominous death-dealing fighter planes terminating whole city blocks at a time…this wasn’t a war, it was a massacre!
As I look back on the air strikes that lasted well into the next morning, I cannot help but to be both amazed by our modern technology and disgusted by its means. It occurred to me many times during the siege that while the Falluja resistance was boldly fighting us with archaic weapons from the Cold War, we were soaring far above their heads dropping Thor’s fury with a destructive power and precision that may as well been nuclear. It was like the Iraqis were bringing a knife to a tank fight. And yet, the resistance toiled on, many fighting until their deaths. What determination! Some soldiers call them stupid for even thinking they have a chance in hell to defeat the strongest military in the world, but I call them brave. It’s not about fighting to win an immediate victory. And what is a conventional victory in a non-conventional war? It seems overwhelmingly obvious that this is no longer within the United States hands. We reduced Falluja to rubble. We claimed victory and told the world we held Falluja under total and complete control. Our military claimed very little civilian casualties and listed thousands of insurgents dead. CNN and Fox News harped and cheered on the television that the Battle of Falluja would go down in history as a complete success, and a testament to the United States’ supremacy on the modern battlefield. However, after the dust settled and generals sat in cozy offices smoking their victory cigars, the front lines in Falluja exploded again with indomitable mortar, rocket, and small arm attacks on US and coalition forces.
Recent reports indicate that many insurgents have resurfaced in the devastated city of Falluja. We had already claimed the situation under control, and were starting to turn our attention to the other problem city of Mosul. Suddenly we were backtracking our attention to Falluja. Did the Department of Defense and the national press lie to the public and claim another preemptive victory? Not necessarily so. Conventionally we won the battle, how could anyone argue that? We destroyed an entire city and killed thousands of its occupants. But the main issue that both the military and public forget to analyze is that this war, beyond any shadow of a doubt, is completely guerrilla.
Sometimes I wonder if the West Point graduated officers have ever studied the intricate simplicity and effectiveness of guerrilla warfare. During the course of this war, I have occasionally asked a random lieutenant or a captain if he at any time has even browsed through Che Guevara’s Guerrilla Warfare. Almost half of them admit that they have not. This I find to be amazing! Here we have many years of guerrilla warfare ahead of us and our military’s leadership seems dangerously unaware of what it all means!
Anyone can tell you that a guerrilla fighter is one who uses hit and run techniques to attempt a breakdown of a stronger conventional force. However, what is more important to a guerrilla campaign are the political forces that drive it. Throughout history, many guerrilla armies have been successful; our own country and its fight for independence cannot be excluded. We should have learned a lesson in guerrilla fighting with the Vietnam War only thirty years ago, but history has a funny way of repeating itself. The Vietnam War was a perfect example of how quick, deadly assaults on conventional troops over a long period of time can lead to an unpopular public view of the war, thus ending it.
Che Guevara stressed in his book Guerrilla Warfare that the most important factor in a guerrilla campaign is popular support. With that, victory is almost completely assured. The Iraqis already have many of the main ingredients of a successful insurrection. Not only do they have a seemingly endless supply of munitions and weapons, they have the advantage to blend into their environment, whether that environment is a crowded market place or a thickly vegetated palm grove. The Iraqi insurgent has utilized these advantages to the fullest, but his most important and relevant advantage is the popular support from his own countrymen.
What our military and government needs to realize is that every mistake we make is an advantage to the Iraqi insurrection. Every time an innocent man, woman or child is murdered in a military act, deliberate or not, the insurgent grows stronger. Even if an innocent civilian is slain at the hands of his/her own freedom fighter, that fighter is still viewed as a warrior of the people, while the occupying force will ultimately be blamed as the responsible perpetrator. Everything about this war is political…every ambush, every bombing, every death. When a coalition worker or soldier is abducted and executed, this only adds encouragement and justice to the dissident fervor of the Iraq public, while angering and demoralizing the occupier. Our own media will prove to be our downfall as well. Every time an atrocity is revealed through our news outlets, our grasp on this once secular nation slips away. As America grows increasingly disturbed by the images of carnage and violent death of her own sons in arms, its government loses the justification to continue the bloody debacle. Since all these traits are the conventional power’s unavoidable mistakes, the guerrilla campaign will surely succeed. In Iraq’s case, complete destruction of the United States military is impossible, but through perseverance the insurgency will drive us out. This will prove to be the inevitable outcome of the war.
We lost many soldiers in the final battle for Falluja, and many more were seriously wounded. It seems unfair that even after the devastation we wreaked on this city just to contain it, many more troops will die in vain to keep it that way. I saw the look in the eyes of a reconnaissance scout while I talked to him after the battle. His stories of gore and violent death were unnerving. The sacrifices that he and his whole platoon had made were infinite. They fought everyday with little or no sleep, very few breaks, and no hot meals. For obvious reasons, they never could manage to find time to email their mothers to let them know that everything turned out ok. Some of the members of his platoon will never get the chance to reassure their mothers, because now those soldiers are dead. The look in his eyes as he told some of the stories were deep and weary, even perturbed. He described in accurate detail how some enemy combatants were blown to pieces by army issued bazookas, some had their heads shot off by a 50 caliber bullet, others were run over by tanks as they stood defiantly in the narrow streets firing an AK-47. The soldier told me how one of his favorite sergeants died right in front of him. He was taking cover behind an alley wall and as he emerged to fire his M4 rifle, he was shot through the abdomen with a rocket-propelled grenade. The grenade itself exploded and sent shrapnel into the narrator’s leg. He showed me where a chunk of burned flesh was torn from his left thigh. He ended his conversation saying that he was just a dumb kid from California who never thought joining the army would send him straight to hell. He told me he was tired as fuck and wanted a shower. Then he slowly walked away, cradling a rifle under his arm.
Have you ever known someone who just couldn’t get the hint? No matter how many times you tell that individual that you simply loathe him or her, they just never catch on. You try being polite at first, subliminally rejecting any associations with that person. When this doesn’t work, you try being overly evasive, continuously avoiding that person at all costs. Eventually, all measures prove futile and still that person cannot see the blatant disgust you feel for him or her. At this time, brute honesty is the best way to go. Express your discontent with that person, your disgust in his or her ways, and finally top it all off with a firm explanation… “I hate you, please leave me alone!”
I have been propositioned to stay in the United States army so many times that I’ve lost count. I’ve told this clusterfuck operation many times my disposition with the army and my dismal chances of staying enlisted. The army never gives up. They never get the hint.
Today was another formal meeting with a high echelon retention officer. These guys are always type-cast for the job. Gung-ho lunatics with crew cuts, pressed uniforms, and an unwavering conviction for the service spread all over their grinning faces. The best way to describe them is overly-enthusiastic car salesmen from Dallas who bleed red, white and blue and wear green fatigues instead of cheap polyester suits.
These are the retention officers, and there is no doubt in my mind that they are the most controlled, manipulated tools in the army. They have to be, the only way that they can be effective is if they truly believe in all the bullshit. They are just like civilian recruiters, but twice as evil. Civilian recruiters will openly lie to a young punk kid, someone who has no idea what the army is about. But these “re-up guys” will lie straight to an experienced soldier, knowing well that both you and him are fully aware of how fucked up the army really is. But there he goes, telling you how great it is to be a soldier in the army nowadays.
On one occasion a year ago, I was ordered to pay a mandatory visit to the retention office. What fun it was going to be! I had been waiting a very long time for this talk with the retention officer, just so I could hear his inane babble and immediately shoot down his flimsy efforts. But this meeting was somewhat different than what I had normally experienced. At that time, our unit was still in Germany, preparing to deploy to Iraq. I was called to his office to talk about plans of me volunteering for a year long deployment. The salesman started by telling me that our whole division was now officially Stop-Lossed, meaning that I would not be getting out of the army on my scheduled date. I would have to serve time in Iraq for up to fifteen months, with no chance for parole. I was expected to wallow in my own misery for an entire year, plus ninety days after the deployment.
I took this rather distasteful, and somehow knew that this was concrete proof that both God and The Government hated me with a passion.
Never the less, I was called into his office to discuss my course of action in dealing with the stop-loss. It was like applying for a loan on bad credit. My options were horrible at best. He told me that I could voluntarily extend to stay with the unit for one year. There would of course be no financial gain or signing bonus for signing that malevolent and depraved piece of paper. The salesman told me that the advantage in signing this extension would be that, no matter what happens with the stop-loss, I would be guaranteed an exodus date.
I of course had my suspicions, so I asked him the ramifications of this “set in stone” deal. If, by chance, the stop-loss were to get nullified (which had been a standing rumor at the time) would the contract then be void of merit? The salesman approached this question very ambiguously and told me that the stop-loss was never going to be canceled. I had better sign that dreaded contract if I were to be guaranteed an exit date a year after the closure of the deal.
As I was shaking my head in disbelief, another commanding officer approached this baleful orgy to tell me, “You better listen to him kid, because the army will fuck you!”
I decided that the time had finally come to appraise my grim situation. I would never in hell sign any contract for this army again! Somehow I knew that signing that dotted line would end up fucking me harder than the original contract I signed three years earlier. I tossed the pen back on the desk and respectfully told the salesman to go fuck himself. I decided that there was no way another fictitous contract would solve this problem.
Many steps are taken to ensure that a healthy number of soldiers stay in the army. Good old fashioned bribery usually works the best. More money with bigger signing bonuses, more college tuition, or simply that soldier’s choice of duty station. More money means a new car, a better stereo, or surround sound television! More tuition pay for a college education that either (1) the soldier will end up dying for in Iraq, or (2) for an education that the soldier will never see, as his life drifts closer and closer to a life time career in the service. Any duty station that the soldier wants, well…everyone wants Hawaii, but no one ever gets it…how ironic!
To convince soldiers to stay in, other mind trickery has been effective. The used car “Con-Man” will instill doubt into the soldier’s self-esteem. Such examples of this bile is, “All you know is the army, its all you’ve done since you graduated high school. You’ll never make it in the civilian world. Why don’t you stay with us, receive health care benefits and a steady pay? Why not stay with the winning team?”
…or, “Well, have you talked this over with your wife? Maybe she’s happy being a soldier’s wife. Maybe she takes pride in the fact that her husband is protecting her and her family and her children’s freedoms. Maybe she wants to rely on a husband who can always put food on the table and clothes on the kids’ backs.”
(But does she want to see her husband disappear for a year at a time while he fights in some random war in the middle east? Does she want to see her husband return in a body bag, and then explain to little Jimmy why there is no dad to play catch with him anymore?)
…one of their best lines, “Why in God’s name do you want to get out now when you’re country needs you the most!”
Yea, okay. The American public loves the US soldier. When he is fighting and dying for our country’s “freedoms”, the masses see him as a hero. However, the neocon infringement on liberties back at home leaves the soldier disillusioned with his purpose in the war. He feels forsaken by his leadership, and most importantly, his government.
In our current situation, there are not as many volunteers for an “all volunteer” army as there once was. War mongering politicians in Washington are demanding more boots on the ground, yet they are hesitant to make any drastic changes in replacing units serving in the middle east theater. Who could blame a civilian for his/her hesitance in signing up, or for that matter, a seasoned veteran for wanting out? No good can come from an immoral war, and many soldiers are opting never to return to the front lines. Some returning soldiers have had to deal with severe emotional problems from trauma they received from combat. Suicide rates for wounded or disfigured veterans are on a steady rise. Deployment time tables have now been capped at two years in a combat zone, twice what it was for soldiers who served in Vietnam. The stop-loss program has also added to low morale within the ranks. Many troops now feel that they will never see the civilian life they once saw at the end of a long, gruesome road.
So the question remains, “Why the hell should I re-enlist?!”
Today, while I was four days away from my original exit date, I was summoned to the retention officer’s presence to discuss a possible re-enlistment. Once again, I would have to hear the mendacious talk about a “one big happy army family”. Once again, I would patiently sit through my options that the army seems to think are predestined for me. After hearing many of the possibilities for re-enlisting, the captain asked me if I had any questions or concerns. Or more specifically, if I needed to borrow his slick government pen. This is always my favorite part…
I informed him that, in just four short days, I was supposed to leave the army forever. I reminded him about a stop-loss that had prevented me from doing such. I respectfully informed him of my complete and raging hatred I have for the army, and that no sum of money nor status of rank could convince me to stay in.
He looked at me as if I were completely insane. How could I hate the army? How could I turn my back on an organization that has royally fucked not only me, but countless friends in the same situation? How could I not think that the army was the greatest thing in the universe; an unstoppable war machine with a killing efficiency far superior to any weapon of mass destruction? Why would I not sign that dotted line? Why would I not forfeit even more of my young life to mindlessly serve a fascist’s empirical quest for world domination?
The expression on the captain’s face when he heard such blasphemy was priceless. As I look back on today, my only regret is that I failed to bring a camera.
After setting back in his chair, carefully analyzing the seditious rhetoric he had just heard, he finally asked, “Well then, what else could you possibly do with your life?” I replied very nonchalantly, “I don’t know, maybe live under a bridge.”
At that point I stood up from his desk, shook his hand, thanked him for a great conversation, and made my way to the door.
As I walked outside and lit a cigarette, a staff sergeant cursed me for smoking within fifty feet of a building. Of course, how could I forget? What a strange society we live in. Somewhere on this camp, a soldier was most likely doing push-ups for forgetting to screw in a light bulb, or some other menial infraction. The dust from the ground puffed into my nose with each step I took. The blazing hot sun continued to bake the entire landscape at a consistent 102 degrees. As I continued to walk down the hazy road, I couldn’t help but to notice the 10x20 foot aluminum boxes that soldiers live in; their homes completely surrounded by a thick layer of sandbags to protect them from incoming mortar shells. To the south, a billowing black cloud of smoke was hanging ominously over downtown Baquba. In the distance, an AK-47 was chattering away at some arbitrary target. Without a doubt, someone was now dead. Almost to compliment the heavy gunfire, two Kiowa assault helicopters screamed over my head and into the horizon, looking for whatever trouble they might find. I took a long drag from my cigarette and thought to myself, “Goddamn, I sure do miss the good life.”
---
hEkLe
Baquba, Iraq
"We have become a Nazi monster in the eyes of the whole world-a nation of bullies and bastards who would rather kill than live peacefully. We are not just Whores for power and oil, but killer whores with hate and fear in our hearts. We are human scum, and that is how history will judge us....No redeeming social value. Just whores. Get out of our way, or we'll kill you.
"Well, shit on that dumbness. George W. Bush does not speak for me or my son or my mother or my friends or the people I respect in this world. We didn't vote for these cheap, greedy little killers who speak for America today--and we will not vote for them again in 2002. Or 2004. Or ever.
"Who does vote for these dishonest shitheads? Who among us can be happy and proud of having all this innocent blood on our hands? Who are these swine? These flag-sucking half-wits who get fleeced and fooled by stupid little rich kids like George Bush?
"They are the same ones who wanted to have Muhammad Ali locked up for refusing to kill gooks. They speak for all that is cruel and stupid and vicious in the American character. They are the racists and the hate mongers among us--they are the Ku Klux Klan. I piss down the throats of these Nazis.
"And I am too old to worry about whether they like it or not. Fuck them."
HST ,2002
The US Army loves a good robot. A soldier who takes orders obediently without thought or question is considered a good soldier. Each automaton is expected to take to gospel any ideas or beliefs held by the authority over him. Any thinking that would contradict the absolute omnipotence of the army as a whole is considered heresy. The intense mind control starts very early in a soldier’s career. Once a person enters into the ranks of the war machine, that person will be subjected to inane mind games and deprived of human spirit and character. An installation of fear will break down his free will, clear it of all pride and self-respect, and replace it with fiber-optic bloodlust. The average soldier soon discovers to always be the yes-man, always stay motivated, and always know that the army is steadfast in its supremacy. Never again would that soldier think for himself or question authority.
Those few of the enlisted who would dare display any traits of individuality or independent thought are immediately singled out and dealt with. These such “black sheep” are subjected to ridicule, ostracism, and idle threats in order to conform that soldier back to the standardized way of thinking. Trepidation plays a huge role in keeping the lower ranking in line, thus smiting any desires for an individual to speak out for himself. Valid complaints of ill treatment are expected to pass upwards through a long, bureaucratic chain of command, usually brushed off repeatedly and almost never reaching the authority needed to deal with the problem at hand.
Robots are expected to receive orders and process them without thought or feeling. Killing is the robot’s task. Emotion is not tolerated. Fear is processed into hatred and hatred is turned into motivation. The drone is expected to eat, sleep, and to mindlessly serve the High Command.
The army loves a good robot, but the army consistently neglects the fact that its soldiers are human, displaying every feeling and emotion that a person normally would.
Deployments are a long and hard trial of negativity, doubts, and horror. Soldiers in Iraq are incessantly faced with the extreme conditions of a searing desert, a constant paranoia of their volatile environment, undue stress caused by the despot authority over them, and imminent death around every corner. The soldier will make every attempt to keep these problems to himself, to deal with them on his own terms. Talking to friends about these problems can only help so much, and an attempt to express these issues to his superiors prove to be futile…one can be accused of cowardice only so much. Angst and frustration fill the bottle more and more everyday, until the time comes to ignite the greasy rag. With no one around, and the all seeing eye of Big Brother out of range, the soldier makes his stand within the confines of a restroom stall. Marker in hand, freshly painted white walls his canvas, he explodes and sums it all up with one rebellious thought…
“FUCK THE ARMY!”
It goes without saying, an American soldier is not privileged to the same constitutional rights he defends with his life. The soldier cannot come and go as he sees fit; there is no such thing as a “two-week notice” in his line of work. Limitations are placed on what he says, and free speech is certainly not free. Incorrect thoughts are to be kept silent, and dire consequences await for those who act on their convictions. Due to the absolute privacy found in bathrooms, what was once suppressed frustrations suddenly become an open forum of ideas and acquisitions. The latrine walls become what The Combine dreads the most, a podium of free speech for soldiers.
You will not find too many of these such restrooms or portable toilets on smaller camps. The fear of authority in such places cuts too deep. However, on larger forward operating bases, usually consisting of many different units, the shit will hit the fan. You can join in on the open-ended debates, if you remembered your marker. I for one have made a black permanent marker an everyday part of my uniform.
Most of the time, you will see unit rivalries going back and forth, sort of like a dog marking his territory:
“1/8 Cavalry was here…too damned long!”
“HHC 854th ENG all the way”
“B 1-7 FA don’t know their asses from a hole in the ground!”
Or you may see valid complaints from the front, such as National Guard units who were extended past a year, or soldiers who were stop-lossed from leaving the army:
“One weekend a month?! BULLSHIT!!”
“Thank God I got out of the army…SEVEN MONTHS AGO!!”
“FUCK THE WORLD!”
“FUCK IRAQ!”
The most interesting toilets I have found in the past have been the ones containing politically heated debates, going back and forth from one scribbled statement to the next:
“FUCK G.W. BUSH AND HIS FUCKING OIL WAR!”
“FUCK YOU, BASTARD! BUSH IS FIGHTING TERRORISM WHERE IT STARTS!”
“HE MUST BE AN OFFICER. FUCKING TOOL!”
“THAT’S OUR COMMANDER IN CHIEF! YOU CALL YOURSELF A SOLDIER?!”
“YOU CALL YOURSELF INTELLIGENT?”
…and then there’s always something from the incorrigibles:
“FUCK THE ARMY!”
“FUCK BIG BROTHER!”
“FUCK THE $YSTEM!”
…or one of my personal favorites:
“FIGHT FASCISM!
(insert [1] well drawn anti-swastika circle)
THE U.S.ARMY IS RAN BY NAZI SWINE!!”
Bathroom graffiti is never a pretty sight. The language is always horrible, certainly not spoken through the mouths that kiss mothers. One thing should be made very clear right now: soldiers talk like a bunch of sailors, bottom line.
One interesting aspect is that of the FTA. This is an almost underground cult within the ranks. The members of this secret organization refer to each other as Joe‘s. Soldiers will know who is FTA just by looking at him. He will immediately understand that “Joe” hates being oppressed by his superiors, disagrees with the army’s stupid rules, and resents the army for taking him to crazy 3rd world countries, only to try to kill him. The actual graffiti “FTA” can be found in almost every portable toilet or restroom where others have left their opinions. Its almost never written fancy or artistic, just three bold, simple letters…
F.T.A.
One can surely assume what it means.
It’s a safe guess that “lifer’s” or high ranking officers see this kind of subversive swill and become rather angry about it. The whole façade of “one big happy army” disappears right in front of their eyes, and their petty little fantasy world of structure and order come crashing down around their ankles. The only way to counter the bathroom graffiti is, of course, painting over the walls. Or take a can of spray paint and omit the slander quicker than G.W.Bush can black-out his sham military record. The fallacy of treating soldiers like tools is that the soldier will eventually speak out in one way or another. No matter how many times a bathroom wall gets painted over, Joe and his pen will strike again…
“I will never run out of ink as long as there’s bathroom walls to write on!” --anonymous
I strongly believe in and support bathroom graffiti. Whether it helps to vent frustrations or simply express opinions and ideas, the free speech of the shithouse will always live on. Quick little shout-outs against the system are always good, and sometimes you feel entertained by what someone said. Other times the graffiti isn’t too intelligent, but it helps to gauge the soldier’s overall feelings for the army and the war. Obviously, the dissension is rampant as the message is literally on the wall. A good tag will remind you that you are not the only one that feels the war is wrong or your “president” is a complete joke. However, it is the graffiti in which speaks The Truth that always leaves the lasting impression:
“The loss of diversity is the degradation of effectiveness.
Submission to conformity is the deprivation of creative expression.
The inability to form a personal opinion leads to the lack of self worth.
THINK FOR YOURSELF!”
--The Heretic
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hEkLe
Baquba, Iraq
8/16/2004 COLORADO SPRINGS, Colo. (AP)
"I don't want to go back to Iraq," the sergeant told the News. "I went through a lot of things for the Army that weren't necessary and were risky. Iraq has changed a lot of people."
Soldiers from a combat unit at Fort Carson say they have been told to re-enlist for three more years or be transferred to other units expected to deploy to Iraq, the Rocky Mountain News reported Thursday.
Hundreds of soldiers from the 3rd Brigade Combat Team were presented with that message and a re-enlistment form in a series of assemblies last week, two soldiers who spoke on condition of anonymity told the newspaper.
"They said if you refuse to re-enlist with the 3rd Brigade, we'll send you down to the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment, which is going to Iraq for a year, and you can stay with them, or we'll send you to Korea, or to Fort Riley (in Kansas) where they're going to Iraq," said one of the soldiers, a sergeant.
The second soldier, an enlisted man, echoed that view: "They told us if we don't re-enlist, then we'd have to be reassigned. And where we're most needed is in units that are going back to Iraq in the next couple of months. So if you think you're getting out, you're not."
The sergeant told the News the threat has outraged soldiers who are close to fulfilling their service obligation.
"We have a whole platoon who refuses to sign," he said.
One of the soldiers provided the form to the News. If signed, it would bind the soldier to the 3rd Brigade until Dec. 31, 2007.
Extending a soldier's active duty is within Army authority, since the enlistment contract carries an eight-year obligation, even if a soldier signs up for shorter terms. Members of Iraq-bound units can be retained for an entire year in Iraq, even if their active-duty enlistment expires.
"I don't want to go back to Iraq," the sergeant told the News. "I went through a lot of things for the Army that weren't necessary and were risky. Iraq has changed a lot of people."
The enlisted soldier said the recruiters' message left him "filled with dread."
"For me, it wasn't about going back to Iraq. It's just the fact that I'm ready to get out of the Army," he said
--And that, ladies and gentlemen, is the fascist tendencies of the US Army. But this is not entirely the army's fault. the army is just a tool of autonomous power utilized by warhawk neocons in Washington, D.C. The army is nothing more than a war machine that processes the orders of our Commander in Chief. Since this is an unjust war, based of lies and thievery, it makes complete sense that the army would also steal a person's life from them, whether or not that person is even dead or alive. The Statistics here at FightToSurvive are like so many other soldiers right now, stuck in Iraq completely against our will. We are stop-lossed, and cannot even dream of getting out of the army until 90 days after we return to our home station. The stop-loss is the easy solution to the lack of troops on the ground in Iraq, and for Bush it makes for a perfect backdoor draft. Well, fuck you Uncle Sam! If you even think we are going back to this quagmire of illegitimate killing, your wrong! We oppose this war, we oppose a civilian draft (if Bush gets elected, thats the next step) and nobody should have to die to cover Bush's ass on bad business deals with the Taliban!
...and one more thing Mr. President, guess what other army would not allow soldiers to return back to a normal civilian life? Oh, yea, that was Saddam Hussein's army, the same army you said was so goddamned evil in the first place.
hasta la victoria siempre!
hEkLe
I am in the comfort of my Mother's mountain fortress deep in the rocky mountains with a beer in hand. I have been granted a two weeks leave and am taking full advantage. The prison social life and concentration camp conditions of a forward Iraqi deployment is a dark contrast to the light of civilian paradise. After leaving the original Babylon I have found true Eden in the companionship of my friends and family. All the little things that I took for granted before the war flood my senses with appreciation. How I missed so many things and will have to be torn from them once again. It is all one giant tease of a wet dream and soon I will have to wake up to a familiar nightmare. My thoughts do stress on how my brothers in arms are doing in my absence. Not that I feel that I can single handedly save every one of my little brothers, but the sympathy pain is too much. I can't seem to be able to rest without sharing the burden with those men. Like I snuck out of something and they have to hull my slack. I might never be able to rest until every soldier is home from war.
I was in the bar the other night with friends and the news was on TV. Most people ignored the images of soldiers in tans cleaning up the latest car bombed street. As the reporter gave the latest score of the growing death rate a few sieghs whispered across the room and then the story changed to a baby rhino being born and it seemed to draw more attention. In a second the thoughts of war evaporated from their lazy beer soaked minds. I guess i have no choice but to think of it all the time. I felt recentment to all the free people that get the privaliges of freedom and have the right to ignore the issues. In the end I look at my reflection in the glass of stout and understand that I am the retard that signed the contract. If there is anyone out there foolish enough to consider joining the Armed Forces, please don't. I had all sorts of good advice when I was going in. But I am not wise enough to learn from others. I was stubborn and had to punish myself to learn the lessons that were haded to me by countless people. If you want to have a miserable time in the most degrading job you'll ever have than by all means. If you don't like sleep, good food, clean enviroments, money, and your life than maybe you would be making the right choice. But, think hard at what you value and come to terms with the fact that if you become a soldier you will represent every decision our government makes. Not only that but you will be no better than the fat bastard cop that enforces our leaderships policies. Just think real hard about it. If you are in a dead end and service looks like an easy out you will be very disappointed. There are other ways to get out of your rut, your ghetto, or your debts. There is a million ways to get collage cash. And a lot better ways to support a family than being deployed for a year every six months. I would rather live poor and see my kids. Just consider this and say no to that recruiter that keeps calling you. Please.
Oh and dodge the draft, because it is around the corner is Bush gets another four.
--the heretic
(Taken from Pink Floyd's The Final Cut--a requiem for the post war dream)
A place to stay
Enough to eat
Somewhere old heroes shuffle safely down the street
Where you can speak out loud
About your doubts and fears
And what's more no one ever disappears
And you never hear their standard issue kicking in your door
You can relax on both sides of the tracks
And maniacs don't blow holes in bandsmen by remote
Control
And everyone has recourse to the law
And no one kills the children anymore
And no one kills the children anymore.
--Roger Waters
A sunset fading away in the horizon over all the tall tenements and businesses and parks and streets and cafes down below, over the mountains in the west, and oblivion evermore. The faint tint of orange, no longer blinding white, is visible with the naked eye. It soothes the mind to think, today was another day, tomorrow the sun will rise again. Day after day goes by in the city, this one like any other, full with happiness and fruitful events that the day has revealed. It is here, right now, looking out the eleventh story window of my girlfriend's apartment, where everything is perfect and serene. The sun fades away for the night, on this day forever, and the lights of the streets below twinkle their happy faces. When you can watch the sun set, it drops so suddenly that you can actually watch it go by every second of the way. The cool evening breeze blows the curtain gently against my face, and soon the sun is just a sliver over the mountain peaks. In an instant, the sun is gone.
Today was a good day. There were no reports of roadside bombs killing three and injuring two. There were no fierce bullets piercing the air from an insurgent's angry rifle. There were no rockets aimed at passing convoys, no arbitrary mortar rounds dropped on my home. Sad looks from children sitting on wagons filled with grains never cast their glance at my loaded rifle. No angry stares from young men forced out of the way of a raging humvee, speeding hellishly down a crowded street. Indeed, today was a good day, tomorrow will be better, for I am no longer in that place so full of hate.
Since I was granted a two week leave from combat, I have considered many things in a different light. Its always the small things. Children playing on the monkey bars, people sipping coffee on street-side cafes. Elderly women sitting on park benches feeding bread to the pigeons. The setting sun over the horizon has never looked so beautiful in all my life.
I am miles away from that war-torn country, and these new surroundings appear only too surreal. My girl enters the room and kisses me softly on the cheek, asking me what I’m staring at so intensely. Oh, nothing, really. I do not think she'd ever understand. How could I ever explain this awesome sight to anyone. This cannot be the real world, a society living everyday without the fear of a missile strike or eminent death. The real world is where people die, where people cry, and where people hide behind frightened eyes. Yet as I look across a sea of urban lime-light I realize that, to so many people here, it is I who am the fictional character. If this is the real world, away from all the carnage and desolation, than this cannot be for real. I must have somehow slipped away from reality. I must be in a dream.
--hEkLe
(Sofia, Bulgaria)
Baquba, Iraq
Enlisted in the ranks under king George II
Trained as a peace keeper but terror is my weapon
Superior tech-threat the enemy cowers
In mud huts and holy towers
Watching CNN with xenophobic fear
Mecca's bought on Wall Street as proud imperialists cheer
Who want's to marry a millionaire on real world Baghdad
There will be no Ramadan this year
I'm a mercenary that kills for college tuition
A time honored family tradition
The floatation device for the working class man
Trade a picket fence for blood soaked sand
I'll learn to hate the Arab face
Like a taint among the human race
Prejudice claims another soul
At the end of a bullets trace
Hitler reborn in a bigot's cause
The SS rally under Patriot laws
Media scandal, vote Nazi for four more
Write a check to the Federal Reserve and celebrate the spread of war
Ignore education, the environment and the national debt
It's Super bowl time, plug in to the TV set
While I waste my time, my tears, my life
As my words never leave the internet.
--the heretic
So, this is draft three. I wrote some cheese dick verbose shit about how good it is to see we've found the same light in this and although we've all got blood on our hands, our fights yet to begin, etc. and to be honest, dude... I'm scared sick. I'm tired of getting shot at and killing another man's freedom fighter. No, I've no problem offing a relegious zealot (one's as good as another) but he is only defending his homeland against the invader. The white infadel and his occupational army. Why? I can't vent this shit. I try to start and it gets on top of me. The anxiety, then the depressed homesick government hate stop lost year stolen blind rage while I'm chained here invisible by a name on a page. I hit five months here next week... I don't know how much more I can take. I'm shell shocked. A door slams and I'm curled up inside my kevlar. I hear gunshots and run at them. I don't understand myself anymore. The malaria pill has stolen my sleep and my dreams are hallucinations, not escape. I'm in Hell, deaf from gunfire and mortar round impacts, sweating blood and tears killing for the machine while I die inside, and God damn it! There is no God, so where does that leave an existentialist punk who only wanted a free ride to Europe and a dollar for college? Mired in rage at what he can't change? In denial of the facts? I've shed no tears over my time here, nor will I, but I cannot accept that this is really happening around me. People say when you die, you can see yourself from outside your body. When you kill, it's the same way. So here I am watching myself from afar while bodies fall limp and I slouch relieved. Tommorrow, I'll wake up and ignore the politics and ignorance and scrape a day off the calender, bathe in brown water to move the sand around on my sunburnt skin, and hope that a round doesn't come thundering out of the sky and bring me peace.
--Joe Public
I found out some serious negative side effects of the Malaria pill they got us on. It seems to cause sleeples nights, anxiety, and brian damage. But that might just be the fact that we are in a stressful combat zone. If anyone can find out info on the Malaria pill, Aralen Chloroquine Phosphate let me know what it is doing to me. I got so many vacinations in me I am a walking science project. Anthrax in the righht arm and small pox in the left. When I go in for shots they tell me a list of drugs in a one shot cocktail. I am good to go after one stab. They make me sign a paper with a bunch of ABCs one it and expect me to me a happy soldier. I think it is a mind control syrum to make super fighters.
You may have caught a glimpse of my little metel box I call home on CNN. A car bomb killed a bunch of Iraqis and one of our beloved Captains near Baqubah. I'm sure this was televised. Anyways, we live in 18 by 8 foot metel containers called carmexs. They have a widow that you can't see out because sand bags are stacked to high and an air conditioner that is never running because we have no electricity. You can imagine how hot it get inside during the day. Since I work at night as a sniper it creates a sleeping problem. I have three room mates which gives me about as much space as I need to sit in a fetal position and wait for a mortar round to crash through the sheet metal roof.
One good thing about the weather is at least now we have hot food. The meals are cooked over at a different camp and brought to us. They sit around for hours until chow time. By then they are nice and hot. No flavor, but hot. It beats an MRE (Meal Ready to Eat). Modern day rations in a little plastic bag. Food made by scientists instead of farmers. I eat my Malaria pill as a dessert. mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm
The scouts have four new guys. They are all tankers striaght out of Basic. They are young 18, 19 most of them and they don't have a clue what is going on. The scouts don't seem to talk to them much. How do you make conversation with a guy who is there to replace you after an Improvised Explosive blows your arms and legs off. It is like saying hello to a ghost you aren't sure is there. And the last thing you want is another friend that will no doubt die once you've grown attached. It is better if they don't have names. Just Fuck'n New Guy. They make the mistakes we used to and we call them stupid and green. We allready risked are lives so much, so the FNGs are made to do the dirty jobs. We are going to be here for eight more months, so I am sure that each batch of privates will be more isolated then the last. After a few fire fights they will start to gain some recognition. One day is a year out here.
-the heretic
yesterday i was walking to the dinning facility at our lovely FOB when some unruly e-6 asshole stopped me and said, " hey specialist, arent you going to sew on a combat patch!?" there was angst and authority in his voice, it made me sick. i replied,"uh, hell no sergeant." aggrivated, he replied, "well why the hell not?!!" cool, calmly, and collected, i answered,"because, sergeant, some things just aren't worth fighting for."
he walked away huffing like bitch in heat. i smiled. insignificant though it was, it was still a victory.
*hey soldier, wanna really piss off your nco's?? then dont wear the combat patch. killing fellow man or watching you buddy die should never be glorified.
fuck the army.
hEkLe
baquba, iraq
The name of Specialist Spoon has been changed to protect him from ill treatment from his superiors.
The concussion of the mortar fire shook the forward operating base. Not a single soldier all over camp was standing. They lie face down pulling their helmets tight with both hands unsure if it's enemy fire. A voice from a mega phone calls out "OUTGOING FIRE!" As the soldiers stand they knock the dust from their fatigues and continue business as usual. It is Saturday the fifteenth of May 2004. Weekends don't exist while on deployment. It's work twenty-four hours a day seven days a week for the entire year. Saturday is the Islamic day for prayer, which means the sector is pretty quiet. It is also a great day to send 155mm shells over the wall. It is just a show of force. Kinda like a big dick contest. A reminder that while you are safe in your mosque praying we can still blow the shit out of you.
An hour later SPC Spoon is sitting on top of an M1 Abraham tank ,at the South Gate pulling his four hours of guard duty, when a beat up rusty sedan stops at a barricade two hundred meters away. Through the binos he observes an Arab man exit the drivers seat and move to the passenger side. He reaches into the vehicle and carefully lifts out a child. It was a girl maybe fours years old. "The same age as my daughter" thought the Specialist. The girls black swirling hair was matted down with blood and her skin was peppered with sores and cuts. One side of her face was red and bruised with her eye swollen shut. The way she hung limply in her fathers arms made him believe she was already dead. The crew on the tank gave each other pale looks as they hopped of the tank to met the Iraqi. The tank commander radioed the first aid station and an interpreter came out of the guard shack. SPC Spoon took the girl from her reluctant father while another soldier searched him. "What happened?" asked Spoon through the translator. from a short conversation with the shaken man Spoon found out that while his daughter was sleeping, bombs from the sky hit his house. Apparently the mortars made some errors in calculating their target points. Many of the rounds landed as much as four hundred meters of the mark. One of which smashed through this little girls bedroom.
The medics showed up and after an examination and some sour looks the medics decided they needed to bring the girl to the aid station. Spoon climbed into the field ambulance with te little girl who's father was forced to wait at the gate for security reasons. In the red glow of the ambulance Spoon held the child as she tried to cry in spite the pain it caused. The Specialist laid the girl down on a bed at the station and was pushed away by the working medics. A curtain was pulled blocking his view and he backed up until he fell into a chair. Spoon watched as medical personnel went in and out for a desperate fifteen minutes. They finally left one by one until the last left the curtain open to reveal the little girl laying on the bed still, lifeless. After the medic spoke with the commander, Spoon was ordered to carry the child back to the gate with the Colonel. As the Specialist handed the child back the father almost collapsed with sorrow. Spoon thought he was going to be sick, but what happened next left him paralyzed. Five dollars isn't much in America, but it is a good chunk of change in Iraq. This is the price the officer offered as compensation for the accidental murder of his daughter. He seemed furious at first and then a heated haggle occurredd. After the commander made the point that if it was a boy he would pay more, the man finally settled with twenty dollars. The father left with his dead daughter and his new twenty bucks. As Spoon stood there in frozen awe the officer gave him a long cold stare and walked off straightening his uniform.
SPC Spoon was ambushed on a patrol two days later. No US soldiers were hurt and two Iraqis were killed. One of the dead was the childs father. He must have joined the guerrillas after the unfair events two days ago. He was twice the age of the other insurgents and in the eyes of the US he is just another terrorist that got what was coming to him. Chalk up another success for our team.
Who are we fighting? The political enemy is not as common as the relative or friend of a previous victim. Some captives speak of Jihad. So what is Jihad? The 1st Infantry Division Soldiers handbook to Iraq says " Jihad is thought of as the sixth pillar of Islam. It hoes not exactly mean "holy war", but is used to describe the personal battle one undertakes against sin and temptation. Each Muslim is encouraged to wage both an inner struggle against sin as well as physically guard and defeat secular influences that might corrupt their communities." Sounds like a noble cause to me. Some insurgents are more global minded and wish to defeat a greedy evil that threatens all mankind. We invest a lot of money to kill people that are trying to help humanity, even help us as we try to destroy them. Now with their backs to the wall they fight us the only way they can to even the odds, with terrorism.
STOP THIS WAR,
the heretic
Hello friends,
I had to write about another horrifying event that occurred here in sector. As always you have permission to spread it to any listener that is interested in hearing the truths of this war on terrorism. Read, but you might not enjoy.
Five soldiers died the other day. They weren't Killed In Action, these brave men did not go out fighting. The First Infantry Division has a motto "No Sacrifice Too Great". I disagree.
Insurgents have been ambushing are patrols since the start of this occupation. Are patrolling humvees are easy targets, as we stick to well traveled roads, hiding in our armored vehicles. They watch us sleep and see when we roll out the gate. The enemy knows where we are going before we do. Often they will fire a mortar or rocket so the command scrambles the scouts and we spin out to check the area. It turns out to be a trap and the typical scenario pans out like this. Improvised Explosive Devices (IED's) are planted roadside. Gutted mortar shells daisy chained together and detonated by a cellular phone call as we drive by. A humvee is blown over on it's side and any soldiers left alive fall out stunned. The rest of the patrol is forced to a stop that is when the two men with RPGs pop out. Armor piercing grenades go through the metal plated doors like a hot knife though butter. and the cab of the humvee bulges as the explosion billows from the broken wreckage. Soldiers scramble about trying to help their wounded friends as AK-47 bullets trace from the near by palm groves. Nothing remains but scattered bodies of American boys and burning wrecks of humvees.
The 1st ID has taken precautions to avoid this scene. We don't bunch up, keeping a distance from the vehicle in front of us. We drive fast so the terrorists can't target us with RPGs and miss time the IEDs. And at night, we drive with the light off. Night Vision Goggles (NVGs) are a good piece of kit however, the dull green sights makes the eyes tire quickly and depth perception evaporates. At high speeds the world drifts by in a toxic emerald blur. The desert dust kicked up swirls up into a impenetrable smoke screen. At a safe distance apart, the rest of the scouts didn't notice when the rear truck missed a ninety degree turn and flipped upside down into a canal.
Iraq is an arid place and the farmers depend on an extensive system of criss crossing canals to irrigate there land. Some of these canals are dirt trenches and others are fifteen foot wide concrete walled rivers. A muck of built up sewage and slime sits at the bottom of the deep slow moving polluted water. With the steep canal walls and dark mosquito infested water, it took the scouts a half an hour to locate the missing vehicle. By then it was too late.
There are six openings to a humvee. There are four heavy steel doors that take two men to lift when removed from the vehicle. Each door is seated on a pin hinge that points upward. To put a door on you raise the door up on these posts and it slide into place. Gravity keeps the door on the hinge. When the humvee is up side down the door shifts , but the frame holds the door wedged in place and impossible to open. Another exit is the gunners hatch, which is a wide opening on the roof of the humvee. No doubt the hole was flush with the cement canal floor and buried in the sludge. The last opening is the back hatch. The entire rear slope of the vehicle lifts up to reveal a large cargo space. Unfortunately the access from the front compartment is to small for most men to fit through. The humvee is not as air tight as a lexus right off the lot. It is rittled with bullet holes and battle damage. We even punch holes in the bottoms to drain out water and mud when we wash the trucks at the motor pool. It wouldn't take long for one to fill up with water.
My only hope was that they were knocked unconscious or were killed right away in the accident, but that was not the case. There are some very horrible ways to go. Burning alive and biological/chemical weapon attacks are two on my list. Nerve agents cause the victim to convulse and twitch to death. Most soldiers call this the "kick'n chicken" or the "dying cockroach". However, drowning is my absolute worst nightmare. I can only imagine the anxiety and panic that sets in as you desperately try to escape as your last seconds of breath runs short. The driver and youngest crew member's finger nails were ripped off trying to scratch through the bullet proof windshield. One man had his head and arm stuck in the rear access door and the truck commanders rifle was broken after he attempted to beat his door open. The idea will forever haunt me and the lives of the dead men I will always remember.
Whether by accident or enemy contact we are losing American lives here in Iraq. These are people you might know, friends of friends, the neighbors son, or a ex-co-worker. They are boys from a hood with no tomorrow and men trying support their families. They are kids with dreams and fathers with children. It is time we stop this war. Make a stand and bring us home. Save or lives, we risk ours fighting for yours.
--the heretic
December 10, 2004 By John Strauss, IndyStar.com
ORLANDO -- A Hoosier soldier who survived a fiery ambush in Iraq is among wounded service members being honored this week at a national conference.
Sgt. Chris Leverkuhn, 21, a member of the Army Reserve 209th Quartermaster Company of Lafayette, lost part of his right leg and suffered other injuries, including burns to his hands and face. Leverkuhn and about 150 other wounded soldiers are at the Road to Recovery Conference and Tribute at Walt Disney World.
The conference began Wednesday and ends Sunday and includes motivational speakers, seminars on disability benefits and job placement, and a concert by country music stars Toby Keith and Lee Ann Womack.
The conference is sponsored by the Coalition to Salute America's Heroes, a nonprofit group based in McLean, Va., that helps seriously wounded soldiers with job training and other assistance.
"A lot of these guys are slipping through the cracks in terms of their needs," said Roger Chapin, a San Diego businessman who founded the coalition and has organized other soldier-support groups dating to the Vietnam War.
"The federal government can only do so much. There are thousands of casualties, and not all of these guys are able to process their (disability) claims."
[Why not? Care to explain that? If they had decided to not to go fight Bushs Imperial war, you can bet personnel would have been found to process their combat refusal. Well, maybe its just a question of priorities. Invading and occupying somebody elses country for no reason but corporate greed has one priority. Caring for the wounded who were betrayed by the super-rich who own the government is a much lower priority. Just like a fucked up steelworker or teamster, the usefulness of severely wounded troops as hired labor is over, so now they can try to survive on table scraps.]
(Washington Post, December 9, 2004, Pg. 24)
A federal judge ruled that the military can ship an Arkansas soldier back to the front lines in Iraq this weekend, despite the serviceman's objection that the military forced him to extend his tour after tricking him into believing he was enlisting for just one year. The judge said an Army recruiter may have stressed to David W. Qualls, 35, that he was enlisting for a one-year hitch, but the contract he signed spelled out that his duty could be extended against his wishes. [Lesson learned, never believe a shit-eating professional liar called a recruiter.]
December 07, 2004 Silver Spring, Md. (AP)
Fire investigators in three area counties are trying to determine whether government passenger cars used by military recruiters are being targeted for arson.
The three latest cases involved cars authorized for Army use that were parked outside of a recruiting office in the 8,200 block of Georgia Avenue in Silver Spring. They were burned early Monday.
The case is similar to an incident that occurred outside of a military recruiting office in Fairfax last Monday. The Washington Post reports that a car parked near a recruiting station in 7,600 block of Richmond Highway was burned. Another vehicle was burned early Friday in the 13,900 block of Lee-Jackson Memorial Highway.
December 9, 2004 Steve Chapman, the Chicago Tribune
The more American troops in Iraq, the greater the resentment they inspire.
More American troops may be able to kill more insurgents, but they also seem to generate more insurgents to replace the ones who are killed. Not that fewer troops would help matters. The existence of a problem, alas, doesn't mean it has a solution.
That's been the maddening paradox of Iraq from the start. We liberated Baghdad, but we can't use the airport road.
The victory in Fallujah could very well turn out to be a reminder of what we learned in Vietnam about the difficulty of fighting a guerrilla war. An American colonel once said to a North Vietnamese counterpart, "You know, you never beat us on the battlefield."
His reply: "That may be so, but it is also irrelevant."
ArchAngel would like to inform you that Spc. Barron's Command has banned the reading of GI Special from their Soldiers. We do not know how many others are banned from your newsletter, but it is obvious that you are making commanders NERVOUS.
December 08, 2004 By C. Mark Brinkley, Army Times staff writer
The message is clear: Stay away from Americans and the interim Iraqi government. The message has gotten through to interpreters.
We have very few left, says Maj. Brian Kenna, 42, an Army civil-affairs team chief from Spokane, Wash., whose job demands regular interaction with local officials and the public. It makes work a lot more difficult. Were able to get some things done, but in Mosul itself, its hard to accomplish anything because of the security situation.
Translators are integral to battling an insurgency. Kennas unit once had as many as 70 translators, most hired locally. Now it has four.
The shortage of interpreters is a problem for every command, from Army engineers working at police stations to infantry battalions fighting insurgents.
Local hires in Mosul make about $600 a month, more than the triple average wages in the area.
We need more of both of them, says Brig. Gen. Carter Ham, commander of multinational forces in northern Iraq. Its a very specific skill set, obviously, and in high demand. But the risks arent worth it for many.
Most of them would rather make $200 a month on the street and be safe,
The losses leave many U.S. military units juggling interpreters, borrowing and lending them so they can work with Iraqi forces or the public. The language barrier can shut progress down cold. [Translation: the language barrier makes it harder for the Bush Regime of Imperial Conquest to keep its filthy hands on Iraq.]
To: GI Special
Sent: December 04, 2004 7:17 AM
Thanksgiving weekend was discouraging for the 2-63 Armor Battalion of 3rd Brigade, 1st Infantry Division.
On the 27th of November Khalis came under an organized insurgent attack. The fight was most intense near the Iraqi Police and Iraqi National Guard center, a square block which most of the government buildings are located. The insurgents occupied the large school complex across the street from the ING offices.
The mortar platoon (Hip Shot) was on patrol the morning the assault occurred. The Mortars have fallen into their infantry role and are tasked with combat operations, like counter mortar and road clearance. I was told by one soldier from Hip Shot that there was so much contact that his 50 caliber machine gun went black on ammo (ran out of ammunition) and he was hanging out of the turret shooting insurgents with the shotgun normally used to blow locks off during raids.
Shadow Platoon, the Scouts, were on Quick Reaction Force duty and responded. However, on their race to Khalis, five kilometers North of the Forward Operating Base Scunion, they had to evasively avoid improvised explosive devices that were laid along the main route.
A Specialist from the Shadow platoon said "I saw the white 155 rounds lying on both sides the of the road. The head scout was yelling "Left, Left!" then "Right, Right!" as they tried avoiding the artillery shells."
The Scouts found themselves stuck dealing with clearing the IEDs themselves. Shadows gunners engaged the IEDs with Mark 19 and 50 cal fire and then some NCOs carefully placed C4 and detonated each round one at a time. One IED was pushed into a canal when fired upon. I was told that a Sergeant took of his gear and dropped into the knee high murky canal to retrieve the round.
Meanwhile another section was rolling to Khalis. The Military Intelligence Officer Major Downing had a meeting that morning with figure heads at the Khalis government compound.
Four trucks full of the Majors Personal Security Detachment took the back way into Khalis.
When they arrived the town was alive with small arms fire and movement. In various spots smoke streamed up over the flat toped skyline. The PSD section made it to the main traffic circle that the ING was using as a rally point. Iraqi Guard soldiers were detaining some insurgents there and had the circle secure when soldiers started yelling to Major Downings crew that the Deputy Governor of the Diyala Province was under attack by men with RPGs.
The detachment mounted up in their trucks and rolled out towards the Deputy Governors home, half way between Khalis and Habhib.
As the section approached the targeted area a white truck was spotted in the medium with Arab men piled in the bed. The men were dressed like civilians. Some wore black leather looking jackets. They were all armed with AK 47s and one held a RPG on his shoulder pointed in the direction of the Deputy Governors home.
The PSD section stopped 100 meters away, and from what I am told, Major Downing gave a panicked, but direct, order to fire.
The gunner of his truck fumbled with the Mark 19, a fully automatic grenade launcher that throws fat bullet looking 40mm grenades over 1000 meters.
The men in the truck seemed to not react to the presence of the four humvees. The trailing three humvee crew members, still confused about the situation, charged their weapons and waited for a command over the communications radio.
None came.
Meanwhile the crew of the lead vehicle dismounted. The gunner in the lead truck brought up a SAW (squad automatic weapon) as the Major continued to yell at his crew to "light the truck up!"
The Iraqi men were surprised when the US Army soldiers, after what seemed like minutes parked behind them, opened up with a rain of bullets and grenades.
The men in the bed of the truck were chewed up with automatic fire and some of the soldiers fired grenades from their M203 launchers, mounted under their assault rifles. One grenade broke through the back window and wind shield and exploded in the air in front of the pickup. Men fell down and out of the truck trying to avoid the rain of bullets and explosions.
Just as the truck seemed to be subdued a car drove into the combat. "He must not have realized what was going on until he was in the kill sac." mentioned one of the PSD drivers. "He picked up speed and tried to drive through, past our vehicles. That is when we shot him up too." A 203 grenade busted into the compartment of the car and it billowed with a flash of grey smoke. The car went off the road and crashed into a pile of garbage and debris. They section continued firing at the car and truck as they saw movement near both. The men found out later that the car ran over a pedestrian lying on the side of the road hoping to not become part of the massacre.
Finally the firing ended and the victims that were still alive had a chance to surrender. The truck was on fire and one man tried moving the RPG out of the nearby blaze, which almost started the fight again as the soldiers nervously yelled for the man to leave the RPG on the ground.
As the Scout Platoon and the ING made it to the scene the remaining men were detained. That is when the PSD learned that the men in the pick up were the Deputy Governors own body guards.
Two of the body guards, the driver of the car and the man that was run over were dead.
Four of the body guards were badly wounded. All over an identification error.
The chaos of a combat situation and the multiple factions involved in the battle that day caused four men to lose their life.
An ING soldier told me that one of the men that died was going to celebrate his sons eighth birthday the next day. I wonder what he will want for his birthday now?
It was the first engagement for most of the crew of the PSD section.
Afterwards there was mixed feelings, as some were eager to earn the bragging right of seeing combat, but under better circumstances.
Some soldiers were so disgusted they couldnt say anything.
They just shook their heads in disbelief.
One soldier commented "They didnt fire a single round at us." Another told me "This is what is going on. Rich men are making money off us shooting ourselves in the feet."
The men of 2-63 were left discouraged as they evaluated the situation over and over again. They figured the only solution was if they werent in Iraq in the first place.
By Heretic, Baquaba, Iraq
Cars Were Near Recruitment Offices
(Washington Post, December 7, 2004, Pg. B1)
Fire officials in Montgomery and Fairfax counties bordering Washington, D.C., were investigating several fires that damaged or destroyed federal government vehicles outside military recruitment offices during the past week.
Green Beret Unit Secretly Slips Back Into Iraq
(Colorado Springs Gazette, December 7, 2004, Pg. 1)
In a secret deployment, Fort Carson's 10th Special Forces group has deployed to Iraq, the Army confirmed. Unlike other units that have left the Colorado post and returned with fanfare, the Green Berets have been deployed repeatedly to Iraq and Afghanistan in secret. [Ok, everybody out there got that; its a s-e-c-r-e-t.]
Letters To The Editor
12.6.04 Wall St. Journal
I read with utter disbelief arid revulsion the statement by Harvey Volzer, lawyer for Spc. Megan Ambuhl, that the bottom line is this is the military, and you listen to your [noncommissioned officer] and you listen to your officers (Hard Time: Inside Abu Ghraib, Nov. 23).
Mr. Volzer cant have ever served in the military. I have served in the Marine Corps for 22 years, including being deployed for two years following 9/11 for Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom.
At every level of command Ive held and at every place Ive been, I have always instructed my Marines in The Three Rs: Repeat, Refuse, Report. Every Marine I know does the same.
If any Marine is given an order he or she believes to be unlawful, he or she has the legal and moral obligation to repeat the order to insure that it was heard correctly; refuse to obey the order; and then report the unlawful order to higher headquarters.
It doesnt take an advanced degree for a member of the military to know intuitively that some orders are just plain wrong and unlawful and that those orders shouldnt be followed, and that those who issued those orders be held accountable.
David M. McCarthy
Lt. Colonel, U.S. Marine Corps, Special Operations Command Central
Torrance, Calif.
Two Dead In Mosul
December 6, 2004 U.S. Department of Defense News Release No. 1255-04
The Department of Defense announced today the death of two soldiers.
They died Dec. 4 in Mosul, Iraq, when their Stryker military vehicle received enemy fire during convoy operations. Both were assigned to the 3rd Battalion, 21st Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 25th Infantry Division (Stryker Brigade Combat Team), Fort Lewis, Washington.
How Hard Up Is The Pentagon??
From: [deleted]
Sent: Monday, December 06, 2004 3:29 PM
Subject: REALLY FUCKED UP
Dude,
Hey-it's X. I haven't been around campus much due to work and some personal health issues
My mom just told me that someone's been trying to re-enlist her in the fucking Marines...my mom's 50 years old!!!
She's having to go through welfare offices because she can't find a job, and they're making her fill out old paperwork to see if she can possibly be called back.
I'm kind of worried.
V
Commanders Say U.S. IED Dead And Wounded A Nuisance
December 5, By Alastair Macdonald, CENTRAL IRAQ (Reuters)
A convoy of troop trucks and Humvee patrol vehicles speed for safety across an arid stretch of Iraq under a hot sun, wind whipping past their windows.
Then BANG. A plume of black smoke and arid earth. Trucks grind to a halt and Marines open fire with their rifles.
The Improvised Explosive Device, or makeshift roadside bomb, is probably the biggest single killer of U.S. soldiers in Iraq.
Though far from new in concept nor even as a piece of military jargon, the IED has taken on new significance.
If anything might sap the public's will to keep U.S. troops in Iraq, it could be these primitive contraptions, which kill or wound dozens each week -- relative pinpricks but which ramp up the cost of keeping a huge, high-tech army supplied and mobile.
"It's a classic insurgent tactic. Bleed us and live to fight another day," said Major Clint Nussberger, intelligence officer for the 24th Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU), which polices the area of central Iraq immediately south of Baghdad.
On the front line, they put it more bluntly: "These roadside bombs are killing us," said Navy medic Seamus Marron, whose platoon lost the two Marines to an IED last week, leaving their young comrades rattled and frustrated by a hidden enemy.
"They won't come out and fight like men," said a Marine in the unit. Given the U.S. firepower, that is hardly surprising. [Neither did the Americans who fought the British at Lexington and Concord. The Minutemen hid behind trees, stone walls, and any other concealment they could find, and ran when the British troops tried to find them. Then they came back and did it again. They were fighting a revolutionary war for independence against the greatest Empire in the world, and they only cared about one thing: winning the war. And His Majestys troops made the same complaint: those Americans wont stand and fight. Of course not. It was about winning. Hoping the other side in any war will behave in a suicidal fashion is a famous sign of troops who are losing, and, at some level, know it. Duh.]
Roadside IEDs may account for a third of the U.S. casualties in Iraq, U.S. officers in Baghdad estimate. Nearly 1,000 soldiers have been killed in action, and almost 10 times as many wounded, many maimed for life.
U.S. officers concede there is an all but inexhaustible supply of hidden explosives in Iraq.
Commanders view the IEDs as more nuisance than threat to their supremacy but daily attacks test troop resolve and mean soldiers can travel only in heavily armoured convoys. [Perhaps a few hundred more commanders missing their arms, legs, and other body parts, and/or coming home in body bags, would change their dismissive view that the growing numbers of dead and maimed soldiers are merely a nuisance.]
The bombing last week was typical of two or three blasts a day to hit the 24th MEU in the north of Babil province, home to a million people and which Nussberger called "the IED capital of Iraq". Two or three more devices are defused daily.
Saddam Hussein's main munitions factories were in the area. Most were looted after the war.
In the desert west of the Euphrates, silence follows the blast, broken by the sound of Marines in the convoy racking rifles for action. A burst of M-16 rifle fire goes out at a possible target.
Machine gunners spin their armoured turrets above the cabs of the trucks. A heavy cannon round goes out. More anxious waiting.
In 10 minutes, the sight of a Huey helicopter, door-gunner at the ready, appears above the convoy to bring some relief to those sitting immobile below. Two patrol vehicles have also taken off in pursuit of two men seen running away.
ANOTHER DAY, ANOTHER IED
Most roadside bombs in Iraq are triggered from a distance by wireless switch or a cable. That means the bomber must be able to see the convoy, though the reverse is rarely true.
For the bomb squad in north Babil, the constant attacks are exhausting: "We trained for it and everything. But we didn't expect as much as this," said Staff Sergeant David Webb of the Explosive Ordnance Disposal team.
"Most of the time it's real simple ... But it works."
Troops have become fairly adept at spotting traces of buried explosive and conduct regular sweeps on foot along roads. But they cannot staunch the flow of explosives in their path.
"We don't expect at all that we're anywhere near exhausting their supply," said MEU spokesman Captain David Nevers.
The Marines' commander, Colonel Ron Johnson, sees the only solution in painstaking efforts to crack guerrilla networks. [Only one problem. Millions support the resistance war for national independence.]
"The guys who place the IEDs are not really the bad guys. We have to connect the dots," he said.
Until then, the U.S. military's normally unsung transport corps has had to get used to being in the front line.
"You just go out there every day," said Corporal Tim Sove, a truck driver who reckons he has survived 10 bombs in six months and spotted a further five before they went off.
"You get good at spotting them. But we never catch the guys."
"To Fuck Over Him Who Shall Have Borne The Battle
December 3, 2004 By Cheryl L. Reed, Staff Reporter, Chicago Sun Times
Some disabled vets have waited years for a ruling on their benefits. Some die waiting. Others press their appeals for decades.
Marine Lance Cpl. Andrew Derrig was fixing a dented .50-caliber machine-gun round outside one of Saddam Hussein's palaces when the bullet exploded. The blast cut through his hand, blew out an eye and scattered shrapnel over the 18-year-old.
Now, a year and a half later, the 2002 graduate of Luther North High School in Jefferson Park has another concern: How much money will the federal Veterans Affairs office in Chicago decide his injuries are worth? Disability benefits can range from $109 to $6,576 a month for an unmarried soldier.
Derrig and other wounded soldiers returning from Iraq to Illinois have good cause to worry. The VA office here is one of the stingiest when it comes to deciding how much money a disabled vet's injuries are worth, a Chicago Sun-Times examination of federal records shows.
Even though the VA's mission statement -- "To care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan" -- comes from Illinois' own Abraham Lincoln, disabled vets here face a tougher battle to win benefits than those elsewhere.
The authors once asked a Vietnamese infantry captain how his NVA unit could mount concentrated attacks in the face of devastating B-52 bombardments. (The B-52s bombs were guided by seismic sensors that could detect the vibrations caused by any large walking group.)
Captain Ho Nam described it this way:
The entire company, every soldier, studied a model of our objective for days. Then we dispersed and split up into 50 or 60 groups of three men each. Each group took a different route, walking the long way aroundtwo or three days. Then, at the planned hour, close to the target, we met, attacked and immediately dispersed again. The B-52s got perhaps one or two of these three-man groups.
Captain Ho was reminded that in the U.S. army at the time most such small groups, necessarily without officer leadership, would have got lost under way and avoided combat.
The captain responded: But we knew what we were fighting for.
Rolling Coffins Useless, Deadly For U.S. Troops, But Make $$ For War Profiteers
December 06, 2004 By Eric Miller, Army Times. (The writer is a senior defense investigator with the Project On Government Oversight, a nonprofit, nonpartisan, Washington-based watchdog group.)
Although it has yet to see extensive battle action, five soldiers have been killed in Stryker rollovers, another by an exploding grenade, and in mid-October, a soldier was killed when an improvised explosive device detonated near the vehicle. A few Strykers have been gutted by fires resulting from roadside bombs or rocket-propelled grenade hits.
In e-mails from troops stationed in Iraq, criticisms are numerous: The Stryker has too many blind spots looking out from the inside; the 5,000-pound bird cage armor makes it top-heavy and prone to rollovers; it breaks down too often and chews up tires quickly; and doesnt yet come mounted with a big mobile gun system.
Despite a critical need to get more armored vehicles to soldiers engaged in the toughest guerrilla clashes in Iraq, the Army last year instead chose to deploy its first Stryker armored vehicle brigade to one of the countrys more relatively calm, remote regions.
Why? Retired Army Col. Douglas Macgregor says its because the Pentagon knows the Stryker is a flawed weapon.
The Armys senior leadership wisely decided to keep the Stryker brigade remote from the scene of the action in central Iraq, where the lethal quality of close combat might inflict serious casualties on it, he told a congressional subcommittee in July.
Macgregor, an independent defense consultant and former director of the Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europes Joint Operations Center, is so convinced that the Stryker is a bad choice for the street fighting in Iraq that he recommended the Army not be permitted to fund the last two of the six planned Stryker brigades. Instead, the Pentagon should spend procurement dollars on more promising technologies, he said.
Macgregor said Stryker lacks not only the joint command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance connectivity it needs to operate independently, but also the firepower, protection, mobility and organic logistical support to be a full-dimensional war-fighting organization, and its operational utility will continue to be limited to peace support or paramilitary police operations.
Macgregor has not been alone in his criticism of the Stryker, an eight-wheeled, 19-ton armored vehicle touted as the first high-tech installment in the Armys fighting force of the future.
The Government Accountability Office said in a recent report that it barely fits in a C-130 cargo aircraft, cant always defend against a rocket-propelled grenade or a roadside explosive device, and takes too long to get to the battlefield if it even makes it to the battlefield.
In a high-altitude country like Afghanistan, a C-130 transport may not even be able to take off with a Stryker in its belly, the GAO said.
So why are the Army and Congress in a rush to fund, build and deploy the last two Stryker brigades?
Although it has yet to see extensive battle action, five soldiers have been killed in Stryker rollovers, another by an exploding grenade, and in mid-October, a soldier was killed when an improvised explosive device detonated near the vehicle. A few Strykers have been gutted by fires resulting from roadside bombs or rocket-propelled grenade hits.
At $4 million a vehicle and rising, according to a GAO report, the Stryker has become a new poster child for bad weapon development.
The Stryker is one in a string of new weapons the C-130J and an Alaskan national missile defense system are others that represent a new Pentagon capabilities-based or spiral development philosophy that basically comes down to this: Aim high, spend a lot of money, but take whatever the defense contractor gives you and rush it to the battlefront.
The taxpayers and our fighting men and women are the losers in this perilous new way of doing business.
Thomas Christie, the Pentagons director of operational test and evaluation, said as much in his most recent annual report.
First, he warned that the Stryker was not ready for prime time, because he could not guarantee that soldiers inside Strykers would survive rocket-propelled grenade hits. He also singled out the Stryker as an example of a trend in which the military services are committing fewer and fewer resources to test and evaluate their weapons.
Lives are at stake, yet program managers increasingly complain that they spend too much time and money testing new weapons.
The bottom line, Christie said, is that American and allied fighting men and women may be going to war with weapons without knowing their capabilities and limitations.
Nonetheless, the Army has been speaking glowingly of the Strykers performance in Iraq, but providing little proof.
He Lies And Lies And Lies And Lies
Army Finds Stryker Shines In Iraqi Combat Zone
[No. Not Army. This is one lying Colonel sucking up for a fat job with a war profiteer when he finishes fighting the desperate battles of project management.]
(Defense Today, December 1, 2004, Pg. 1)
The Army's project manager of its Stryker brigade teams gave the new vehicle high marks in its initial use in the war in Iraq.
Some 311 Strykers in Iraq have driven more than 3 million miles, according to Col. Peter Fuller. Speaking at a conference in Washington, Fuller heaped praise onto the new platform for its mobility, survivability and other capabilities. [Washington? You mean hes not over there in Iraq? Why on earth not? That can be fixed. Fly him there under arrest and tie him on top the next Stryker that goes through Mosul. That way, he can testify first hand about how wonderful it is. Option B: turn him over for trial to the families of the troops who have died in these worthless pieces of shit and let them decide whatever punishment they think is appropriate, no limits.]
December 2 2004 Alex Jones Show
A caller to the Alex Jones show played a segment from Tom Brokaw's last broadcast on NBC which featured a report from Iraq clearly stating that residents of Fallujah (civilians, NOT insurgents) would be forced to give fingerprints, retina scan and take an ID card or be killed.
Here is the transcript from the report....
Reporter: "So far the plan is for most of the city's 250,000 residents to return in stages and first only a few thousand will be let in.
They'll be fingerprinted, given a retina scan and then an ID card, which will only allow them to travel around their homes or to nearby aid centers which are now being built.
The Marines will be authorized to use deadly force against those breaking the rules....
Government Lawyer: Detainees Have No Constitutional Rights
[Every member of the Armed Forces has the duty to protect us against all enemies, foreign and domestic. Guess what? While youve been off dying in Bushs war for Empire, the enemies domestic have taken charge big time. Check this one out. Time to come home and do some protection. We need all the help we can get.]
December 02, 2004 By Michael J. Sniffen, Associated Press
Under detailed questioning by a federal judge, government lawyers asserted Wednesday the U.S. military can hold foreigners indefinitely as enemy combatants at Guantanamo Bay Naval Station, Cuba, even if they aided terrorists unintentionally and never fought the United States.
Could a little old lady in Switzerland who sent a check to an orphanage in Afghanistan be taken into custody if unbeknownst to her some of her donation was passed to al-Qaida terrorists? asked U.S. District Judge Joyce Hens Green.
She could, replied Deputy Associate Attorney General Brian Boyle. Someones intention is clearly not a factor that would disable detention. It would be up to a newly established military review panel to decide whether to believe her and release her.
Boyle said the military can pick any foreigner who provides support to terrorists or might know of their plans. And the foreigners held on the U.S. naval base in Cuba have no constitutional rights enforceable in this court, Boyle told the judge.
Thats really shocking, Thomas B. Wilner, attorney for 12 Kuwaiti detainees, told reporters after Greens hearing. People throughout the world will fear the United States is asserting the power to pick up little old ladies and men who made a mistake.
Green asked if a hypothetical resident of England who teaches English to the son of an al-Qaida leader could be detained. Boyle said he could because al-Qaida could be trying to learn English to stage attacks there, and he compared that aid to those shipping bullets to the front. Some detainees have been picked up in Bosnia and others in Africa.
Noting the Supreme Court said detention was to keep combatants from returning to the battlefield, Green asked, What and where is the battlefield the U.S. military is trying to detain the prisoners from returning to? Africa? London?
Boyle: The conflict with al-Qaida has a global reach.
Green asked if detainees are told how long they might be imprisoned. When will this end? she asked. Can hostilities last as long as Muslim fundamentalists vow attacks on the United States?
Boyle replied that was a question for the president, not judges.
"What were doing right now in Iraq is a lot like what Hitler did. I dont know if you remember, but Hitler took over Poland, then kept going, invading other countries, without reason, just to build his empire.
"I get the same feeling that this is where Bush is headed."
RUMSFELD DEMONSTRATES NEW IRAQ COMBAT TECHNIQUE
At a press conference in Washington, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld illustrates a new combat technique to subdue insurgents in Iraq.
Rumsfeld told reporters that a $1 billion study by Halliburton Corporation found that deep down, Iraqis love the dictatorship he and George Bush have brought to their country. The study found the problem is that Iraqis are a simple, childlike, extremely primitive people, easily fooled by more intelligent evildoer agitators from outside Iraq, who have tricked them into believing the American occupation is bad and that they should fight against it.
So, Rumsfeld said, all our soldiers have to do is gesture hypnotically, like this, and the silly simple-minded little Iraqis will put down their guns, throw flowers, and do whatever we tell them to do until someday they become a civilized, educated people worthy of self rule.
Rumsfeld pointed out that proof of the studys accuracy is that fact that Iraqis who have lived their lives in the United States, England, and other foreign countries had to come with the U.S. invasion force to run the provisional government appointed by the Bush regime, since Iraqis who did not leave the country to live abroad lacked the skills to manage a government.
They have a lot of natural rhythm, he said, and do have real skills like raising goats, donkeys and picking dates, cooking rice, eating with their fingers, those kind of simple tribal skills, but as for running a government? Lets get real. They write that funny squiggly stuff nobody can read, and, get this, they think books are read from right to left, not left to right. We have a lot of hard work to do.
Rumsfeld also pointed out that the new combat techniques would save the Pentagon over $50 billion yearly in occupation expenses in Iraq, since body armor, and all those armored vehicles and weapons and stuff weve been wasting on the troops wont be necessary any more. Just the new hand-job combat technique.
Rumors could not be confirmed that former Sectary of State Colin Powell has secured a $100 million contract to provide training for soldiers in how to gesture hypnotically, in exchange for an agreement not to write a tell-all book about his years working for Bush.
10,400 Troops Fucked,
Cant Come Home;
& Two More Battalions Off For Bushs Imperial Slaughterhouse
(Bushs Asshole War-Profiteer Buddies Took It All)
December 1, 2004 BY JEANNE MILES Staff Writer, The Caledonian-Record, LYNDON VERMONT
Another 70 soldiers have been ordered to deploy to support the U.S. war in Iraq.
The Vermont National Guard announced Monday that members of the 1st 172nd Battalion headquartered in St. Albans will leave in early January to train at Camp Shelby, Miss. This advance leadership team will be joined by 350 more soldiers in February.
Members of a support group for these soldiers and their families will gather Sunday afternoon at the Lyndonville Armory to fill Christmas stockings for the troops. Chris Charron, one of the organizers, said the stockings will be filled with such items as hand wipes, candy and toilet paper.
"We've heard there is a shortage of toilet paper at Camp Shelby," Charron said Tuesday. "Each stocking will contain a roll of toilet paper."
Master Sgt. Jill Hicks, assistant public affairs officer for the Vermont National Guard said such a shortage could be highly possible with the number of soldiers at the camp and with a limited amount of money for supplies. {Limited by who? What the fuck is she talking about? Halliburton got billions, assholes in Congress pay themselves a fortune in salaries, and money is limited? Only when the enemy is in Washington DC running the government, not in Iraq! How much more of this will people take? Even the Ukrainians know when to kick ass, and they lived for 50 years under a dictatorship run by the same kind of rich, privileged arrogant, greedy, money grabbing scum we have in DC right now.]
"If families are hearing it, it must be true," Hicks said. [Duh!]
Bush Stooge Says U.S. Troops Have To Stay Another 10 Years!
November 30, 2004 Richard A. Oppel Jr., James Glanz, New York Times
Mosul, Iraq Iraqi police and national guard forces [translation: forces working for the U.S. Occupation] whose performance is crucial to securing January elections, [translation: crucial to pulling off rigged elections for a government of traitors loyal to the U.S. occupation] are foundering.
While Bush administration officials say the training is progressing and that the Iraqis have proved tactically useful and have fought bravely in some instances, local American commanders and security officials say both Iraqi forces are riddled with problems.
They Want Their Opium Crop
(London Financial Times, December 1, 2004, Pg. 10)
The Kabul government warned the United States and Britain against spraying herbicide on opium poppy fields in Afghanistan, saying this would constitute an affront to national sovereignty.
[Because it is well knows that the devil can quote Scripture, this has been forwarded to the White House for a reply.]
11/26/04 "ICH"
Congratulations on your election victory and for doing so much to educate people regarding God's Law.
I have learned a great deal from you and understand why you would propose and support a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage.
As you said, "in the eyes of God marriage is based between a man and a woman." I try to share that knowledge with as many people as I can. When someone tries to defend the homosexual lifestyle, for example, I simply remind them that Leviticus 18.22 clearly states it to be an abomination. End of debate.
However, I do need some advice from you regarding some other elements of God's Laws and how best to follow them.
1. Leviticus 25.44 states that I may possess slaves, both male and female, provided they are purchased from neighboring nations. A friend of mine claims that this applies to Mexicans but not to Canadians. Can you clarify? Why can't I own Canadians?
2. I would like to sell my daughter into slavery, as sanctioned in Exodus 21.7. In this day and age, what do you think would be a fair price for her?
3. I know that I am allowed no contact with a woman while she is in her period of menstrual uncleanness (Leviticus15.19-24). The problem is how do I tell? I have tried asking, but most women take offense.
4. When I burn a bull on the altar as a sacrifice, I know it creates a pleasing odor for the Lord. (Leviticus 1.9) The problem is my neighbors. They claim the odor is not pleasing to them. Should I smite them?
5. I have a neighbor who insists on working on the Sabbath. Exodus 35.2 clearly states he should be put to death. Am I morally obligated to kill him myself, or should I ask the police to do it?
6. A friend of mine feels that even though eating shellfish is an abomination (Leviticus11.10), it is a lesser abomination than homosexuality. I don't agree. Can you settle this? Are there degrees of abomination?
7. Leviticus.21.20 states that I may not approach the altar of God if I have a defect in my sight. I have to admit that I wear reading glasses. Does my vision have to be 20/20, or is there some wiggle-room here?
8. Most of my male friends get their hair trimmed, including the hair around their temples, even though this is expressly forbidden by Leviticus19.27. How should they die?
9. I know from Leviticus 11.6-8 that touching the skin of a dead pig makes me unclean. May I still play football if I wear gloves?
10. My uncle has a farm. He violates Leviticus 19.19 by planting two different crops in the same field, as does his wife by wearing garments made of two different kinds of thread (cotton/polyester blend). He also tends to curse and blaspheme a lot. Is it really necessary that we go to all the trouble of getting the whole town together to stone them? (Leviticus 24.10-16) Couldn't we just burn them to death at a private family affair, as we do with people who sleep with their in-laws? (Leviticus 20.14)
I know you have studied these things extensively and thus enjoy considerable expertise in such matters, so I am confident you can help. Thank you again for reminding us that God's word is eternal and unchanging.
Yours truly, An Inquiring Supporter
P.S. I look forward to your answers because there are a number of other issues that I'd like to get settled as soon as you've enlightened me on these. Thanks again.
From: JM
To: GI Special
Sent: Tuesday, November 30, 2004 10:01 PM
Subject: Comment on two messages from troops in Iraq.
In reference to GI Special Nov 19/ 21 :-
1) From: Soldier, Iraq - "falluja was the most awesome display of mass destruction i have ever witnessed. this aint war, its genocide"
2) "Holiday In Falluja" by - hEkLe
I've just re-read these two message and I am deeply affected.
Two things spring to mind - Firstly Hitler saying "what luck for rulers that men do not think."
These men do think and if they are killed their country will be made less -by their loss.
They can see the truth that is hidden, from most of their countrymen, by biased reporting and official lies.
I would like to meet to meet both because I admire them.
Many reservists, sent to Iraq, are young people who joined the military, to earn extra money, whilst at university. Their deployment could be seen as an effort to reduce the number of people with good brains, or eyes, who see beneath the lies.
My second thought is that to understand the reality of war one has to experience it.
People at home watch war films, on TV, like children.." It is fantasy - a game - enjoyment. Who can imagine their county occupied by an enemy force, their street demolished by bombs, their children killed by snipers.
If they could -they would see the Iraqi resistance, and their government's policy, with new eyes. Maybe everyone, especially politicians, should be forced to spend a mandatory month, in a war zone.
fs If this could happen I think the world would have peace and war-zones would become a thing of the past.
[From the book, GIs Speak Out Against The War, The Case Of The Ft. Jackson 8: Interviews of participants by Fred Halstead, Merit Books, 1979. This case forced the Army to grudgingly recognize that soldiers do have a few rights, scattered around here and there. See this letter now from the Secretary Of The Army.]
[BE ADVISED; FOR CURRENT POLICY, CHECK OUT: http://www.nlg.org/mltf/ ]
ANNEX C
(Department of Defense Seal)
DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY
OFFICE OF THE ADJUTANT GENERAL
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20310
in reply refer to
AGAM-P (M) (27 May 69) DCSPER-SARD
SUBJECT: Guidance on Dissent
SEE DISTRIBUTION
1. In the past few weeks there have been press reports suggesting a growth in dissent among military personnel. Questions have been raised concerning the proper treatment of manifestations of soldier dissent when they occur. The purpose of this letter is to provide general guidance on this matter. Specific dissent problems can, of course, be resolved only on the basis of the particular facts of the situation and in accordance with provisions of applicable Army regulations.
2. It is important to recognize that the question of soldier dissent is linked with the Constitutional right of free speech and that the Armys reaction to such dissent will quite properly continue to receive much attention in the news media. Any action taken at any level may therefore reflecteither favorably or adversely on the image and standing of the Army with the American public. Many cases involve difficult legal questions, requiring careful development of the factual situation and application of various constitutional, statutory, and regulatory provisions (See Appendix A). Consequently, commanders should consult with their Staff Judge Advocates and may in appropriate cases confer with higher authority before initiating any disciplinary or administrative action in response to manifestations of dissent. The maintenance of good order and discipline and the performance of military missions remains, of course, the responsibility of commanders.
3. Dissent, in the literal sense of disagreement with policies of the Government, is a right of every citizen. In our system of Government, we do not ask that every citizen or every soldier agree with every policy of the Government. Indeed, the First Amendment to the Constitution requires that one be permitted to believe what he will. Nevertheless, the Government and our citizens are entitled to expect that, regardless of disagreement, every citizen and every soldier will obey the law of the land.
4. The right to express opinions on matters of public and personal concern is secured to soldier and civilian alike by the Constitution and laws of the United States. This right, however, is not absolute for either soldier or civilian. Other functions and interests of the Government and the public, which are also sanctioned and.. protected by the Constitution, and are also important to a free, democratic and lawful society, may require reasonable limitations on the exercise of the right of expression in certain circumstances. In particular, the interest of the Government and the public in the maintenance of an effective and disciplined Army for the purpose of National defense justifies certain restraints upon the activities of military personnel which need not be imposed on similar activities by civilians.
5. The following general guidelines are provided to cover some of the manifestations of dissent which the Army has encountered.
a. Possession and distribution of political materials.
(1) In the case of publications distributed through official outlets such as Post Exchanges and Post Libraries, a commander is authorized to delay distribution of a specific issue of a publication in accordance with the provisions of para. 5-5, of AR 210-10. Concurrently with the delay, a commander must submit a report to the Department of the Army, ATTN; CINFO. A commander may delay distribution only if he determines that the specific publication presents a clear danger to the loyalty, discipline, or morale of his troops.
(2) In the case of distribution of publications through other than official outlets, a commander may require that prior approval be obtained for any distribution on post. Distribution without prior approval may be prohibited. A commanders denial of authority to distribute a publication on post is subject to the procedures of para. 5-5, AR 2 10-10, discussed above.
(3) A commander may not prevent distribution of a publication simply because he does not like its contents. All denials of permission for distribution must be in accordance with the provisions of para. 5-5, AR 2 10-10. For example, a commander may prohibit distribution of publications which are obscene or otherwise unlawful (e.g., counselling disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty). A commander may also prohibit distribution if the manner of accomplishing the distribution materially interferes with the accomplishment of a military mission (e.g., interference with training or troop formation). In any event, a commander must have cogent reasons, with supporting evidence, for any denial of distribution privileges. The fact that a publication is criticaleven unfairly criticalof government policies or officials is not in itself, a grounds for denial.
(4) Mere possession of a publication may not be prohibited; however, possession of an unauthorized publication coupled with an attempt to distribute in violation of post regulations may constitute an offense. Accordingly, cases involving the possession of several copies of an unauthorized publication or other curcumstances (sic) indicating an intent to distribute should be investigated.
b. Coffee Houses.
The Army should not use its off-limits power to restrict soldiers in the exercise of their Constitutional rights of freedom of speech and freedom of association by barring attendance at coffee houses, unless it can be shown, for example, that activities taking place in the coffee houses include counseling soldiers to refuse to perform duty or to desert, or otherwise involve illegal acts with a significant adverse effect on soldier health, morale or welfare. In such curcumstances (sic), commanders have the authority to place such establishments off limits in accordance with the standards and procedures of AR15-3. As indicated, such action should be taken only on the basis of cogent reasons, supported by evidence.
c. Servicemens Union.
Commanders are not authorized to recognize or to bargain with a servicemens union. In view of the constitutional right to freedom of association, it is unlikely that mere membership in a servicemens union can constitutionally be prohibited, and current regulations do not prohibit such membership. However, specific actions by individual members of a servicemens union which in themselves constitute offenses under the Uniform Code of Military Justice or Army Regulations may be dealt with appropriately. Collective or individual refusals to obey orders are one example of conduct which may constitute an offense under the Uniform Code.
d. Publication of Underground Newspapers.
Army regulations provide that personal literary efforts may not be pursued during duty hours or accomplished by the use of Army property. However, the publication of underground newspapers by soldiers off-post on their own time, and with their own money and equipment is generally protected under the First Amendments guarantees of freedom of speech and freedom of the press. Unless such a newspaper contains language, the utterance of which is punishable under Federal law (e.g. 10 U. S. C. Sec. 2837 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice), authors of an underground newspaper may not be disciplined for mere publication. Distribution of such newspapers on post is governed by para. 5-5, AR 2 10-10, discussed in para. 5a above.
e. On-Post Demonstrations by Civilians.
A commander may legally bar individuals from entry on a military reservation for any purpose prohibited by law or lawful regulation, and it is a crime for any person who has been removed and barred from a post by order of the commander to re-enter. However, a specific request for a permit to conduct an on-post demonstration in an area to which the public has generally been granted access should not be denied on an arbitrary basis. Such a permit may be denied on a reasonable basis such as a showing that the demonstration may result in a clear interference with or prevention of orderly accomplishment of the mission of the post, or present a clear danger to loyalty, discipline, and morale of the troops.
f. On-Post Demonstrations by Soldiers.
AR 600-20 and 600-21 prohibit all on-post demonstrations by members of the Army. The validity of these provisions is currently being litigated. Commanders will be advised of the results of this litigation.
g. Off-Post Demonstrations by Soldiers.
AR 600-20 and 600-2 1 prohibit members of the Army from participating in off-post demonstrations when they are in uniform, or on duty, or in a foreign country, or when their activities constitute a breach of law and order, or when violence is likely to result.
h. Grievances.
The right of members to complain and request redress of grievances against actions of their superiors is protected by the inspector General system (AR 20-1.) and Article 138, UCMJ. In addition, a soldier may petition or present any grievance to any member of Congress (19 USC, Sec. 1034). An open door policy for complaints is a basic principle of good leadership, and commanders should personally assure themselves that adequate procedures exist for identifying valid complaints and taking corrective action. Complaining personnel must not be treated as enemies of the system. Even when complaints are unfounded, the fact that one was made may signal a misunderstanding, or a lack of communication, which should be corrected. In any system as large as the Army, it is inevitable that situations will occur giving rise to valid complaints, and over the years such complaints have helped to make the Army stronger while assuring compliance with proper policies and procedures.
6. It is the policy of the Department of the Army to safeguard the service members right of expression to the maximum extent possible, and to impose only such minimum restraints as are necessary to enable the Army to perform its mission, in the interest of National defense. The statutes and regulations referred to above (as well as some other provisions of law and regulations) are concerned with these permissible restraints and authorize a commander to impose restrictions on the military memberss (sic) right of expression and dissent, under certain circumstances.
However, in applying any such statutes and regulation in particular situations, it is important to remember that freedom of expression is a fundamental right secured by the Constitution. Furthermore, it is important to remember that the Commanders responsibility is for the good order, loyalty and discipline of all his men. Severe disciplinary action in response to a relatively insignificant manifestation of dissent can have a counter productive effect on other members of the Command, because the reaction appears out of proportion to the threat which the dissent. represents.
Thus, rather than serving as a deterrent, such disproportionate actions may stimulate further breaches of discipline. On the other hand, no Commander should be indifferent to conduct which, if allowed to proceed unchecked, would destroy the effectiveness of his unit. In the final analysis no regulations or guidelines are an adequate substitute for the calm and prudent judgment of the responsible commander.
7. The mission of the Army is to execute faithfully, as ordered, policies and programs established in accordance with law by duly elected and appointed Government officials. Unquestionably, the vast majority of service members are prepared to do what is required of them to perform that mission, whether or not they agree in every instance with the policies the mission reflects.
BY ORDER OF THE SECRETARY OF THE ARMY:
(signed)
KENNETH G. WICKHAM
Major General, USA
The Adjutant General
(Thanks to Tom Condit, Peace And Freedom Party, who passed this along.)
LA Times, September 24, 2004 By Barbara Garson, Barbara Garson is the author of the 1960s antiwar play "Macbird" and, most recently, "Money Makes the World Go Round" (Penguin, 2002).
During a lull in the war between Athens and Sparta, the Athenians decided to invade and occupy Sicily. Thucydides tells us in "The Peloponnesian War" that "they were, for the most part, ignorant of the size of the island and the numbers of its inhabitants. and they did not realize that they were taking on a war of almost the same magnitude as their war against the Peloponnesians."
According to Thucydides, the digression into Sicily in 416 BC - a sideshow that involved lying exiles, hopeful contractors, politicized intelligence, a doctrine of preemption - ultimately cost Athens everything, including its democracy.
Nicias, the most experienced Athenian general, had not wanted to be chosen for the command. "His view was that the city was making a mistake and, on a slight pretext which looked reasonable, was in fact aiming at conquering the whole of Sicily - a considerable undertaking indeed," wrote Thucydides.
Nicias warned that it was the wrong war against the wrong enemy and that the Athenians were ignoring their real enemies - the Spartans - while creating new enemies elsewhere. "It is senseless to go against people who, even if conquered, could not be controlled," he argued.
Occupying Sicily would require many soldiers, Nicias insisted, because it meant establishing a new government among enemies. "Those who do this [must] either become masters of the country on the very first day they land in it, or be prepared to recognize that, if they fail to do so, they will find hostility on every side."
The case for war, meanwhile, was made by the young general Alcibiades, who was hoping for a quick victory in Sicily so he could move on to conquer Carthage. Alcibiades, who'd led a dissolute youth (and who happened to own a horse ranch, raising Olympic racers) was a battle-tested soldier, a brilliant diplomat and a good speaker. (So much for superficial similarities.)
Alcibiades intended to rely on dazzling technology - the Athenian armada - instead of traditional foot soldiers. He told the Assembly he wasn't worried about Sicilian resistance because the island's cities were filled with people of so many different groups. "Such a crowd as this is scarcely likely either to pay attention to one consistent policy or to join together in concerted action. The chances are that they will make separate agreements with us as soon as we come forward with attractive suggestions."
Another argument for the war was that it would pay for itself. A committee of Sicilian exiles and Athenian experts told the Assembly that there was enough wealth in Sicily to pay the costs of the war and occupation. "The report was encouraging but untrue," wrote Thucydides.
Though war was constant in ancient Greece, it was still usually justified by a threat, an insult or an incident. But the excursion against Sicily was different, and Alcibiades announced a new, or at least normally unstated, doctrine.
"One does not only defend oneself against a superior power when one is attacked: One takes measures in advance to prevent the attack materializing," he said.
When and where should this preemption doctrine be applied? Alcibiades gave an answer of a sort. "It is not possible for us to calculate, like housekeepers [perhaps a better translation would be "girlie men"], exactly how much empire we want to have. The fact is that we have reached a state where we are forced to plan new conquests and forced to hold on to what we have got because there is danger that we ourselves may fall under the power of others unless others are in our power."
Alcibiades' argument carried the day, but before the invasion, the Athenian fleet sailed around seeking allies among the Hellenic colonies near Sicily. Despite the expedition's "great preponderance of strength over those against whom it set out," only a couple of cities joined the coalition.
At home, few spoke out against the Sicilian operation. "There was a passion for the enterprise which affected everyone alike," Thucydides reports. "The result of this excessive enthusiasm of the majority was that the few who actually were opposed to the expedition were afraid of being thought unpatriotic if they voted against it, and therefore kept quiet."
In the face of aggressive posturing, Nicias appealed to the Assembly members to show true courage.
"If any of you is sitting next to one of [Alcibiades'] supporters," Nicias said, "do not allow yourself to be browbeaten or to be frightened of being called a coward if you do not vote for war. Our country is on the verge of the greatest danger she has ever known. Think of her, hold up your hands against this proposal and vote in favor of leaving the Sicilians alone."
We don't know how many Athenians had secret reservations, but few hands went up against the war.
In the end, the Athenians lost everything in Sicily. Their army was defeated and their navy destroyed. Alcibiades was recalled early on; Nicias was formally executed while thousands of Athenian prisoners were left in an open pit, where most died.
The Sicilians didn't follow up by invading Attica; they just wanted Athens out. But with the leader of the democracies crippled, allies left the Athenian League. Then the real enemy, Sparta, ever patient and cautious, closed in over the next few years. But not before Athens descended, on its own, into a morass of oligarchic coups and self- imposed tyranny.
THE REASONS: Concerns about the war in Iraq and possible long overseas deployment; Pentagon orders that keep some soldiers from leaving active duty and going into the guard; and turnover among recruiters.
THE NEW INCENTIVES: More signing bonuses. Free hunting and fishing licenses. Pink T-shirts for female recruits. [Ugh. Me recruiter for Great White Father. You stupid kid ha ha ha. You take pretty things? You get fish? You get deer? You go Iraq, come back in little pieces? OK. Sign here.]
Hello friends, family, and anarchistic cohorts,
I am now typing you this email from the confines of a concentration camp called Arcent QA Army Airforce Base, somewhere in the tiny country of Quatar.
This is supposed to be a 4 day pass. i was duped into coming along thinking i would actually escape the melee of a combat zone found in Baquba, Iraq. in all reality, Id rather be in Iraq.
Of course, as is every time the army moves you someplace, the traveling experience in coming here was atrocious. it took almost 2 days just to travel a few hundred miles by air. it involved sleeping on many soiled cots, enduring many hours of dusty-prebaked heat, hurrying then waiting, hurrying then waiting. finally after much discomfort and miserable boredom, our chalk finally managed to land in this huge, searing, dentist office excitement.
For the next four days, i will live in a hangar on the top bunk of a bunk bed. my bunkmate below me has a body odor problem, and the guy next to him is quite flatulent. there is an eerie orange glow from the overhead light that kept me up all last night, its simply too bright.
There is nothing to do on this base except consume. after all, its the amerikan way. they have a huge postal exchange here, that sells nothing but garbage. for those of you who dont know, its called AAFES--Army AirForce Extortion Service. imagine a Wal-Mart, but far worse. in addition, this camp has a makeshift pizza hut and burger king for all the fatass gluttons who live here. i dont see much of anything else to do. there is a swimming pool, but as Im german/irish, it wont take long till i resemble a baked lobster under this painstakingly powerful Arabian sun.
The only redeeming quality of this place is the fact that, because of the friendly alliance we have with Quatar, we can go off post to mingle with the friendly A-rabs, something i would have found quite interesting as Ive never had the opportunity to do so without getting shot at.
BUT WAIT!!! because of our government's paranoia and utter fear of the unknown, we will not be allowed off post during our stay.
All military personnel have been restricted to base until the Islamic holiday Ramadan is over. for some reason, it appears that every American.thinks that Ramadan is where towel heads cloak their faces, sharpen up their machetes, and run out and chop the heads off any white devil foreigner they can find.
In actuality, Ramadan is a very peaceful holiday in observance of the teachings of Mohammad. the devout will fast during the days, and as the moon rises they will have big merry feasts. violence is looked down upon during this month of Ramadan. imagine thanksgiving and x-mas for 30 days, but without the monkey knife fights and vicious arguments with your right winged Christian zealot second cousins.
Come to think about it, even in Baquaba, a haven for terrorist plotters against US FORCES; where the insurgency is always hip hoppin' and the jihad fundamentalists are always blowing up our boys, there has not been a major incident against us during this Ramadan. but in Quatar, a small version of suburbia USA, Ali Babba and his Forty Thieves are running amok, chopping heads and taking names.
Be afraid, because paranoia is patriotic.
GO USA!!!
For now, i am trapped in this confined mental space, this consumerism concentration camp. this is my fate for the next four days...buy buy buy!!! the four day's purpose is self defeating.
I dont feel relaxed and rested, Im even more stressed than ever. there are more rules to abide by here than in basic training. for all my army brethren...DONT COME HERE, STAY AWAY, STAY FAR AWAY!!! as for the rest of you, well, just dont join the army.
Dazed and morbidly confused,
h
FTA!!!
You sure know how to make a person think T. Your impact is not as a pebble cast upon the waters of a pond. It is more like a mountain falling into the ocean. Keep up the good work!
The photo of Jonathan Bartlett in tonite's edition of GI Special caught my eye, and sparked my memory.
Jonathan Bartlett at Walter Reed Hospital. (VICKI CRONIS PHOTOS/THE VIRGINIAN-PILOT)
The bandage on his right leg is a textbook perfect example of "The Recurrent Of The Stump." It is one of the tougher test stations on the practical exercises required to pass 91 B school in the Army. I can still remember the faces of some of the instructors, sergeants barking at us for more symmetry in our wraps, and flunking us if we did not have a perfect "picture window" in our completed bandage.
I started thinking of the differences between an EMT course I once took and Army medic training. EMT school is a lot more positive, as you might expect. It is based on the idea that you can't save everybody, but you can try. Safe driving of an ambulance is stressed. Having to use a tourniquet, or deliver a baby by yourself is about the worst you are led to expect.
The Army is of course different. They are real big on Recurrents Of The Stumps and treating sucking chest wounds.
Rather than the pretense of trying to save everybody, the Army teaches triage. Triage is nothing more than picking who gets to live, and who gets to die, depending on available resources and the tactical situation. Safe driving is much less of an issue than how to do your job without also getting shot or blown up like your patients did.
A person learns creative thinking on the job fast, or they don't last long. The first time you roll on an ambulance run where the victim is burned over 80% of their body you get creative.
The next time you go out your rig now has bedsheets and bath towels in it that you autoclaved to supplement your inventory of too small dressings.
It sort of makes a person wonder if we will all have to move to British Columbia and get used to the Pacific NW climate just to keep our kids from being sent to the planned next century of oil wars in SW Asia?
Wage peace,
David
Former Commander Invites Cops To Kill One Of Them
10.28.04 By: Angela Williams, Piedmont Television
Fox 24s Angela Williams reports that an arrest warrant has been issued for a Middle Georgia Soldier for deserting his unit in Iraq. And, an investigation by Fox 24 News shows that there are a record number of G.Is not reporting in for duty overseas and turning up AWOL.
A Middle Georgia man is reported AWOL from the army national guard, in an act that has become quite common.
According to Army Officials, Jeffery Glover from Dry-branch, Georgia has not reported back to his 175th Maintenance Company for duty. Glover already served time over in Iraq, but now can not be found, and his former commander says he can be considered dangerous. [That is a clear, direct invitation to police officers to kill him. In a just world, the former commander would be buried first.]
Iraqi Police Put In The Firing Line Without Weapons
[Thanks to EL, serving in Iraq, who sent this one in.]
George Bush visits a primary school classroom on an Army military base.
They are in the middle of a discussion related to words and their meanings.
The teacher asks Mr. Bush if he would like to lead the discussion on the word "tragedy."
After the President thanks the kids for being so understanding about their mothers and dads fighting in Iraq, the illustrious President asks the class for an example of a tragedy.
One little boy stands up and offers: "If my best friend, who lives on a farm, is playing in the field and a tractor runs him over and kills him that would be a 'tragedy'."
"No," says Bush, "that would be an accident".
A little girl raises her hand: "If a school bus carrying 50 children drove over a cliff, killing everyone inside, that would be a tragedy."
"I'm afraid not," explains Mr. Bush. "That's what we would call a 'great loss'."
The room goes silent. No other children volunteered.
Bush searches the room.
"Isn't there someone here who can give me an example of a 'tragedy'?"
Finally, at the back of the room a small boy raises his hand. In a quiet voice, he says: "If your campaign plane, carrying you, Mr. President, were struck by a 'friendly fire' missile and blown to smithereens that would be a 'tragedy'."
"Fantastic!" exclaims Bush. "That's right. And can you tell me why that would be a 'tragedy'?"
"Well," says the boy "because it certainly wouldn't be a 'great loss' and it probably wouldn't be an 'accident' either."
11. Never go to bed with anyone crazier than yourself.
12. Never forget that your weapon was made by the lowest bidder.
13. If your attack is going really well, it's an ambush.
14. The enemy diversion you're ignoring is their main attack.
15. The enemy invariably attacks on two occasions: a. When they're ready.
b. When you're not.
16. No OPLAN ever survives initial contact
17. No inspection ready unit has ever passed combat.
18. Five second fuses always burn three seconds.
19. No combat ready unit has ever passed inspection.
20. A retreating enemy is probably just falling back and regrouping.
21. Incoming fire has the right of way.
22. The easy way is always mined.
23. Teamwork is essential; it gives the enemy other people to shoot at.
24. When you have secured the area, make sure the enemy knows it too.
25. Never draw fire; it irritates everyone around you.
26. If you are short of everything but the enemy, you are in the combat zone.
[We apologize to each and all of them. As you will see in the news story below, the correct amount of money handled by top military commanders in Iraq which is missing, and for which no documentation can be found, is $100 million.
[That will make the military families who have to beg friends, relatives and strangers for money to visit wounded soldiers, feel a lot better.
[To avoid any suspicion the commanders pocketed the money, no doubt they will be willing to make all personal and family financial records available immediately to the public and the press. Being brave noble patriots and all that, how could any honest high officer possibly object?
[The traitors who refuse to do so could be brought before a jury made up of relatives of wounded soldiers for appropriate punishment. Since they have military skills, perhaps those thieving fucks could serve out their sentences cleaning up DU. Needless to say, for those cases where it may be proven the money was split with the resistance, and used to buy weapons to kill U.S. soldiers, battlefield court-marshal and summary execution would be appropriate.
[By the way, does your commanding officer have a new Rolex?]
10.20.2004 The Onion
BAGHDAD: After 19 months of struggle in Iraq, U.S. military officials conceded a loss to Iraqi insurgents Monday, but said America can be proud of finishing "a very strong second."
Turns To Bombing Civilians & Recruiting For The Resistance
9.14.04 Associated Press
WASHINGTON - In Fallujah and other Iraqi cities not controlled by American forces, the military is turning increasingly to air power. Although U.S. officials say the tactic is effective, it has raised Iraqi anger over civilian casualties.
Loren Thompson, a defense analyst at the Arlington, Va.-based Lexington Institute think tank, said Monday the Americans seem to believe that airstrikes in Fallujah will wear down the insurgents and buy time for U.S.-trained Iraqi security forces to prepare for a ground assault in the weeks ahead.
"But you have to wonder whether we're radicalizing the Iraqi civilian population"
Idiot Major Says Copter Killed Children, Civilians In Order To Save Them
Sep 14 by Brian Dominick, The NewStandard & By Patrick Cockburn, The Independent
The US military has offered at least two distinct explanations for killing thirteen people and wounding at least sixty others, including children, early Monday morning on Haifa Street in a residential area of central Baghdad.
What the Army first explained as a routine operation to destroy an abandoned American military vehicle for the safety of onlookers and to prevent resistance fighters from looting its weapons was later described as an act of self-preservation by American forces, whereby helicopter gunship crews returned fire originating in the vicinity of the vehicle.
"The helicopter fired on the Bradley to destroy it after it had been hit earlier and it was on fire," Major Phil Smith of the 1st Cavalry Division said to the Independent. Without noting the irony in his statement, he added, "It was for the safety of the people around it."
13 Sep 2004 (IRIN)
"US jets dropped several bombs and tank and artillery units fired rounds into the city in retribution for militant attacks on US marine positions outside the city," Marine spokesman Lt-Col T.V. Johnson told IRIN. (The killing of civilians in retribution for resistance attacks on military personnel is punishable by death. Hitlers officers in France and Yugoslavia learned this the hard way. So will Lt. Col. Johnson.)
He added that Zarqawi associates were reported to be in the area and that no other individuals were present at the time of the strikes. (Sorry, this lying bullshit wont help.)
But local people are still coming to terms with what has happened. "I lost my brother yesterday, along with his wife and eight of their children. Those left behind are in a critical condition," Kassem Muhammad Zeidan told IRIN in Fallujah.
In one of the attacked houses, 12 people from the same family were killed and another six sent to Baghdad due to their injuries. One child was said to be in a critical condition, with two others still in a coma, hospital sources said.
Attack On Baghdad Occupation Police Kills At Least 48;
Bush Is A Dog
The Gates Of Hell Are Open
Doctor Says "The American Army Has No Morals."
12 September 2004 By Robert H. Reid, The Associated Press
Secretary of State Colin Powell acknowledged that the U.S.-led coalition faced a "difficult time" in Iraq but said the United States had a plan to quash the insurgency and bring those areas under control in time for national elections in January.
The insurgency "will be brought under control," Powell said on NBC's "Meet The Press." "It's not an impossible task." (How about improbable? Unlikely? Not looking too good? In fact, looking like shit?)
(12 September 1969: General William Westmoreland said today that the U.S. faced a difficult time in Vietnam, but said the United States had a plan to quash the insurgency. Its not an impossible task.)
[New York Times, September 13, 2004]
Okinawans are upset because U.S. military officials closed off the crash site of an American helicopter from local police, political leaders and diplomats from Tokyo, but waved through pizza-delivery motorcycles.
What The Fuck Does That Say About Troops Working In Iraq?
U.S. Official Hopes Things Will Calm Down (!)
Sep 13 By Ashraf Khalil and Alissa J. Rubin L.A. Times Staff Writers
U.S. officials, meanwhile, were left to ponder the implications of a day on which a secure and stable Iraq seemed a long way off.
"It certainly was an unusual day," said U.S. Embassy spokesman Richard Schmierer. "I'd be hard pressed to say why today and what it means in the bigger picture. Obviously we hope things will calm down."
Late Sunday in Baghdad, the steady double-thump of mortar launch and impact could still be heard.
CHANGING TERMS OF DEBATE, KERRY CALLS BUSH A LYING COKEHEAD
September 12, 2004 The Borowitz Report
Attempting to change the terms of the debate in the 2004 presidential campaign, Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass) came out swinging today, asking a Michigan audience, "Do you really want four more years of that lying cokehead?"
Saying that a second Bush administration would subject the nation to "four more years of blow and snow," Mr. Kerry unleashed his most savage attack on the president to date, accusing Mr. Bush of spending the federal surplus on a $40,000-a-day cocaine habit.
"Where did the surplus go? I'll tell you!" thundered Mr. Kerry, who then mimed inhaling a line of cocaine to the delight of the partisan crowd.
Mr. Kerry's decision to accuse Mr. Bush of "snorting foo-foo dust" and "tooting racehorse charlie" seemed to be inspired by the new unauthorized book about the Bush family penned by celebrity biographer Kitty Kelley, who coincidentally was named to the Axis of Evil today.
But just minutes after Mr. Kerry accused Mr. Bush of "hitching up the reindeers," Vice President Dick Cheney returned fire, telling an audience in West Virginia that if Mr. Kerry is elected, the Earth will spin off its axis and collide with the sun.
After being told of Mr. Cheney's latest dire prediction, Mr. Kerry chuckled, "I guess George Bush isn't the only one in the White House who's horning the Peruvian lady!"
In other campaign news, President Bush told reporters today that he "doubted" that the Texas National Guard memos discovered by CBS last week could be authentic because "I know exactly where the real ones are hidden."
Homicidal Maniac In U.S. Copter Kills Kids, Unarmed Civilians And Reporter In Baghdad;
6 U.S. Troops Wounded
Sept. 11, 2004: AFP
A refuse collector was killed when a US warplane fired a missile in the Sunni insurgent bastion of Fallujah.
The US military said coalition forces had destroyed "earth-moving equipment" being used by insurgents to construct fighting positions. (More like garbage removing.)
Time To Go Home
"The insurgency is trying to win the hearts and minds of the people and if they win the hearts and minds of the people, no matter what we do here with force is going to be powerful enough" U.S. Army Sgt. Scott Carter, 32, said. (September 12, 2004 EVAN OSNOS AND RICK JERVIS, Chicago Tribune)
Im against sending American G.I.s into the mud and muck of Indochina on a bloodletting spree to perpetuate colonialism and white mans exploitation of Asia.
Senator Edward Johnson - Senate Floor April 18, 1954
Marines Say "All We Are Doing Around Here Is Getting Blown Up."
London Daily Telegraph, October 18, 2004] & CNN & By Steve Fainaru, Washington Post, October 18, 2004
Iraqi interim Prime Minister Allawi became the first leader of his country to visit the Shia slum area of Sadr City. Allawis trip to Sadr City, the stronghold of rebel cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, was shrouded in secrecy and conducted with almost unprecedented security.
His visit to that site was delayed, however, when a mortar round hit the stadium about 15 minutes before his scheduled arrival.
Allawi was en route to the Sinaa soccer stadium when a mortar round struck it around 1 p.m., killing two Iraqi soldiers and an Iraqi civilian and wounding at least two others. It was unclear whether the attack was aimed at Allawi, who was scheduled to meet with members of Sadr's office and clerics at the stadium minutes later.
Iraqi guardsmen opened fire after the attack, shooting their automatic weapons randomly in response to reports of sniper fire. Two Iraqi police officers sitting in a nearby vehicle were wounded. [Marvelous. The resistance can stay home.]
Authorities immediately shut down the weapons handover program for the rest of the afternoon.
Allawi's convoy was diverted to a Sadr City government office building and his meetings with Sadr officials were postponed until later in the afternoon.
Ahmed Saleh, 21, showed up at the stadium to turn in an old 60mm mortar launcher. Saleh, who said he was a member of the Mahdi Army, said the launcher was "not very good. I have another one at home that is much better."
Asked if he planned to hand it in, he said: "No, I'm going to keep it."
Denied Body And Vehicle Armor By Murderous Assholes In Command Who Make Sure They Have The Best, She Is Told Saving Her Troops Lives Would Cost Too Much
Letters To The Editor - Army Times - 9.13.04
Cowards Kill Unarmed Worshippers
10 Sep 2004 BAGHDAD, Sept 10 (Reuters)
Iraqi troops opened fire on hundreds of supporters of a radical Shi'ite cleric as they left a Baghdad mosque after Friday prayers, killing two men and wounding five people, doctors and witnesses said.
The marchers were chanting slogans in favour of anti-U.S. cleric Moqtada al-Sadr when they were fired at by Iraqi National Guards near the Kadhimya neighbourhood in northern Baghdad, witnesses said.
A doctor at Naman hospital said two men were killed in the violence.
A source at Sadr's office said the marchers were unarmed.
(This is the democracy the Bush Occupation has brought to Iraq: killing people for chanting slogans! The Occupation is hated, The Allawi stooges for Bush are hated, and the Iraqis are winning their war for national independence. They are 100% right to resist.)
Army Tries To Keep News Secret;
Troops Whove Been To Iraq Getting Out Wholesale
September 13, 2004 By Vince Crawley, Army Times staff writer
The overall percentage of reservists who say they intend to stay in the military has dropped from 73 percent to 66 percent over the past year. Figures are worse for those who have served in Iraq, where fewer than half of Army and Marine Corps reserve component members say they are likely or very likely to stay in uniform.
Even nondeployed units show fewer people interested in staying in. (Because they know theyre next. Duh.) The Army National Guard and Army Reserve show the biggest drops, but all services show eroding morale compared to a year ago. In nearly all areas, this Mays responses were also lower than a benchmark study in 2000, just before President Bush took office but during a time when the then-candidate described the military as overdeployed and underpaid.
Also, compared to a year ago, significantly fewer Guard and reserve troops say their spouses and other family members have favorable opinions toward military service.
The most recent survey was done from April 26 to June 3, as the insurgency in Iraq flared.
The last time Pentagon officials publicly discussed survey findings was the summer of 2002, in the lull between the Afghanistan and Iraq campaigns, when they said polls of active-duty personnel showed notable improvement since 2000.
Since then, survey data for both reserve and active-duty troops have not been publicly released. Pentagon officials discussed the most recent survey only after it was obtained by Army Times.
Whats notable about these surveys is that for each time its been done, the stated retention is falling, John Winkler, the Pentagons chief of manpower and personnel for reserve affairs, said. Its more acute among people who have served in Iraqi Freedom than those that have not. (No fucking kidding? Imagine that!)
(Well, so much for all that bullshit happy talk about how troops just cant wait to get back to Iraq because they love the mission so much. What horseshit. Theyve had the Pentagon PR machine pumping out the smoke for almost a year now. No wonder they tried to hide whats really going on. Run, do not walk, to the nearest exist.)
Could Signal End of World, Says Veep
September 8, 2004 The Borowitz Report
Vice President Dick Cheney made his most dire remarks to date about a November victory by Democratic nominee John Kerry, saying that the French seer Nostradamus warned that Mr. Kerry's election would signal the end of the world.
"Nostradamus made it quite clear that John Kerry's election would be followed shortly thereafter by the end of the universe," Mr. Cheney soberly informed his audience at an Akron, Ohio rally yesterday. "So if you want the world to end, John Kerry is your man."
Mr. Cheney added that if Mr. Kerry were elected, "Rather than seeing the world come to an end I would put the world out of its misery by destroying it myself."
While Mr. Cheney's warnings about a Kerry win have grown increasingly grim in recent days, his claim that Nostradamus (1503-1566) predicted a Kerry-driven apocalypse was extraordinary, even by the standards of today's heated political rhetoric.
But hours after the vice president issued his latest warning, the Nostradamus prediction was powerfully discredited by a newly-formed political action committee calling itself Renaissance French Seers for Truth.
In an ad broadcast in several battleground states by the well-financed seers' group, little-known French seer Henri de Montrachet (1497-1558) is quoted as saying, "I was a seer alongside Nostradamus, and I can tell you this, Nostradamus is lying about John Kerry."
In other campaign news, the Kerry campaign suffered another setback today when the Federal Election Commission informed Mr. Kerry that he had exceeded the federal campaign limit on boat metaphors.
(But Hes Talking About The Dead And Maimed Not Being Replaced)
October 14, 2004 Xymphora
Back in September, Donald Rumsfeld said in a speech given at Ft. Campbell that U.S. forces in Iraq numbered 137,000, down from 150,000.
Rita Cosby of Fox News asked Rumsfeld before he left on his recent trip to Iraq whether the United States may 'start to pull out' after the Iraqi elections next year. Rumsfeld had replied:
"We've already started. We had 150,000 troops over there originally. We're down to 137,000 right now."
Think about the numbers. 150,000. 137,000.
The difference is 13,000. What does that number represent?
Of course! It's the American casualty rate. The numbers of American troops are dropping because the Pentagon hasn't got the troops to replace the fallen. Rumsfeld has the audacity to boast about his reduced level of troops, not pointing out why they are reduced.
I have before never heard the civilian leader of an army boast about his huge number of casualties.
On this logic, the United States will have won the war when every American soldier is withdrawn from Iraq, either in a coffin or on a stretcher with missing limbs, eyes, or mind.
The shortage of fodder units is why the Americans are trying to get NATO into a combat role in Afghanistan. An over-extended American army is just what the world needs right now.
Combat refusal at PACE firebase.
From: Military Law Task Force Website: http://www.nlg.org/mltf/
The question of crimes such as "fragging", "combat refusals", desertion and AWOL within the Vietnam conflict is one which brings emotions to the fore. Many veterans deny that "fragging" or "combat refusals" occurred, whilst others feel desertion and AWOL was merely a means of resisting what was felt to be an unjust and illegal conflict.
One partial reason for such sharp differences in the perceptions of veterans: support for the war back home, and the perceived prospects for victory, declined sharply during the seven years of heavy American involvement in Vietnam.
Indeed, military leaders themselves recognized a crisis among Vietnam soldiers in the war's last years. In an article called "The Collapse of the Armed Forces" published in the Armed Forces Journal in June, 1971, Colonel Robert Heinl declared that the army in Vietnam was "dispirited where not near mutinous.
Combat Refusal. Where soldiers refused to obey orders this became known as a "combat refusal". In a report for Pacifica Radio, journalist Richard Boyle went to the base to interview a dozen "grunts" from the First Cavalry Division. The GI's had been ordered on a nighttime combat mission the previous night. Six of the men had refused to go and several others had objected to the order. This is also referred to in "NAM - The Story of the Vietnam War (Issue 8)" where a photograph can also be found and captioned "These battle-weary troops from the 1st Air Cav had just staged a "combat refusal" at the PACE firebase.
"They'll have to court-martial the whole company," one soldier told Boyle. "I say right away they can start typing up my court-martial."
The GI's told Boyle they objected not only to what they saw as a suicidal mission but to the war effort itself. Their commanding officer wouldn't let them wear t-shirts with peace symbols, they complained. "He calls us hypocrites if we wear a peace sign," one GI said. "[As if] we wanted to come over here and fight. Like we can't believe in peace, man, because we're carrying [an M-16] out there." Rough figures for "combat refusals" are indicated in column b. below.
Another soldier piped in: "I always did believe in protecting my own country, if it came down to that. But I'm over here fighting a war for a cause that means nothing to me." Historians say so-called "combat refusals" became increasingly common in Vietnam after 1969. Soldiers also expressed their opposition to the war in underground newspapers and coffee-house rap sessions. Some wore black armbands in the field. Some went further.
Fragging. When one American killed another American, usually a superior officer or an NCO, the term "fragging" came into use. Although the term simply meant that a fragmentation grenade was used in the murder, it later became an all encompassing term for such an action. It is known that "fraggings" did occur during Vietnam, but the precise number is uncertain.
"During the years of 1969 down to 1973, we have the rise of fragging - that is, shooting or hand-grenading your NCO or your officer who orders you out into the field," says historian Terry Anderson of Texas A & M University. "The US Army itself does not know exactly how many...officers were murdered. But they know at least 600 were murdered, and then they have another 1400 that died mysteriously. Consequently by early 1970, the army [was] at war not with the enemy but with itself." Rough figures for "fraggings" are indicated in column a. below.
Desertion and Absence Without Leave (AWOL). Figures for the Vietnam Conflict are also not known but figures for all US forces throughout the world are known. They are indicated in columns c. and d. below. The original source for these figures is here.
To: GI Special
From: Soldier, Salah Ad Din
Sent: October 14, 2004 4:24 PM
Subject: roadside bombs
just a quick bit of info:
if you dig thru the news about some army engineers who were killed in baghdad today by a roadside bomb, you may (or may not, i doubt if this will actually go public) find that the new roadside bomb the insurgency is using is no fucking joke!
its actually something us combat units have been dreading since we got here. luckily for us, the iraqis never figured it out until now.
the new roadside bomb is what we call a "shape charge". the technique is actually nothing new at all. its been used all throughout modern warfare and is strikingly similar to our claymores.
all it is really is a metal tube, approximately 6-8 inches in diameter. this tube is packed with a mortar round (same thing rebel forces have been using this whole time), packed with any random jagged objects that would serve as shrapnel, and the most key ingredient part is [deleted by GI Special].
when this thing fires, the tube actually [deleted by GI Special]. this, plus the initial explosion and shrapnel, acts sort of like a shotgun round using .00 shot as the projectile.
basically, this [deleted by GI Special] is very fucking powerful.
it will penetrate our toughest up-armor truck, including the turret of our stout armored tanks. it goes thru the armor like a hot knife thru butter. today, from what we were told, those soldiers in baghdad who died were hit with this shape charge. the driver and front passenger were mangled and killed immediately. the gunner died later as a result from wounds.
this shit is serious. all the iraqi has to do is place the charge firmly in the ground, hide it just as well as he has been doing, and aim it in the direction that would do the most damage. if nothing we have will stop a shape charge, then i would have to guess that there will be many more deaths in roadside bombs in the not so distant future.
i dont know if the technicals for this bomb should go public. if the wrong sources read it, it could actually mean more casualties. [which is why deleted by GI Special. The resistance obviously already knows, since theyre turning them out, but we wouldnt want our very own homegrown neo-Nazi militia assholes trying it out.]
hey, the way i see it, if it raises awareness of the ingenuity of the resistance in iraq, print it. im all for it. and its no secret, and these new roadside killers will certainly be used much more frequently as they see how effective they really are.
looks like we're fucked.
October 12, 2004 AFP & Reuters & By Alexandra Zavis, Associated Press & Aljazeera
RAMADI - US marines and Iraqi forces have kicked off pre-dawn raids on seven mosques in the rebel-bastion of Ramadi, prompting firefights in the city that left two Iraqis dead, say the military and hospital sources.
Anti-US fighters fired two mortars at the city hall and neighbouring police directorate on Monday night, sparking gunfire and rocket-propelled grenade exchanges, residents said.
U.S. forces Tuesday arrested the top cleric in Iraq's volatile western Anbar province. in the regional capital of Ramadi, witnesses said.
Cleric Abdel A'leem al-Saadi, the top Sunni cleric in Anbar, and his son, Usama were arrested at a mosque in rebel-held Ramadi and six other people were detained at other mosques, the witnesses said.
A prominent cleric, Shaikh Abd al-Alim al-Saadi, the provincial leader of the al-Anbar Scholars League, were also detained, Aljazeera reported.
There was no reason to arrest Shaikh al-Saadi, the spokesman said. He was in his mosque getting ready to perform prayers, he said.
"This is not the first shaikh the US forces have arrested," he said. "Many others have been detained before, such as Shaikh Uthman Mishaal, Shaikh Khalil Ata Allah and other imams, from inside their mosques by US forces," the AMS spokesman said.
Angry residents also accused US forces of breaking down doors and throwing around furniture inside the mosques.
This cowboy behavior cannot be accepted, said cleric Abdullah Abu Omar of the Ramadi Mosque. The Americans seem to have lost their senses and have gone out of control. [Busy winning more hearts and minds.]
Marine Corps Claims Resistance Now Has Combat Air Force
(Or This Is The Most Witless Lie Of The War So Far This Year)
10.12.04 By Alexandra Zavis, Associated Press
At least 15 people were reported killed in an attack on an Iraqi National Guard outpost near the Syrian border. Residents claimed an American plane fired on the compound but the Marine Corps said insurgents staged the attack. [Either the resistance now has an air force, a previously well-guarded secret, or the Marine Corps has at least one lying stack of shit giving out press statements whos too stupid to live. Hello? It was an air attack. You know, things that fly through the air? Get it? Air attack.]
The Iraqi National Guard outpost east of Qaim was attacked in the early hours of the morning. Residents said U.S. warplanes were in action over the area, but the U.S. Marines said there were no American operations there and insurgents staged the attack. Between 15 and 20 people were killed in the attack, according to Hamid Ahmed Ali, a city hospital official.
The Marines sent a team to the outpost to assess the situation and see whether any assistance was needed. [Finding those deadly resistance planes might be a place to start. Or assisting the liar who gave out the press statement in removing his head from his ass.]
Insurgents Rule The Countryside
(Washington Post, October 12, 2004, Pg. 18)
Staff Sgt. Chris Fritz set out for a meeting with the mayor of Musayyib to discuss the needs of the city in a convoy of nine armored trucks equipped with .50-caliber machine guns and Mark 19 automatic grenade launchers. He was protected by three dozen Marines wearing full body armor and carrying assault rifles and assorted mortars and grenades.
John Kerry telling an audience October 11 in Santa Fe, New Mexico that on Iraq, he and Bush are only about this far apart. I will never let the sun never set on the American Empire, he said. He said he remains steadfast in his commitment to keep U.S. troops in Iraq, and would recruit 40,000 new troops to replace the ones he plans to kill and maim as the war continues. (AFP/Luke Frazza)
Pigs On Top Grabbing It All
Oct. 03, 2004 HOLLY SKLAR, Knight Ridder/Tribune & Wall St. Journal 7.20.04 By Jon E. Hilsenrath And Sholnn Freman
The economy is booming again, if you're a billionaire. The new Forbes list of the 400 richest Americans has 313 billionaires -- up 51 billionaires from 262 last year.
What's a billion dollars anyway? You'd have to rake in $1 million every day for 1,000 days to reach a billion bucks.
The $1 trillion in combined wealth held by the 400 richest Americans is nearly as much as the combined wealth of the more than 100 million households in the less moneyed half of the population.
It's boom time for billionaires, not for most Americans. The economy is growing, but wages are falling, poverty is rising and the middle class is shrinking.
9/29/2004 Jim Hightower, Hightower & Associates
I bring you tidings of great joy! At last, our congress critters have done something tangible to lift people up from the economic doldrums we're in. They've raised wages in America!
You're not silly enough to think for a moment that congress would raise your wages, are you? No, no Nanette for the past several years they've kept the minimum wage in our country stuck at the paltry poverty level of $5.15 an hour.
It's their wages that they've just raised. Again. By "again," I refer to the fact that this is the sixth pay hike that our lawmakers have bestowed upon themselves in the past six years. This time, the members will pocket an extra $4,000 each, raising their gross pay to about $162,000 a year.
10.11.04 AP
FALLUJAH, Iraq - A U.S. warplane early Tuesday destroyed a popular restaurant which the U.S. command said was a meeting place for members of Iraq's most feared terrorist organization.
The 12:01 a.m. blast demolished the Haj Hussein restaurant as well as nearby shops, residents said. There was no report of casualties and the restaurant was closed at the time, but two night guards were missing, residents said.
Ambulances and fire trucks rushed to the scene.
The U.S. military command in Baghdad made no mention of the restaurant but said the target was "a center" for the Tawhid and Jihad terror network, led by Jordanian-born extremist Abu Musab al-Zarqawi.
Oct. 9 JAMES GLANZ, New York Times
In at least one case, the problem with the Iraqi back roads led to a disastrous eight-hour ordeal in which new armored vehicles called Strykers became mired in an irrigated field as they were chasing an insurgent who had just fired mortar shells at them. The attacker escaped.
"One thing that's remarkable to note is how the enemy has changed," said Capt. Bart Hensler, who commands a Stryker unit that is taking part in the raids. "We're always trying to stay one step ahead of each other, but unfortunately the enemy has the advantage." [Especially when they can run faster than those worthless pieces of shit youre pushing around to enrich some war-profiteer defense contractor. Hes safely home reading his bank statements while youre driving these miserable excuses for war vehicles around a countryside where theyre not merely useless, they an active impediment to movement.]
Lt. Col. Buck James, a battalion commander in the Stryker Brigade, said that even though melting into the population was a time-honored guerrilla tactic, it might be hurting the insurgency here. In Iraq's macho culture, he said, the insurgents' unwillingness to put up a fight may end up costing them the support of the people who are shielding them now. [In your dreams. And that has to be the stupidest comment of the month, so far. Well, its another Lt. Col. babbling this silly bullshit, so what can one expect?]
Lt. Gen. Thomas F. Metz, the commander of ground forces in Iraq, said he believed that the problem of tracking down fighting-age men here was "unique to this particular piece of the operation" and not true of Iraq as a whole. [God, its a whole clown show, with one stand-up comic after another. And this is the commander of ground forces in Iraq? Sorry, thats too harsh. There must be all kinds of places in Iraq where the resistance fighters stand there in neat little lines waiting for Lt. Gen. Metz to show up.]
The enduring optimism of many American troops was summed up by Capt. Rob Krauer of the 24th Marine Expeditionary Unit, who emphasized the need to train Iraqis to do the house-to-house operations in the long run. "We can win a war this way," he said. [This is not a satire. Repeat, this is not a satire. This really is a whole pack of the silliest people in command the modern world has seen.]
Translated and/or compiled by Muhammad Abu Nasr, member editorial board The Free Arab Voice.
Thursday, 7 October 2004
Resistance shoots down US F-14 fighter bomber over western Iraq Thursday afternoon. Resistance forces shot down a US F-14 aircraft that was flying at low altitude over the city of Rawah in western Iraq at 4:45pm Thursday afternoon. Because it passed over the city at low altitude, Resistance fighters were able to score a direct hit on it with a 14.5mm caliber four-barreled Dimitrov.
To whom it may concern:
We recently noticed that since the Stop-Loss was put into effect, there has never been a petition against it.
The Statistics are now 15 days away from our original release date from the US ARMY.
Unfortunately, we are under the jurisdiction of the Army's Stop-Loss, a "back door draft" designed to keep soldiers in the army for deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan for the duration of 3 months before the 12 month deployment until 3 months after it.
Many soldiers' lives have been put on hold, dismantled, ruined or expired due to this defacto draft. Time is running out for thousands of soldiers who were supposed to be out, and thousands more will be affected by the Stop-Loss in the not so distant future.
Help to end this madness by signing you name and concerns at nostoploss@yahoo.com.
On behalf of The Statistics and a myriad of soldiers chained to this war, we thank you all!
-hEkLe Statistic
Situation Much Worse Than A Year Ago
Oct. 10, 2004 From article by Patrick Kerkstra, KNIGHT RIDDER NEWSPAPERS
The campaign of intimidation has widened to include secretaries, laborers, doctors, drivers, scientists, janitors, seemingly anyone whose paycheck is cut by coalition forces, Western companies or the interim government.
The tactic has deepened the sense that no one in Iraq is safe. It undermines reconstruction efforts [translation: occupation efforts], as well as basic government functions [translation: helping Bush keep his hands on Iraq], by terrifying legions of employees [translation: traitors] into quitting their jobs.
And it strikes at the heart of the Bush administration's efforts to rebuild the government and establish its legitimacy. [Reporter goes off into propaganda land.]
President Bush told reporters today that critics who say he has his head up his ass are wrong. Arriving at Andrews Air Force base, the President placed both hands firmly behind his head, moving it from side-to-side. If I had my head up my ass, I couldnt do that, he smirked.
Bush went on the accuse Senator Kerry of undermining the morale of troops in Iraq by refusing to condemn irresponsible elements who have said Bush is dumber than a box of rocks and crazy as a shit-house rat.
If you were an Iraqi, would you want your country occupied by a shit-house rat, he asked? If you were a soldier, would you die for one? Kerry replied that the troops he kills in Iraq will be ratless. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)
Occupation Has To Use Air Attacks Against Baghdad IEDs
Oct 7, 2004 By ASSOCIATED PRESS
BAGHDAD, Iraq - U.S. warplanes struck Baghdad's Sadr City district overnight to neutralize roadside bombs that regularly explode as American patrols drive through the area, the military said Thursday.
AC-130 gunships fired into the district's narrow and densely populated streets, which are littered with improvised bombs, said Capt. Brian O'Malley of the 1st Cavalry Division.
Residents held a funeral Thursday for a man they said was killed in the strikes, Associated Press Television News footage showed.
On their way there, trying to alternate their routes to confuse the enemy, the convoy sped on dirt roads along canals on the outskirts of the town - and got lost. Then a Humvee got stuck in a ditch and needed help getting out.
When they arrived, the Marines created a defense cordon around the southern stretch of town while a team of three Marines, led by Capt. Joel Northey, a platoon commander, walked through Latifiyah's desolate streets, kicking through trash piles, peering down alleys and asking the rare resident on the street, through a translator, whether they had seen any military equipment. They hadn't. [Promise: this is not satire.]
The Marines, with their M-16s ready, moved slowly and deliberately, securing corners before crossing streets, scanning rooftops and peering over the fences of homes.
The spare barrel was never found. But the stroll through town had another mission, Northey said. Marines from the previous unit often had been shot at by snipers in the same section of town.
"This is a way to show them they're not going to chase us out with sporadic gunfire," Northey said. "We're here to stay." [How silly can you get? No, youre not here to stay. The Iraqis are here to stay, so far for about 5,000 years. Theyre going to kick your ass out, along with all the rest of Bushs occupation officers. Its their country. This is such a perfect example of the Imperial arrogance and stupidity that has already lost the war.]
Its Just Another Number
But Bullshit Wearing Thin For Young Soldiers:
I Want To Go Home
(THANKS TO B WHO E-MAILED THIS IN: B WRITES: LIFERS ARE ASSHOLES)
September 7, 2004 By KOMO Staff & News Services
FORT LEWIS - With a departure ceremony today, Fort Lewis starts sending another 4,000 soldiers to Iraq for a year's deployment.
The second Stryker Brigade developed at Fort Lewis will take over for the brigade that was deployed last November. Those soldiers will be coming home, turning over the vehicles for the fresh troops.
The brigade is built around about 300 eight-wheeled Stryker armored vehicles. They can carry as many as eleven soldiers and travel faster than 60 miles per hour. (Or could before they got so loaded down with not very effective patched-on armor they can barely move, and have a pronounced tendency to fall off cliffs or into rivers, as the roads crumble underneath these worthless, soldier-killing pieces of shit.)
The Army recently announced plans to move about 3,900 troops from Louisiana to Fort Lewis to create still another Stryker brigade. (The Army command just cant let go of a total catastrophe: never mind, drive on. Hey, we got plenty of body bags. And we cant piss off the war-profiteers who got the contracts to build the infamous Strykers. After all, who do you think were going to go work for when we retire from our distinguished careers posturing as important officers in the Pentagon?)
U.S. COMMAND ADMITS FALLUJA BOMBINGS ARE REPRISALS
The U.S. military has retaliated by launching several precision airstrikes on insurgent safe houses in the city. September 6, AP The US military said the bombardment was in reprisal for insurgents firing on marine positions outside the city. (9.7 AFP) (Reprisal bombings of civilians are war crimes. In the past, they have sometimes been punished by the death penalty. Hopefully, they will be again.)
Iraqis survey a crater left after a US air strike in Fallujah. Angry demonstrators protested the latest US air raid on the town. (AFP/Fares Dlimi)
6 September 2004Novinite Ltd
The US commandment insists that Bulgaria's peacekeepers in Iraq stay in their current base "Kilo" located within Karbala, local Darik radio reported citing sources from the Bulgarian Defense Ministry.
According to the report the US commandment pointed out military and strategic reasons for its demands. (Like pretending the Occupation is still in control of Karbala.)
The Bulgarian unit in Karbala will move to a new base, outside the city, army officials announced in June. (Thereby greatly extending their life expectancy.)
That will be the second relocation of the Bulgarian troops, after last December they were forced to abandon the India base and move to Kilo.
A Million Roles Of Toilet Paper For The Military;
Im Not In Danger He Said
September 06, 2004 By Steve Levin, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
John N. Mallery, a 1994 graduate of Mt. Lebanon Senior High School who had spent the past 18 months in Iraq working for private companies, was killed Saturday when militants attacked his vehicle with small arms fire.
Mr. Mallery, 28, died in Taji, about 30 miles north of Baghdad.
He was a project manager with MayDay Supply, which sells a wide variety of dining facility supplies to the U.S. military. (The name should have provided a small clue that this was not a lucky job.)
New Army Helmet Kills 30% More Soldiers;
Pentagon Traitors Know It, Do Nothing:
Time For Firing Squads
Extrapolating from this, Col. Poffenbarger estimates the new helmet might result in a 30% increase in serious head traumas if distributed throughout the entire force in Iraq.
Aug 20, 2004 By Staff, The Daily News, Longview, Washington
A 24-year-old Longview soldier was injured in Iraq on Wednesday when his assault vehicle tumbled over a cliff.
Sgt. Justin Little suffered a broken neck, but did not damage his spinal cord, meaning he likely will walk again, his father, Jim Little said.
Little, who graduated from Mark Morris High School in 1999, was riding aboard an Army Stryker assault vehicle near the Syrian border around 11:30 p.m. when it tumbled over a 30-foot cliff, his family said.
The vehicle had been involved in a firefight Wednesday night and was moving out of the area, Jim Little said.
Troops aboard Little's vehicle were using night vision, which casts the landscape in a flat, green tone. The soldiers thought they were headed off a 5-foot drop that turned out to be much deeper, members of Little's family said.
Little is a gunner on the Stryker, a 19-ton armored vehicle that can carry a .50-caliber machine gun and 40 mm grenade launcher and travel at speeds of up to 60 mph. His head was poked through the vehicle's turret when it rolled off the cliff, his father said.
A fellow crew member yanked Little back into the vehicle as it toppled end over end, surely saving his life, Jim Little said.
"The Stryker was just a ball of metal," when it came to rest, Jim Little said. He said he did not know the condition of the rest of his son's crew. It was unclear how fast the vehicle was moving when it crashed.
A medic strapped Little to a flat surface and evacuated him by helicopter.
April 15, 2004 The Jakarta Post
JAKARTA (JP): An ambulance of the Medical Emergency Rescue Committee (Mer-C) donated by Indonesia was shot by a missile launched from a U.S. jet fighter in Fallujah, Iraq, killing four people, news reports said on Wednesday.
"The ambulance's driver and three patients who had been evacuated were killed as a missile launched from the U.S. jet fighter hit them. The ambulance was blasted to pieces," Joserizal Jurnalis, the chairman of the Mer-C, told Republika on Tuesday.
Joserizal said the incident occurred last Friday at noon after Abu Ibrahim, the driver who was a Jordanian volunteer for Merc-C, had just evacuated the three victims.
He said that the organization would lodge a strong protest against the U.S. government via the U.S. Embassy in Indonesia.
April 11, 2004 Time Magazine, By Barry McCaffrey
There are no more U.S. troops to send to Iraq.
The key question is, if you've got 70% of your combat battalions in the U.S. Army deployed in Afghanistan, Iraq, South Korea and elsewhere, can you maintain this kind of muscular presence in that many places? The answer is no.
(For a stunning condemnation of the invasion and occupation of Iraq by a U.S. Marine who participated in the capture of Baghdad, see the centerfold interview with Mike Hoffman at www.socialistworker.org.)
Dick Cheney, visiting Fudan University in Shanghai, April 15, admitted today that he is in fact a vampire. Reporters pressed the Vice President until he made the startling revelation after this photo appeared in the Chinese press, showing protruding fangs on each side of his upper jaw.
Cheney hastened to reassure average Americans that they have nothing to fear, however, because he subsists entirely on oil and the blood of dead and dying American soldiers in Iraq, Afghanistan, Haiti, and other occupied territories.
Chinese governmental authorities, who welcomed Cheneys visit, indicated they were not troubled by the revelation, since they have been sucking the blood of ordinary Chinese working people to support their lavish lifestyles, fat bank accounts, and corporate business investments for over 40 years. Said one top leader of the Chinese Communist Party, We understand each other perfectly. He does the democracy scam, we do the socialism and communism scam, and we both grab the cash for ourselves. (Pool via Reuters)
The Magnificent Canadian Anti-War Troop Rebellion
At a base in Terrace B.C., French- and English-speaking troops joined forces, armed themselves, took over the camp, and mounted guns to command the approaches.
November 24, 2004, Part of talk by John Riddell and Ian Angus, Socialist Worker (Canada)
In November 1944, [Prime Minister] King ordered that 16,000 conscripts be sent to Europe.
In British Columbia, where most of them were stationed, there was a wave of demonstrations and mutinies.
At a base in Terrace B.C., French- and English-speaking troops joined forces, armed themselves, took over the camp, and mounted guns to command the approaches.
Popular slogans were Down with conscription and Conscript money as well. One placard read, We can end the war here at home. Another, Zombies strike back.
These disturbances died down, but there were recurring bouts of rioting and sit-down strikes.
Half the 16,000 went AWOL and only a fifth of the missing men were ever retrieved a sure sign of strong community support.
The hunt for deserters proved hazardous. In Drummondville, Quebec, on 24 February, a 100-man raiding party was attacked by a mob, their vehicles overturned and smashed, while fighting lasted on the streets for three hours, and scores required hospital treatment.
Even after sending conscripts to Europe, opposition was so high that King had to promise not to send them to fight in the Pacific unless they agreed.
Result: when Canadas most powerful and prestigious warship, the HMCS Uganda was ordered to move against Japan, the crew voted overwhelmingly to end their participation in the war and sailed back to a Canadian port.
By Martin Sieff, UPI Senior News Analyst, WASHINGTON, March 26 (UPI)
It is now 11 months since Saddam Hussein was toppled in Iraq and more than three months since he was captured by U.S. forces, but the town of Fallujah in his Sunni heartland has still not been tamed.
Gunfire and explosions rocked Fallujah again Friday as U.S. troops and Iraqi guerrilla insurgents fought for several hours.
The latest violence in Fallujah comes less than 100 days before the United States has pledged to hand over sovereignty of Iraq back to an Iraqi authority. But Department of Defense civilian overlords have tasked Pentagon military planners to keep a massive U.S. force of at least 110,000 troops there at least through 2006.
Up to now, Fallujah, located in the Sunni Muslim heartland of Saddam loyalists in central Iraq, has been at the heart of the resistance.
Back on May 1, the very day Bush proclaimed hostilities ended in Iraq, we noted in a United Press International analysis the killing just a few days before of 15 anti-American demonstrators by U.S. troops in Fallujah. The Fallujah shootings, we predicted, would come to be seen as "the kind of event that Thomas Jefferson called 'a fire-bell in the night' -- the harbinger of infinitely worse conflict and travails to come."
Analysts attribute the leveling off of attacks inflicting large numbers of casualties at any single time on U.S. forces not so much on U.S. counter-insurgency successes, but on two other factors.
First, that U.S. combat forces have been ordered to "hunker down" in their bivouacs and avoid aggressive operations as long as possible to keep casualties down through the presidential election season.
Second, the Iraqi guerrillas are taking advantage of the lull to organize and establish political control over significant regions of the country outside Baghdad.
Therefore, as we have repeatedly monitored in UPI analyses, the worst expressions of violence against U.S. troops and other Western forces in Iraq continue to come not from old Saddam loyalists but from the rapidly mobilizing new extreme Sunni Muslim forces that have organized under the very eyes of the U.S. military administration in Baghdad.
The elite fighting core of the U.S. Army and Marines are now bogged down in Iraq for years to come. Only this week, reports emerged that American forces in Europe would have to be drawn to down to cope with the demands on manpower and resources.
The latest violence in Fallujah is likely to make things harder, not easier for the hard-pressed U.S. forces there.
Every Iraqi civilian killed and wounded, especially the children, will have relatives now far more likely to prove sympathetic and supportive to the guerrillas. Therefore, the scale of violent resistance to U.S. forces looks likely to only increase in the months ahead. And given the determination of the administration to "stay the course" as they like to put it, only a fraction of the price in dead and wounded Americans has so far been paid.
As we warned in a UPI analysis nearly a year ago, another vivid phrase of Thomas Jefferson sums up this unrelenting prospect. The United States has seized a wolf by the ears in Iraq. And now it dare not let it go.
Pentagon Launches Operation Pink Storm
The Borowitz Report, 3.16.04
In a televised speech to the nation last night, President George W. Bush called gay marriage "the new front in the war on terror" and called on the civilized nations of the world to unite against "the gathering threat of gay and lesbian weddings."
"There are those in the world who would replace freedom and democracy with gay marriages," Mr. Bush said in his speech from the White House. "This will not stand."
Mr. Bush's speech coincided with news from the Pentagon that the U.S. was launching a spring offensive, Operation Pink Storm, to root out gay brides and bridegrooms hiding in the mountainous region on the border of Pakistan and Afghanistan.
In raids conducted over the weekend, U.S. Special Operations forces disrupted half a dozen gay marriages being performed in a serpentine network of underground caves, seizing hors-d'oeuvres, seating charts and flower arrangements.
In his speech, the President urged America's allies in the war on terror not to lose resolve in the face of what he called "increasingly brazen wedding ceremonies staged by the world's gay and lesbian community."
In what appeared to be a pointed remark aimed at his rival, Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass), Mr. Bush said, "It would be tempting to believe that gays and lesbians are not at this moment planning new and bigger weddings - but we do so at our peril."
In other news, the Department of Labor announced that the U.S. has lost over 2.9 million manufacturing jobs in the last three and a half years, largely due to gay marriage.
BUSH CLAIMS SUPPORT OF UNMANNED PREDATOR DRONES
Speaks to Rally of Robot Planes in San Diego
The Borowitz Report, 3.17.04
In the wake of poll results showing his approval ratings plummeting around the world, President George W. Bush today said that he remains popular among the constituency most important to him, unmanned Predator drones.
Predators, the unmanned robot planes used widely in Afghanistan and Iraq, remain "solidly committed" to his policies, the President told reporters at the White House today.
"I am proud to have Predator drones on my side," Mr. Bush said. "They are great Americans."
Mr. Bush later left the White House to speak to a rally of Predator drones at a General Atomics aeronautics plant in San Diego, California.
Expressing what he called "deep solidarity" with the Predator drones, Mr. Bush reserved his most rousing remark for the end of his speech: "I'm proud to say that I, too, am a drone."
But critics said Mr. Bush's appearance before the audience of robot planes was merely a photo opportunity to take attention away from the new poll results in Europe, which showed his popularity plummeting below that of actor Ben Affleck for the first time.
White House spokesman Scott McClellan questioned those results, however, arguing that the surveys did not account for the opinion of the thousands of Predator drones currently flying surveillance missions over Europe.
"A hydrogen economy is not a perfectly clean system," said Scott A. Barnett, professor of materials science and engineering. "You have to process fossil fuels at a plant to produce hydrogen fuel as well as develop an infrastructure to get that fuel into vehicles. We have bypassed these technological hurdles by basically bringing the hydrogen plant inside and pairing it with a high-temperature fuel cell in one compact unit that has a fuel efficiency of up to 50 percent."
In a paper to be published online today (March 31) by the journal Science, Barnett and graduate student Zhongliang Zhan report the development of a new solid oxide fuel cell, or SOFC, that converts a liquid transportation fuel -- iso-octane, a high-purity compound similar to gasoline -- into hydrogen which is then used by the fuel cell to produce energy. The cells could lead to cost-effective, clean and efficient electrical-power sources for applications ranging from aircraft and homes to cars and trucks.
Although only demonstrated on a small scale, Barnett and Zhan's fuel cells are projected to have a 50 percent fuel efficiency when used in a full-sized fuel cell generator, which would improve on other technologies. Higher fuel efficiencies mean less precious fuel is consumed and less carbon dioxide, a greenhouse-effect gas related to global warming, is produced. Internal combustion engines have a "well-to-wheels" efficiency of a mere 10 to 15 percent. Current hydrogen fuel cells that require hydrogen plants and new infrastructure have been calculated to have a 29 percent fuel efficiency while commercial gas/electric hybrid vehicles already have achieved 32 percent.
"The advent of hybrid vehicles has shaken up the fuel cell community and made researchers rethink hydrogen as a fuel," said Barnett, who drives a Toyota Prius and foresees his new fuel cells being developed for use in battery/SOFC hybrid technology for vehicle propulsion or in auxiliary power units. "We need to look at the solid oxide fuel cell -- the one kind of fuel cell that can work with other fuels beside hydrogen -- as an option."
A fuel cell is like a battery that can be replenished with fresh fuel. It consists of two electrodes sandwiched around an electrolyte material that conducts ions between them. Oxygen enters at the cathode, where it combines with electrons and is split into ions that travel through the electrolyte to react with fuel at the anode. Fuel cells are environmentally friendly: water and carbon dioxide are the only by-products. In the process, the oxygen ions traversing the electrolyte produce a useful current. Heat is also generated.
Because conventional solid oxide fuel cells operate at such high temperatures (between 600 and 800 degrees Centigrade) Barnett recognized that the heat could be used internally for the chemical process of reforming hydrogen, eliminating the need for hydrogen plants with their relatively low fuel efficiency. Barnett and Zhan found the optimal temperature for their system to be 600 to 800 degrees.
The real key to the new fuel cell is a special thin-film catalyst layer through which the hydrocarbon fuel flows toward the anode. That porous layer, which contains stabilized zirconia and small amounts of the metals ruthenium and cerium, chemically and cleanly converts the fuel to hydrogen.
"A major drawback of using solid oxide fuel cells is that carbon from the fuel is deposited all over the anode because of the high temperatures," Barnett said. "But our thin film catalyst, plus the addition of a small amount of oxygen, eliminates those deposits, making it a viable technology to pursue with further research. We have shown that the fuel cell is much more stable with the catalyst and air than without."
"The main drawback of fuel cells has been their complexity and high cost," said Barnett. "The simple design of our system, which brings the hydrogen reformer in house, is a great advantage for a range of applications. For example, imagine a unit cheap enough to be used for auxiliary power in cars or diesel trucks. It would supply electricity continuously, cleanly, quietly and efficiently even when the engine is not running. This work has the potential to lead us in that direction."
Any religious person believes prayer should be balanced by action. So here, in support of the Prayer Team's admirable goals, is a proposed Constitutional Amendment to codify marriage on biblical principles. Let us be satisfied with nothing less:
A. Marriage in the United States shall consist of a union between one man and one or more women. (Gen 29:17-28; II Sam 3:2-5)
B. Marriage shall not impede a man's right to take concubines, in addition to his wife or wives. (II Sam 5:13; I Kings 11:3; II Chron 11:21)
C. A marriage shall be considered valid only if the wife is a virgin. If the wife is not a virgin, she shall be executed. (Deut 22:13-21)
D. Marriage of a believer and a non-believer shall be forbidden. (Gen 24:3; Num 25:1-9; Ezra 9:12; Neh 10:30)
E. Since marriage is for life, neither this Constitution nor the constitution of any State, nor any state or federal law, shall be construed to permit divorce. (Deut 22:19; Mark 10:9)
F. If a married man dies without children, his brother shall marry the widow. If he refuses to marry his brother's widow or deliberately does not give her children, he shall pay a fine of one shoe. (Gen. 38:6-10; Deut 25:5-10)
(The Presidential team had no comment on reporters questions about whether President Bush believes that the words of the Prophet Isaiah constitute divine revelation. Isaiah preached that the rich and powerful who grind the faces of the poor will be utterly destroyed by the wrath of God and a working class revolution.)
# My chain of command is not interested in why I 'just happen' to have a kilt, an inflatable sheep, and a box of rubber bands in the back of my car.
# Must not valiantly push officers onto hand grenades to save the squad.
# Despite the confusing similarity in the names, the "Safety Dance" and the "Safety Briefing" are never to be combined.
# 'To conquer the earth with an army of flying monkeys" is a bad long term goal to give the re-enlistment NCO.
# NEVER nail a stuffed bunny to a cross and put it up in front of the Battalion Headquarters sign as an "Easter Desecration."
# Don't write up false gigs on a HMMWV PMCS. ("Broken clutch pedal", "Number three turbine has frequent flame-outs", "flux capacitor emits loud whine when engaged")
# Not allowed to get shot.
# The Chicken and Rice MRE is not a personal lubricant. (Skippy wanted this noted for the record that this is not something he has ever attempted or considered! It was something we heard at dinner on 22 September 2001 and it was just so obscene it had to go here.)
# Not allowed to play into the deluded fantasies of the civilians who are "hearing conversations" from the NSA, FBI, CIA and KGB due to the microchip the aliens implanted in their brain.
# An airsickness bag is to be used for airsickness only. (Also not a Skippy-ism...this was the same dinner.)
# Must not make T-shirts up depicting a pig with the writing "Eat Pork or Die" in Arabic to bring as civilian attire when preparing to deploy to a primarily Muslim country.
# Don't ask LTC Steele to sign my copy of Blackhawk Down.
# Must not go on nine deployments in six years that require a security clearance that I don't have, even if the Army tells me repeatedly that I have one and I have no reason to question them.
# Do not convince NCO's that their razorbumps are the result of microscopic parasites.
1. Claymore mines are not filled with yummy candy, and it is wrong to tell new soldiers that they are.
2. I am not allowed to mount a bayonet on a crew-served weapon.
3. Rodents are not entitled to burial with full military honors, even if they are "casualties of war".
4. My commander is not old enough to have fought in the civil war, and I should stop implying that he did.
5. Vodka, green food coloring, and a Cool Mint Listerine bottle is not a good combination.
6. I am not allowed to bum cigarettes off of anyone under twelve.
7. I may not trade my rifle for any of the following: Cigarettes, booze, sexual favors, Kalishnikovs, Soviet Armored vehicles, small children, or bootleg CDs.
8. Must not mock command decisions in front of the press.
9. Should not taunt members of the press, even if they are really fat, exceptionally stupid, and working for UPI.
10. I am not authorized to change national policy in Eastern Europe.
11. Never, ever, attempt to correct a Green Beret officer about anything.
12. I am not qualified to operate any US, German, Polish, or Russian Armored vehicles.
13. When saluting a leg officer, an appropriate greeting is not "Airborne leads the wa- oh...sorry sir".
14. There is absolutely no need to emulate the people from Full Monty every time I hear the song "Hot Stuff".
15. I cannot trade my CO to the Russians.
16. I should not speculate on the penis size of anyone who outranks me.
17. Crucifying mice - bad idea.
18. Must not use government equipment to bootleg pornography.
19. Burn pits for classified material are not revel fires - therefore it is wrong to dance naked around them.
20. I cannot arrest children for being rude.
21. An EO briefing is probably not the best place to unveil my newest off color joke.
22. I should not use government resources to waterproof dirty magazines.
23. Radioactive material should not be stored in the barracks.
24. I should not teach other soldiers to say offensive and crude things in Albanian, under the guise of teaching them how to say potentially useful phrases.
25. Two drink limit does not mean first and last.
26. Two drink limit does not mean two kinds of drinks.
27. Two drink limit does not mean the drinks can be as large as I like.
28. No Drinking Of Alcoholic Beverages does not imply that a Jack Daniels IV is acceptable.
29. "Shpadoinkle" is not a real word.
30. The Microsoft Dancing Paperclip is not authorized to countermand any orders.
31. Im drunk is a bad answer to any question posed by my commander.
32. No dancing in the turret. This especially applies in conjunction with rule #14 above.
33. The loudspeaker system is not a forum to voice my ideas.
34. The loudspeaker system is not to be used to replace the radio.
35. The loudspeaker system is not to be used to broadcast the soundtrack to a porno movie.
36. An order to put polish on my boots means the whole boot.
37. Shouting Lets do the village! Lets do the whole fucking village! while out on a mission is bad.
38. Should not show up at the front gate wearing part of a Russian uniform, messily drunk.
39. Even if my commander did it.
40. Must not teach interpreters how to make "MRE" bombs.
41. I am not authorized to sell mineral rights.
42. Not allowed to use a broadsword to disprove The Pen is Mightier than the sword.
43. 'Calvin-Ball' is not authorized PT.
44. I do not need to keep a 'range card' by my window.
45. 'K-Pot, LBE, and a thin coat of Break-free' is not an authorized uniform.
46. I should not drink three quarts of blue food coloring before a urine test.
47. Nor should I drink three quarts of red food coloring, and scream during the same.
48. I should not threaten suicide with pop rocks and Coke .
49. Putting red 'Mike and Ike's' into a prescription medicine bottle, and then eating them all in a formation is not funny.
50. Must not create new DOD forms, then insist they be filled out.
51. On Sports Day PT, a wedgie is not considered a legal tackle.
52. The proper way to report to my Commander is 'Specialist Schwarz, reporting as ordered, Sir' not 'You can't prove a thing!'
53. The following items do not exist: Keys to the Drop Zone, A box of grid squares, blinker fluid, winter air for tires, canopy lights, or Chem-Light batteries.
54. I should not assign new privates to 'guard the flight line'.
55. Shouldn't treat 'piss-bottles' with extra-strength icy hot.
56. Teaching Albanian children to taunt other soldiers is not nice.
57. I will no longer perform 'lap-dances' while in uniform.
58. If I take the uniform off, in the course of the lap-dance, it still counts.
59. The revolution is not now.
60. When detained by MP's, I do not have a right to a strip search.
61. No part of the military uniform is edible.
62. Bodychecking General officers is not a good idea.
63. Past lives have absolutely no effect on the chain of command.
64. Take that hat off.
65. There is no such thing as a were-virgin.
66. I do not get 'that time of month'.
67. No, the pants are not optional.
68. Not allowed to operate a business out of the barracks.
69. Especially not a pornographic movie studio.
70. Not even if they *are* 'especially patriotic films'
71. Not allowed to 'defect' to OPFOR during training missions.
72. On training missions, try not to shoot down the General's helicopter.
73. 'A full magazine and some privacy' is not the way to help a potential suicide.
74. I am not allowed to create new levels of security clearance.
75. Furby is not allowed into classified areas. (I swear to the gods, I did not make that up, it's actually DOD policy).
76. We do not 'charge into battle, naked, like the Celts'.
77. Any device that can crawl across the table on medium, does not need to be brought into the office.
78. I am not to refer to a formation as 'the boxy rectangle thingie'.
79. I am not 'A lesbian trapped in a man's body'.
80. On Army documents, my race is not 'Other'.
81. Nor is it 'Secretariat, in the third'.
82. Pokmon trainer is not an MOS.
83. There is no FM for 'wall-to-wall counseling'.
84. My chain of command has neither the time, nor the inclination to hear about what I did with six boxes of Fruit Roll-Ups.
85. When operating a military vehicle I may *not* attempt something 'I saw in a cartoon'.
86. My name is not a killing word.
87. I am not the Emperor of anything.
88. Must not taunt officers in the throes of nicotine withdrawal, with cigarettes.
89. May not challenge officers to 'Meet me on the field of honor, at dawn'.
90. Do not dare SERE graduates to eat bugs. They will always do it.
91. Must not make s'mores while on guard duty.
92. Our Humvees cannot be assembled into a giant battle-robot.
93. The proper response to a briefing is not 'That's what you think'.
94. The Masons, and Gray Aliens are not in our chain of command.
95. Shouldn't take incriminating photos of my chain of command.
96. Shouldn't use Photoshop to create incriminating photos of my chain of command.
97. I am not allowed to give tattoos.
98. I am not allowed to sing 'Henry the VIII I am' until verse 68 ever again.
99. Not allowed to lead a 'Coup' during training missions.
100. I should not confess to crimes that took place before I was born.
Here are the first 99. More next issue.
1. Not allowed to watch Southpark when I'm supposed to be working.
2. My proper military title is 'Specialist Schwarz' not 'Princess Anastasia'.
3. Not allowed to threaten anyone with black magic.
4. Not allowed to challenge anyone's disbelief of black magic by asking for hair.
5. Not allowed to get silicone breast implants.
6. Not allowed to play 'Pulp Fiction' with a suction-cup dart pistol and any officer.
7. Not allowed to add 'In accordance with the prophesy' to the end of answers I give to a question an officer asks me.
8. Not allowed to add pictures of officers I don't like to War Criminal posters.
9. Not allowed to title any product 'Get Over It'.
10. Not allowed to purchase anyone's soul on Government time.
11. Not allowed to join the Communist Party.
12. Not allowed to join any militia.
13. Not allowed to form any militia.
14. Not allowed out of my office when the president visited Sarajevo.
15. Not allowed to train adopted stray dogs to 'Sic Brass!'
16. Must get a haircut even if it tampers with my 'Sampson like powers'.
17. God may not contradict any of my orders.
18. May no longer perform my now (in)famous 'Barbie Girl Dance' while on duty.
19. May not call any officers immoral, untrustworthy, lying slime, even if I'm right.
20. Must not taunt the French any more.
21. Must attempt to not antagonize SAS.
22. Must never call an SAS a 'Wanker'.
23. Must never ask anyone who outranks me if they've been smoking crack.
24. Must not tell any officer that I am smarter than they are, especially if it's true.
25. Never confuse a Dutch soldier for a French one.
26. Never tell a German soldier that 'We kicked your ass in World War 2!'
27. Don't tell Princess Di jokes in front of the paras (British Airborne).
28. Don't take the batteries out of the other soldiers alarm clocks (Even if they do hit snooze about forty times).
29. The Irish MPs are not after 'Me frosted lucky charms'.
30. Not allowed to wake a Non-Commissioned Officer by repeatedly banging on the head with a bag of trash.
31. Not allowed to let sock puppets take responsibility for any of my actions.
32. Not allowed to let sock puppets take command of my post.
33. Not allowed to chew gum at formation, unless I brought enough for everybody.
34. (Next day) Not allowed to chew gum at formation even if I did bring enough for everybody.
35. Not allowed to sing 'High Speed Dirt' by Megadeth during airborne operations.
('See the earth below/Soon to make a crater/Blue sky, black death/I'm off to meet my maker')
36. Can't have flashbacks to wars I was not in. (The Spanish-American War isn't over).
37. Our medic is called 'Sgt Larwasa', not 'Dr. Feelgood'.
38. Our supply Sgt is 'Sgt Watkins' not 'Sugar Daddy'.
39. Not allowed to ask for the day off due to religious purposes, on the basis that the world is going to end, more than once.
40. I do not have super-powers.
41. 'Keep on Trucking' is *not* a psychological warfare message.
42. Not allowed to attempt to appeal to mankind's baser instincts in recruitment posters.
43. Camouflage body paint is not a uniform.
44. I am not the atheist chaplain.
45. I am not allowed to 'Go to Bragg boulevard and shake daddies little money maker for twenties stuffed into my undies'.
46. I am not authorized to fire officers.
47. I am not a citizen of Texas, and those other, forty-nine, lesser states.
48. I may not use public masturbation as a tool to demonstrate a flaw in a command decision.
49. Not allowed to trade military equipment for 'magic beans'.
50. Not allowed to sell magic beans during duty hours.
51. Not allowed to quote 'Dr Seuss' on military operations.
52. Not allowed to yell 'Take that Cobra' at the rifle range.
53. Not allowed to quote 'Full Metal Jacket ' at the rifle range.
54. 'Napalm sticks to kids' is *not* a motivational phrase.
55. An order to 'Put Kiwi on my boots' does *not* involve fruit.
56. An order to 'Make my Boots black and shiny' does not involve electrical tape.
57. The proper response to a lawful order is not 'Why?'
58. The following words and phrases may not be used in a cadence- Budding sexuality,
necrophilia, I hate everyone in this formation and wish they were dead, sexual
lubrication, black earth mother, all Marines are latent homosexuals, Tantric yoga,
Gotterdammerung, Korean hooker, Eskimo Nell, we've all got jackboots now, slut puppy,
or any references to squid.
59. May not make posters depicting the leadership failings of my chain of command.
60. The Giant Space Ants' are not at the top of my chain of command.
61. If one soldier has a 2nd Lt bar on his uniform, and I have an E-4 on mine It
means he outranks me. It does not mean I have been promoted three more times than you'.
62. It is better to beg forgiveness than to ask permission, no longer applies to Specialist Schwarz.
63. Command decisions do *not* need to be ratified by a 2/3 majority.
64. Inflatable novelties do *not* entitle me to BAQ or Separation pay.
65. There are no evil clowns living under my bed.
66. There is no Anti-Mime' campaign in Bosnia.
67. I am not the Psychological Warfare Mascot.
68. I may not line my helmet with tin foil to Block out the space mind control lasers'.
69. I may not pretend to be a fascist stormtrooper, while on duty.
70. I am not authorized to prescribe any form of medication.
71. I must not flaunt my deviances in front of my chain of command.
72. May not wear gimp mask while on duty.
73. No military functions are to be performed Skyclad'.
74. Woad is not camouflage makeup.
75. May not conduct psychological experiments on my chain of command.
76. "Teddy Bear, Teddy bear, turn around" is *not* a cadence.
77. The MP checkpoint is not an Imperial Stormtrooper roadblock, so I should not
tell them "You don't need to see my identification, these are not the droids you are looking for."
78. I may not call block my chain of command.
79. I am neither the king nor queen of cheese.
80. Not allowed to wear a dress to any army functions.
81. May not bring a drag queen to the battalion formal dance.
82. May not form any press gangs.
83. Must not start any SITREP with "I recently had an experience I just had to write you about...."
84. Must not use military vehicles to Squish' things.
85. Not allowed to make any Psychological Warfare products depicting the infamous Ft. Bragg sniper incident.
86. May not challenge anyone in my chain of command to the field of honor'.
87. If the thought of something makes me giggle for longer than 15 seconds, I am to assume that I am not allowed to do it.
88. Must not refer to 1st Sgt as Mom'.
89. Must not refer to the Commander as Dad'.
90. Inflatable sheep do *not* need to be displayed during a room inspection.
91. I am not authorized to initiate Jihad.
92. When asked to give a few words at a military ceremony Romper Bomper Stomper Boo' is probably not appropriate.
93. Nerve gas is not funny.
94. Crucifixes do not ward off officers, and I should not test that.
95. I am not in need of a more suitable host body.
96. Redneck Zombies' is not a military training aid.
97. Gozer does not dwell in my refrigerator.
98. The proper response to a chemical weapon attack is not Tell my chain of command
what I really think about them, and then poke holes in their masks.'
99. A smiley face is not used to mark a minefield.
Yertle the Turtle is a poem by Theodor Geisel, a.k.a. Dr. Seuss, published in 1958. Yertle, king of the pond, stand on his subjects in an attempt to reach higher than the moon -- until the bottom turtle burps and he falls into the mud, ending his rule. The story, among Seuss's most notable, is widely recognized as condemning fascism and absolute power; the despotic ruler Yertle was intended to parallel the dictator Adolf Hitler. This webpage formerly featured the text of this lovely poem by the late Dr. Seuss, but in August 2008 I took it down after receiving a cease-and-desist letter from the legal firm representing his estate. Since I was not given permission to distribute that letter, I've paraphrased it below: Dear Matt; We noticed your website and here's what to do: and if you ignore us then we're going to sue! We see your site has a poem by our client but with copyright laws you must be compliant! The story of Yertle is our property so you can't use it without paying money! A story of someone who says what to do and why instead you should think all these things through, and not just follow orders no matter what or who or how silly or reasons they've got, is valuable stuff in our society and we can't be letting you have it for free! Take down that poem! We never said that you could give it away! Why, don't you know that's not good? We anticipate your co-operation and hope that this was just an abberation. We await your reply, sooner the better -- if not, next time, we won't just send a letter! Sincerely, A lawyer
Explosion Damages Oil Pipeline Near Samarra
28 Feb2004 SAMARRA, Iraq (AP)
An explosion damaged part of Iraq's oil pipeline system, witnesses said Saturday - the second time an oil facility near Samarra has been damaged.
"We were at home when we heard a massive noise, the noise of explosion," said Hamid Khuzair, who lives near the pipeline, which was attacked Friday. "We ran outside to see what was going on and saw a massive fire."
The blast happened Friday night near Samarra about 100 kilometers north of the capital, Baghdad.
There was no comment from the Oil Ministry.
Sabotage has plagued efforts to restore oil output to prewar levels. (Thats like saying the ocean is plagued by an abundance of water.)
(THANKS TO B WHO E-MAILED THIS IN: B WRITES: This is from the new Newsweek comparing Bush and Kerry during Vietnam.)
"[Kerry] grew his hair and joined Vietnam Veterans Against the War. Some of the vets, most of whom were working class, resented the patrician Kerry. A VVAW leader named Scott Camil told The Boston Globe that a vet tried to reach Kerry at home and was told by someone, presumably a maid, 'Master Kerry is not at home.' At the next meeting, someone hung a sign on Kerry's chair that read, FREE THE KERRY MAID."
Bush Official Says
Iraq No More Dangerous Than Riding Motorcycle
The risks are akin to sky diving or riding a motorcycle, which are, to many, very acceptable risks.
Tom Foley, Director of Private Sector Development, Iraq Occupation Government, urges a group of American executives to invest in Iraq. (Wall St. Journal 2.13.04)
Plotted Axis of Obesity
The Borowitz Report 2.11.04
Saddam Hussein planned to destroy America by luring every man, woman and child onto the Atkins Diet, President Bush revealed today.
U.S. forces searching Saddams hideout in Tikrit uncovered the evildoers plans to destroy the U.S. with the fat-laden diet, the President said.
We now have conclusive proof that Saddam Hussein and his agents intended to turn us into a nation of artery-clogged, cellulite-jiggling fatsos, Mr. Bush said. His evil knows no bounds.
Mr. Bush said that the discovery of Saddams deadly diet plot justified the war with Iraq, calling the Atkins Diet a weapon of mass consumption.
The Defense Department later made available a copy of a seventeen-page memo, apparently authored by Saddam, detailing his plot to make the U.S. part of an Axis of Obesity including Britain and Spain, two key U.S. allies in the invasion of Iraq.
According to the deadly document, the Iraqi madmans three-point plan was as follows: 1) Promote Atkins Diet 2) Market Atkins milkshakes, food bars, etc. 3) Watch them get fat and die.
The White House later confirmed that the first apparent target of Saddams lethal Atkins plot was none other than Vice President Dick Cheney, who confirmed that he was going off the diet immediately.
Fortunately, the Vice President only gained seventy-five pounds while on the diet, White House spokesman Scott McClellan said. But that next Atkins shake could have been his last.
GETS BUTT KICKED
From: "Liz Burbank" lizburbank@speakeasy.net
[Begins with an Army e-mail to the Federation of American Scientists]
From: Harman, Thomas P APD [Army Publishing Directorate]
Sent: Wednesday, February 04, 2004 8:22 AM
To: Thomidis, Dennis G Mr SECURITY
Subject: FW: SECURITY VIOLATION
Mr. Thomidis
I was referred to you by our Security officer at APD.
I am responsible for the security of Army Regulations on the APD website, as well as the AKO/AHP. We take great care to safeguard all of our publications on AKO and AKO-S, and this is a serious problem that this website http://fas.org/irp/doddir/army/ is publishing a SECRET publication (AR 381-26) not even available to regular Army users without proper credentials to access AKO-S. Other publications on this website are distribution restricted and not for general public access.
Please advise of the actions you will take to notify this website to remove all Army publications ASAP. I have no problem with them linking to Army publications on one of the official Army websites, and I'll provide the advice to help them do this, but reproducing a secret publication on a public website is a serious issue with federal criminal implications.
I am including the POC for the website in the CC line.
If I don't hear from you in the next few hours, I will contact the FBI.
Thomas Harman Chief, Army Electronic Library Branch Standards and Technology
Division Army Publishing Directorate U.S. Army Services and Operations Agency,
Letter #2:
From: Gregory, Jane D Ms AA Offices
Sent: Wednesday, February 04, 2004 9:21 AM
To: Harman, Thomas P APD; Thomidis, Dennis G Mr SECURITY
Subject: RE: SECURITY VIOLATION
Have you verified that the 1987 version was in fact a classified document? Until you do, I suggest you stand down. Unclassified Army publications and documents are in the public domain, you definitely shouldn't threaten the owners of these websites or our security managers as you have in the email below [i.e. the preceding message].
Jane D. Gregory Publishing Policy Analyst Services and Operations Office of the Administrative Assistant to the Secretary of the Army
Letter #3:
From: Aftergood, Steven [mailto:saftergood@fas.org]
Sent: Wednesday, February 04, 2004 10:10 AM
To: Harman, Thomas P APD; Thomidis, Dennis G Mr SECURITY
Subject: RE: SECURITY VIOLATION
Thank you for your message. I appreciate your vigilant attention to national security, but I cannot agree to your request as stated below. In particular:
1. Your demand "to remove all Army publications ASAP" from our web site is inappropriate. We do not recognize the Army's authority to restrict our freedom to publish.
2. All of the Army doctrinal publications on our website were obtained in the public domain from U.S. Army websites.
3. To the best of my knowledge, AR 381-26 is not a classified document. Certainly it contains no classification markings.
4. I have reviewed AR 381-26 (the 1987 version on our website) and I do not agree that it should be withdrawn, regardless of its classification status. It is a policy document, assigning program responsibilities to various organizations and persons. I would agree to remove this document if it contained sensitive operational information, but it does not.
Steven Aftergood Project on Government Secrecy Federation of American Scientists web: www.fas.org/sgp/index.html email: saftergood@fas.org voice: (202) 454-4691
Letter #4:
From: Harman, Thomas P APD [Army Publishing Directorate]
Sent: Wednesday, February 04, 2004 10:57 AM
To: Aftergood, Steven; Thomidis, Dennis G Mr SECURITY
RE: SECURITY VIOLATION
All
Upon review of a March 1988 DA PAM 25-30, Index of publications, the 1987 edition of AR 381-26 is NOT classified. Subsequent versions of 381-26 are SECRET which set off alarms here. . .
We will be reviewing all of the Army publications cited on this website for restricted distribution and/or other restrictions to public disclosure and will advise OAA Policy and the subject website if other publications should be withdrawn.
Please understand that we take these issues and potential security violations very seriously and will err on the side of caution when we are alerted to the possibility of such a violation. It is not our intent to withhold information or access to information from the public.
Thomas Harman Chief, Army Electronic Library Branch Standards and Technology Division Army Publishing Directorate U.S. Army Services and Operations Agency, OAASA
Bush Faces Death Penalty From Lord God For His Lies About Iraq
SECRECY NEWS, from the FAS Project on Government Secrecy, Volume 2004, Issue No. 17 February 11, 2004
It is often noted that espionage is an ancient enterprise with roots at least as old as the Bible.
But what is rarely if ever recalled is that intelligence oversight and accountability are also part of the Biblical record, and that the Deity imposed a severe penalty upon those who distorted intelligence and inflated threats.
A Washington Times op-ed writer today attempted to defend the war by citing the first half of the Biblical precedent.
"Some Americans .[fail] to recognize that throughout history espionage has been used to protect peoples from their enemies. Ancient Israel had spies: 'Moses sent them to spy out the land of Canaan [to see] whether the cities they dwell in are camps or strongholds.' (Numbers 13:17-19)," wrote Ernest W. Lefever of the Ethics and Public Policy Center in the Washington Times, Feb. 11, p. A18.
What Dr. Lefever failed to mention is that the spies sent by Moses came back with a hyped National Intelligence Estimate, with unhappy results.
"The land, through which we have gone, to spy it out, is a land that devours its inhabitants...and we seemed to ourselves like grasshoppers, and so we seemed to them." (Numbers 13: 32-33). Only Joshua and Caleb dissented from this majority view.
Because they wittingly or unwittingly exaggerated the capabilities of the Canaanites, God sentenced the spies to death, displaying no judicial deference to the intelligence agencies.
"The men who brought an unfavorable report about the land died by a plague before the Lord," we are told.
"But Joshua son of Nun and Caleb son of Jephunneh alone remained alive, of those men who went to spy out the land." (Numbers 14: 36-37).
Army Times, Feb. 2, 2004
Items are being pilfered from some boxes mailed to service members in Iraq; according to troops, family members and morale-mail organizers.
Army Staff Sgt. - Charlie Goodreau, who is deployed to Iraq, said it seems that boxes are rifled through for the best items, then sealed back up. Another soldiers wife at Fort Sill, Okla., who asked not to be identified, said tobacco has been taken from boxes she sent to her husband. She has stopped listing it on the customs form that must be placed on packages.
Mary Kay Salomone, founder of Operation Support Our Troops, said her volunteers have reported complaints about troops not receiving items that were mailed to them.
Were not missing whole boxesits items out of boxes, she said. None of the boxes that had pilfering were broken open. And they were taped over. Ridiculous things are missing, like 12 rolls of toilet paper.
Frankie Mayo, who founded Operation AC, said many of the 1200 Christmas trees her group sent didnt reach their destination in Iraq.
A lot of the combat boots we send get grabbed but I got wise to them, she said in an e-mail. The group now sends boots in plain brown boxes to conceal the manufacturers name.
The postal agency offered these tips for avoiding theft:
Wrap parcels securely to make tampering or theft more difficult. For example, tape the opening of your box and reinforce all seams with 2-inch-wide clear or brown packaging tape, reinforced packing tape or paper tape.
Attach the top portion of the U.S. Customs Form 2976A to the outside of the parcel, but put the portion listing the contents inside the parcel. Most senders are unaware that they can do this.
Insurance is encouraged, especially when high-value items are shipped
"John Kerrys victory over Howard Dean has completely changed the presidential race around. Now instead of the rich white guy from Yale who lives in the White house facing off against the rich white guy from Yale who lives in Vermont, he may have to face the rich white guy from Yale who lives in Massachusetts. Its a whole different game." Jay Leno
By Col. David H. Hackworth (Retd). January 23, 2004
The 81st Brigade is rated as a combat-ready fighting outfit. But when it came time for this federally activated Washington state National Guard unit to ship out to Iraq, the high brass ruled that it was nowhere near ready to rock 'n' roll down where the bullets fly and people die. The brigade's foxholes, in one of the most vicious contemporary killing fields in the world, were filled instead by regular units from the combat-worn 82nd Airborne.
Wait a minute! Isn't the 81st one of the U.S. Army's 13 "enhanced" National Guard brigades? Haven't millions of dollars and platoons of our best-and-brightest regular officers and noncoms been detailed to these special brigades for almost a decade in yet another ill-conceived Pentagon scheme to try to turn part-time citizen soldiers - who drill an average of 40 days a year - into full-time centurions?
When the 81st deployed last year for annual training, its skipper reported that the brigade was all-the-way combat-ready-to-go, with 100 percent personnel. Except that when it was activated last November to play hardball down where the body bags are filled, the brigade's strength and deployment status had mysteriously plummeted to the low 80s.
Brigade soldiers report that at least another 10 percent of their comrades are now not deployable overseas because of past injuries, bad teeth, failure to qualify with their individual weapons - even after three trips to the firing range and with scores "improved" by instructors - or the inability of some of the brigade soldiers to wear a flak jacket or a helmet, let alone pack a 7-pound rifle. (NOTE WELL: One way to stay home.)
One company had every senior sergeant fall out during a two-mile run, and in another line unit, troopers had to be "carried off on stretchers" halfway through a training exercise. Yet these unfit soldiers - who'd be guerrilla bait on the actual battlefield - are still on the good-to-go-to-Iraq list.
All of which sounds like another case of virtual reality: books being cooked with Ghost Soldiers who show up only on paper and readiness stats sharpened with a pencil rather than actual sweat on training fields. A drill that's sadly - and dangerously - become all too standard in many regular, Reserve and Guard units.
Most of the soldiers in the 81st are good troopers. But it's impossible to take a conventional Guard combat unit, which trains no more than a month and a half a year, and expect it to be fighting fit after a mere few months of accelerated combat training.
But strong and experienced leadership, from squad level up to those sporting stars, is also crucial to success in combat. So while the 81st Brigade general is no doubt a smart guy - he's got a master's degree in criminology, apparently a key asset for commanding a 4,600-strong armor/motorized brigade these days - it's relevant that he's never commanded a combat unit on active duty. Unfortunately, Brig. Gen. Oscar B. Hilman's active-duty experience was more than 30 years ago as an enlisted finance clerk and a medic. Resumewise, he probably weighs in on a good day at a tad below a regular lieutenant.
Would you like this man to lead your kid through the Sunni Triangles bloody maze? Would you allow a doctor who practiced only a few months a year and had never slit open a belly to take out your son's or daughter's appendix?
Reserve and Guard soldiers make up about 30 percent of the casualties in Iraq. They probably were rushed to the Middle East before they were ready for Freddy because a bunch of Pentagon clowns didn't get that quality wins fights, not quantity.
SecDef Donald Rumsfeld, reputedly a hard-nosed efficiency expert, needs to determine whether Pentagon pork to states such as Washington is worth putting fine kids in the middle of a red-hot frying pan when they're far from ready. He should also ask why a regular parachute unit is now doing double combat duty because the 81st wasn't up to snuff.
We Are The Redcoats
Daniel Ellsberg January 27, 2004, The Guardian
After 17 months observing pacification efforts in Vietnam as a state department official, I laid eyes upon an unmistakable enemy for the first time on New Year's Day in 1967. I was walking point with three members of a company from the US army's 25th Division, moving through tall rice, the water over our ankles, when we heard firing close behind us. We spun around, ready to fire. I saw a boy of about 15, wearing nothing but ragged black shorts, crouching and firing an AK-47 at the troops behind us. I could see two others, heads just above the top of the rice, firing as well.
They had lain there, letting us four pass so as to get a better shot at the main body of troops. We couldn't fire at them, because we would have been firing into our own platoon. But a lot of its fire came back right at us. Dropping to the ground, I watched this kid firing away for 10 seconds, till he disappeared with his buddies into the rice. After a minute the platoon ceased fire in our direction and we got up and moved on.
About an hour later, the same thing happened again; this time I only saw a glimpse of a black jersey through the rice. I was very impressed, not only by their tactics but by their performance.
One thing was clear: these were local boys. They had the advantage of knowing every ditch and dyke, every tree and blade of rice and piece of cover, like it was their own backyard. Because it was their backyard. No doubt (I thought later) that was why they had the nerve to pop up in the midst of a reinforced battalion and fire away with American troops on all sides. They thought they were shooting at trespassers, occupiers, that they had a right to be there and we didn't. This would have been a good moment to ask myself if they were wrong, and if we had a good enough reason to be in their backyard to be fired at.
Later that afternoon, I turned to the radio man, a wiry African American kid who looked too thin to be lugging his 75lb radio, and asked: "By any chance, do you ever feel like the redcoats?"
Without missing a beat he said, in a drawl: "I've been thinking that ... all ... day." You couldn't miss the comparison if you'd gone to grade school in America. Foreign troops far from home, wearing helmets and uniforms and carrying heavy equipment, getting shot at every half-hour by non-uniformed irregulars near their own homes, blending into the local population after each attack.
I can't help but remember that afternoon as I read about US and British patrols meeting rockets and mines without warning in the cities of Iraq. As we faced ambush after ambush in the countryside, we passed villagers who could have told us we were about to be attacked. Why didn't they? First, there was a good chance their friends and family members were the ones doing the attacking. Second, we were widely seen by the local population not as allies or protectors - as we preferred to imagine - but as foreign occupiers. Helping us would have been seen as collaboration, unpatriotic. Third, they knew that to collaborate was to be in danger from the resistance, and that the foreigners' ability to protect them was negligible.
There could not be a more exact parallel between this situation and Iraq. Our troops in Iraq keep walking into attacks in the course of patrols apparently designed to provide "security" for civilians who, mysteriously, do not appear the slightest bit inclined to warn us of these attacks. This situation - as in Vietnam - is a harbinger of endless bloodletting. I believe American and British soldiers will be dying, and killing, in that country as long as they remain there.
As more and more US and British families lose loved ones in Iraq - killed while ostensibly protecting a population that does not appear to want them there - they will begin to ask: "How did we get into this mess, and why are we still in it?" And the answers they find will be disturbingly similar to those the American public found for Vietnam.
We dont even know why were here.
It feels like Vietnam.
I think its about oil.
Washington can kiss my ass.
New Iraqi army recruits near Samawa Jan. 24, 2004. Note their leadership is careful to stay behind them. (AP Photo/Samir Mizban)
Coalition Using 1918 British Report To Work On Tribal Leaders
By David Usborne in New York and Glen Rangwala
18 January 2004. The Independent UK
As the United States scrambles to end a dispute with Shia leaders over plans to elect an interim government in Iraq before July, it has emerged that American commanders are seeking to reach out to tribal leaders by relying on a report devised in 1918 by Britain, the country's then ruler.
Lieutenant-Colonel Alan King, head of the Tribal Affairs Bureau set up by the US-led coalition last month, admitted last week that he had been referring to the pages of the British report to fathom Iraq's network of tribal sheikhs - regardless of the fact that it dates back to the First World War.
The revelation is not likely to improve confidence in the ability of the US to sort out the deepening muddle over how it means to relinquish political power to the Iraqi people by this summer.
Rule Spurs Bitterness
(Washington Times, January 13, 2004, Pg. 3)
Pentagon officials acknowledge that Army Reserve and National Guard troops in Iraq and Afghanistan are under a stricter "stop loss, stop move" policy than active-duty soldiers deployed to the same places, due to a shortage of Reserve specialties such as military police.
(Christian Science Monitor, January 15, 2004, Pg. 1)
In the coming weeks, 18,000 U.S. troops in northern Iraq will be replaced with a force half that size, as soldiers of the 101st Airborne Division are relieved by the new Stryker Brigade, built around the Army's latest high-tech combat vehicle.
Tension Tests Stryker Troops
(Seattle Times, January 12, 2004)
Soldiers of the Army's Stryker Brigade from Fort Lewis, Wash., are patrolling a troubled Sunni region in central Iraq, sometimes living out of their high-tech vehicles for days at a time. (Why does it seem unlikely their commander is also living in the vehicles for days at a time?)
(London Times, January 12, 2004)
Japanese soldiers being sent to southern Iraq will be prohibited from helping coalition comrades under attack from insurgents, the countrys defense minister said. Under Japan's pacifist constitution, the country's Self-Defense Forces are not allowed to use their weapons except in defense of themselves or of civilians under their protection.
By DAVID VEST January 8, 2004
David Vest writes the Rebel Angel column for CounterPunch.
The organization known as Disabled American Veterans has been helping U.S. combat casualties figure out what benefits they have coming to them and how to apply for them since 1920. Lately the Bush administration has been going out of its way to make the DAV's job harder.
And so now we learn that ever since Operation Iraqi Freedom got underway, it has been easier for a terrorist to get into the United States legally than for a DAV representative to get into a military hospital to help wounded soldiers with their benefit applications. Sickeningly, the Pentagon has been severely limiting DAV access to wounded veterans and doing it on grounds of "security." Oh, yes, and protecting "privacy."
It protects the veterans' privacy by not allowing them to speak with DAV representatives "unmonitored."
Fortunately someone blinked and it wasn't the Disabled American Veterans.
When he got back to the office after celebrating New Year's and opened his mail, Donald Rumsfeld found a letter informing him that he had messed with the wrong people this time.
Here's part of what DAV Washington Headquarters Executive Director David W. Gorman had to say to the Secretary of Defense:
"At one facility in particular [Walter Reed Army Medical Center] our efforts to visit with wounded patients have been severely restricted. For example, all requests to visit patients must now be made through the WRAMC headquarters office, which then selects the patients we may visit and strictly limits information about the patients, even the patient's name and the nature of the injury is withheld without express permission. The DAV's representatives also are escorted at all times while in the facility, and all contact with patients is closely monitored by the escort. This is particularly unnerving and inappropriate as all conversations between a representative and client are confidential in nature.
"I believe these overly broad restrictions on patient access inhibit the ability of our professional accredited representatives to help ensure these wounded service members have the vital information they and their families need in order to obtain the medical care and benefits many of these veterans will depend on for decades to come.
"The American public would be outraged if these restrictions became public knowledge."
[There has been little or no coverage in the media since the DAV released the letter.]
Gorman goes on to say:
"The record of benefits awarded by the VA shows our honored wounded and injured are getting less than they are rightfully entitled. Those wounded and disabled in service to our nation should not be held captive and deprived of the knowledge that would allow them to receive all their rightful benefits, earned on a battlefield half a world away. It brings great dishonor to our nation to learn of disabled veterans suffering physical and economic hardships following their release from medical treatment solely because they are unaware and uninformed of their rightful benefits."
Think of it ... wounded veterans "held captive" ... prevented from seeing people who have a congressional charter to serve them ... not allowed to speak with DAV reps in private, lest their "privacy" be violated ... an administration that regards Disabled American Veterans as security risks.
A government increasingly unable to tell the difference between terrorists and its own citizens.
Although it hasn't hesitated to send them to face death in Iraq, the administration has consistently opposed any attempt to extend full benefits to Reservists and National Guardsmen, twenty percent of whom have no health insurance by General Accounting Office estimates.
It was one thing when the White House tried to roll back increases in monthly imminent-danger pay and family separation allowance, and another when it called a modest proposal to increase the sum given to families of soldiers who die on active duty wasteful and unnecessary.
Finally, it occurred to the firm of Bush Cheney Rumsfeld Rice Minions and Myrmidons to wonder how much money the country would save (and how much more could be diverted to Bechtel and Halliburton contracts) if veterans couldn't even find out what their benefits are.
(Said it before, say it again: the enemy is in Washington DC, not Iraq. Iraqis fighting the occupation and U.S. soldiers have a common enemy: the government of the United States.)
Cookie The Junkman Jan 10, 2004
(http://geocities.com/cookiethejunkman)
A car company can move its factories to Mexico and claim it's a free market.
A toy company can outsource to a Chinese subcontractor and claim it's a free market
A major bank can incorporate in Bermuda to avoid taxes and claim it's a free market.
We can buy HP Printers made in Mexico.
We can buy shirts made in Bangladesh.
We can purchase almost anything we want from many different countries.
BUT, heaven help the elderly who dare to buy their prescription drugs from a Canadian (Or Mexican) pharmacy. That's called un-American!
And you think the pharmaceutical companies don't have a powerful lobby? Think again flag wavers.
And I'm proud to say that I'm ashamed to be an American.
Lt. Says They Are Glad To Have A Chance To Get Killed
January 12, 2004, By Jane McHugh, Army Times staff writer
The National Guard is retraining more than 4,000 troops from other military occupational specialties as temporary military police.
2,000 National Guard soldiers from different career fields, including field artillery and air defense artillery, will be retrained as in-lieu-of MPs, destined for Iraq and armed with individual weapons to protect convoys and perform other security tasks, Grass said.
These Paladin soldiers have been told theyll serve at Tallil Air Base in Iraq and are glad to get the opportunity to serve in the war, said Lt. Joseph Ruotolo, spokesman for Battery A (Forward), 1st Battalion, 109th Field Artillery Regiment.
New Stop Loss Order Revealed;
Desperate To Keep Soldiers From Quitting The Army
January 5, 2004 By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Army is preparing to inform soldiers due to return from Iraq and Afghanistan over the next several months that they will not be allowed to retire or otherwise leave the service for 90 days after they return to their home base, defense officials said Monday.
The order, known as ``stop loss,'' is a personnel management tool whose use reflects the difficulty the Army is having in keeping enough soldiers available to meet the Army's worldwide commitments.
The Army has not officially announced the order, although Lt. Gen. Dennis Cavin, commander of Army Accessions Command, told CNN last Friday that a new ``stop loss'' order was under consideration. Defense officials discussed some details of the new order Monday on condition of anonymity.
It is an expansion of a ``stop loss'' order imposed last November on the tens of thousands of soldiers who are scheduled to deploy to Iraq and Afghanistan this year. They were told they may not leave the service during their one-year deployment abroad or for 90 days after they return.
Now the Army is applying the clamp to the soldiers who are scheduled to leave Iraq in a force rotation that begins this month and is expected to be completed by May. Temporarily prohibiting soldiers from retiring or quitting when their enlistment is up can be a hardship for those who had made plans to leave the service, but it does not extend their unit's stay in Iraq.
The order also prevents soldiers from moving to new assignments during the restricted period.
Among the first combat units to return from Iraq, beginning this month, will be the 101st Airborne Division, based at Fort Campbell, Ky.
The other major units returning this year are the 1st Armored Division, the 4th Infantry Division, the 173rd Airborne Brigade, the 2nd Light Cavalry Regiment, the 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment and elements of the 82nd Airborne Division.
The expanded restriction also applies to the U.S. soldiers who are due to be replaced in Afghanistan this year.
David Rennie Sunday Morning Herald (Australia) 1.2.03
Cleveland, Ohio - Christian missionaries in the United States have declared an urgent "war for souls" in Iraq, telling supporters that the formal end of the US-led occupation this June will close a historic window of opportunity.
Organising in secrecy, and emphasising their humanitarian aid work, Christian groups are pouring into the 97 per cent Muslim country, bearing Arabic Bibles, videos and religious tracts designed to "save" Muslims from their "false" religion.
The International Mission Board, the missionary arm of the Southern Baptists, is leading the assault.
John Brady, the board's head for the Middle East and North Africa, appealed last month to the 16 million members of his church, the largest Protestant denomination in the US. "Southern Baptists have prayed for years that Iraq would somehow be opened to the gospel," his appeal began. That "open door" for Christians may soon close. "Southern Baptists must understand that there is a war for souls under way in Iraq," his bulletin added, listing Islamic leaders and "pseudo-Christian" groups also flooding Iraq as his chief rivals
When the pin is pulled, Mr. Grenade is not our friend.
Five-second fuses only last three seconds.
A slipping gear could let your M203 grenade launcher fire when you least expect it. That would make you quite unpopular in whats left of your unit.
Any ship can be a minesweeper...once.
Aim towards the Enemy (printed on a rocket launcher).
Cluster bombing from B52s is very, very accurate. The bombs are guaranteed to always hit the ground.
It is generally inadvisable to eject directly over the area you just bombed.
If your attack is going too well, youre probably walking into an ambush.
If the enemy is in range, so are you.
Tracers work both ways.
And lastly ... If you see a bomb technician running, try to keep up with him.
From The Amnesty Of John David Herndon; Reston, Jr., James; McGraw-Hill Book Company, New York, 1973. Available from http://www.citizen-soldier.org/
In the spring of 1971, he [Herndon, who deserted the Army after 15 months in Vietnam because he opposed the war] gave an interview to the Rita Act newspaper on POW conditions at the camp outside Bien Hoa where he'd been a guard. On the back page of the same issue of the paper was emblazoned:
ANTI-WAR LITERATURE IS A SAFE CONDUCT PASS. CARRY THIS WITH YOU AT ALL TIMES IN NAM. THE COMMANDER OF THE SOUTH VIETNAMESE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION ARMED FORCES HAS ORDERED: THAT GI'S WHO BY THEIR VISIBLE ACTIONS SHOW THEY ARE AGAINST THE WAR ARE NOT TO BE ATTACKED, THAT GI's WHO CARRY ANTI-WAR LITERATURE BE TREATED AS FRIENDS NOT ENEMIES, THAT GI'S WHO ACTIVELY SUPPORT THE STRUGGLE OF THE VIETNAMESE PEOPLE BE AIDED AS BROTHERS. CARRY THIS WITH YOU, IT MAY SAVE YOUR LIFE.
The basis for this information was a press conference given by Mme. Nguyen Thi Binh, the foreign minister of the National Liberation Front and their Negotiator at Paris, on April 31, 1971. She declared that "the South Vietnamese people and its armed forces are disposed to cease fire on American soldiers who do not undertake hostile actions against them," and invited American soldiers to negotiate local cease-fires with opposing forces.
Later, Mme. Binh's spokesman Duong Dinh Thao, said that such truces had been commonplace among opposing Vietnamese in many areas throughout the war.
The purpose of the order, put out to all NLF troops earlier in the week, he said, was to "create conditions for U.S. soldiers and officers to escape the war."
Pentagon Tried to Recruit Canadian Inuit
December 24 - 30, 2003 Mondo Washington by James Ridgeway
As Bush was ramping up the Iraq war last winter, Canadian military officials were startled to discover Pentagon recruiters roaming through their nation's native population reserves trying to persuade Inuit and others to enlist in the U.S. military. The Americans started cropping up on the Atlantic Coast in Quebec, in the Sault Sainte Marie area of Ontario, and in Western Canada. A Canadian Defense Ministries report said the U.S. claimed that under the 1794 Jay Treaty it had the right to recruit Canadian native inhabitants for its military because aboriginal Canadians held dual U.S.-Canadian citizenship.
Alarmed top Canadian officials from the ministries of Justice, Foreign Affairs, and Defense huddled with Privy Council bigwigs and, screwing up their nerve, decided to tell the Americans that Canada didn't like what was going on. "As a result of our interaction with the U.S. embassy, a letter was sent from the director, Joint Chiefs of Staff in Washington, to the vice chiefs of the U.S. military services, reminding them that their recruiters are to refrain from entering Canadian territory," Foreign Affairs official Reynald Doiron told The Vancouver Sun earlier this month. The prohibition on recruiting applies to U.S. activities in Canadian high schools and university job fairs as well as on native reserves. The U.S. embassy confirmed that it would stop active recruiting in such places in Canada.
The American recruiting efforts are aimed at filling the ranks of an army stretched thin by the Iraq war and by having to post troops in other world hot spots such as Afghanistan and Uzbekistan. The U.S. currently recruits from among green-card holders--people with permanent resident status who aren't yet American citizens.
Additional reporting: Ashley Glacel, Phoebe St John, and Alicia Ng
Ridge Raises Alert Level to 'Well Done'
The Borowitz Report, December 24
Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge revealed today that the U.S. had "credible evidence" linking the recent mad cow disease scare in Washington State to a little known terror group called al-Qowda.
"Little is known about al-Qowda, but we do know this: they hate America, and they really hate America's cows," Mr. Ridge said at a press briefing this afternoon.
While details about al-Qowda's leadership remain sketchy at best, Mr. Ridge said that the leader of the terror group may have had what he termed "a bad experience with an American steak sandwich, possibly at Arby's."
In light of increased chatter from sources linked to al-Qowda, Ridge announced that the Homeland Security Department was raising the nation's beef-alert level from pink, or "rare," to brown, or "well done."
Moments after Mr. Ridge's speech, over twenty thousand suspicious hamburgers were detained by the CIA and held for questioning.
The last issue of GI Special referred to President George Bush as a third-rate political whore.
We have received several angry e-mails pointing out that this is an insult to professional sex-workers and escorts.
D. writes: Ok, I fuck guys for a living, so what? I never cheat anybody, I never steal from anybody, I do not lie to my clients, and I sure as shit dont leave a trail of bodies behind. What you wrote was way out of line. How dare you compare him to me or anybody else I know?
The criticisms are on target. This public apology is made to all professional sex workers for using thoughtless, insulting language. It will never happen again.
GI Special Has Raised The Bush Threat Level:
A sharp increase in message traffic from Washington indicates that Bush will launch fresh attacks on Americans during the holidays. This week, not-secret intelligence reports indicate he will allows unemployment benefits for tens of thousands of laid-off Americans to expire, and on Dec. 31, Army Times reported combat danger pay for many serving U.S. troops will be cut.
From http://www.bringthemhomenow.com/ Check it out.
December 14, 2003
Spec-4 Marshall L. Edgerton was 27years old. He was from Rocky Face, Georgia. He was assigned to [deleted], 82nd Airborne Division. We are based in Fort Bragg, N.C. Marshall was killed December 11th when he was escorting a delivery truck into the 82nd Headquarters in Ramadi, Iraq.
The news told you that a furniture truck blew up outside the compound, and that our excellent defenses prevented a lot more people from being killed. That's a load of shit. The truck blew up inside the compound, and the reason only 15 people were hurt and one American killed is plain luck. They make us get on every vehicle that enters the compound, and plenty of vehicles come. It's like playing Russian roulette.
We understand water trucks and gasoline trucks. We need that stuff, even though there are still plenty of ways they could detonate one of those too.
Let me tell you what was being delivered though, and what Marshall Edgerton died for. A general is decorating his office here. It's a nice office, a luxury office you might say. And it needed a carpet to go with all the new furniture.
Now while the grunts and we [deleted] can get along with field tables and folding chairs, of course the general has to trick out his office like he's a Roman caesar or something. So these furniture trucks come onto our compound when we already know that a lot of people out there want to kill us. This truck was loaded with carpet.
Marshall came to Iraq to die for a general's carpet. Marshall's family will grieve so a general could have carpet. What we really need here are big trucks that can haul away all the bullshit. And a few to get our asses back to an airport.
Don't give my name or email address. The truth can get you in a lot of trouble here.
Anonymous
posted 15 dec 2003
Another Stryker Lie
(The utter stupidity of command lies about whats going on in Iraq are perfectly illustrated in this news story. Hidden in the middle is the news that a Stryker was taken out by resistance fire two days ago. Notice also the claim this is the first. But only last week (12.10.03), news reported and command admitted that TWO OTHER STRYKERS WERE DESTROYED DURING A ROAD AMBUSH, WITH SOLDIERS KILLED AND WOUNDED.
The conclusion is obvious: command lies and lies and lies about whats really going on in Iraq, and not one word coming out of their mouths is to be trusted to be anything other than bullshit. Just like the foolish lies they told in the story above about the furniture truck. Or the fresh lies about Samarra below. Losing commanders lie, winning commanders dont have to.)
By Matthew Cox, Army Times staff writer , December 17, 2003
SAMARRA, Iraq Less than 48 hours before Mondays firefight, guerrillas took out a Stryker vehicle with an IED as it was on a reconnaissance patrol here, something the brigade has been doing since it arrived the first week of December.
It occurred about 1 p.m., as elements of 1st Squadron, 14th Cavalry was on patrol. Brigade officials believe someone detonated the IED near the patrol, setting one Stryker on fire. Heavy concussion caused one soldier to suffer foot and ankle injuries.
(AND NOW FOR THE BAREFACED LIE:)
The four-soldier crew managed to escape but one soldier was injured in the attack. It was the first Stryker vehicle lost to hostile fire.
Soldiers from C Company did not find the weapons dealers and caches they were after today. But a large crate of about 200 brand-new AK47 magazines found in a carpentry store led them to suspect that theres more than innocent business transactions going on here, Beaty said.
These guys know something. Im sure they do, said the Jamestown, Tenn., native, describing the handful of Iraqis they detained and questioned during the search. This place was a target for a reason. They are trafficking weapons out of here. (Gasp. Imagine that! Weapons trafficking in Iraq! Amazing!)
(In addition to the ridiculous lie about this being the first Stryker lost in combat, check out the ridiculous babbling about how finding a supply of magazines without rifles is some kind of big victory. Hey, they could do that in town next to Ft. Lewis with a lot less travel and effort. Plenty of arms dealers with magazines in stock there too.)
It Needs To Happen Again
By Kim Phillips-Fein | 12.11.03, inthesetimes
Near the end of the Vietnam War, as the antiwar movement roiled domestic politics and the Viet Cong showed no signs of giving in, a group of black soldiers formed an underground society named the Mau-Maus, in reference to a 19th-century uprising against the British in Kenya. Other soldiers, at about the same time, put up posters at Army bases reading, "Don't Do What They Tell You, Tell What They Do," and went on "search-and-avoid" missions-told where the enemy was, they'd march in the opposite direction. In 1971, for the Fourth of July, soldiers at one base held a peace rally, calling for "immediate and total American troop withdrawal."
These were only a few signs of an army in revolt and a foreign policy in collapse.
Many American soldiers found themselves incapable of tolerating the war's inhumanity, and the army was collapsing by the war's end.
One journalist who lived in Vietnam in the early '70s says, "When I hear people say we could have won the war, I always think: Where were you going to get the soldiers?"
Yet while the American soldiers served one-year tours of duty the North Vietnamese soldiers endured vast deprivation, living in the jungle for years on end, with scant food, sickness, exhaustion and a death rate nearly 20 times that of the Americans. Why were they able to tolerate such conditions?
Appy suggests that the basic difference was that North Vietnamese soldiers understood themselves as fighting a political war against an occupying power.
12.12.03, Theresa Merto, Pacific Daily News (Guam)
Two candles flickered last night near a framed photo of Army Spc. Christopher Jude Rivera Wesley, who died in Iraq this week, marking the first confirmed Chamorro casualty of Operation Iraqi Freedom.
The 25-year-old Army specialist died Dec. 8 in Iraq after the vehicle he was driving was attacked by Iraqis, said his uncle, Santa Rita Mayor Joseph Wesley, citing Army officials who had spoken to the family.
Christopher Wesley was driving an Army Stryker fighting vehicle on Dec. 8 in Iraq with two other soldiers as his passengers, his uncle said.
"They met up with (enemies) from the other side and all of a sudden they started firing," said Joseph Wesley, who received the information from military officials. "The vehicle he was driving got shot, and it flipped over."
The News Tribune, a Tacoma, Wash., newspaper, reported on Dec. 11 that three soldiers, from Fort Lewis, Wash., were killed Monday evening when two Stryker vehicles plunged from a collapsed embankment. (Command had presented it as a simple accident, with the usual empty bullshit about investigating the cause of the accident.)
The incident occurred as infantrymen were beginning nighttime patrols in an area northeast of the Iraqi town of Duluiyah.
Calls were made to the Pentagon last night, but questions were referred to the Army. Attempts to reach Army officials in Washington, D.C., were unsuccessful.
Stupid Officers Lie Stupidly, As Usual;
Soldiers Tell The Truth
Iraq Anchorage Daily News By JIM KRANE, Associated Press
BAGHDAD (December 11, 8:00 a.m. AST
Thursday, U.S. soldiers said an Apache helicopter that crash-landed near the northern city of Mosul was hit by ground fire while making a low pass over the area.
A military spokesman had insisted that the helicopter was forced to crash land on Wednesday because of mechanical failure and that the uninjured crew reported no ground fire. But a commander later said that he didn't know whether ground fire brought down the helicopter, from the 101st Airborne Division.
The Apache came down near a highway about 15 miles south of Mosul, Iraq's third-largest city, which has been the site of escalating anti-occupation resistance.
Troops guarding the site where the burned-out wreckage was still smoldering on Thursday morning said the chopper had been hit by enemy fire while flying over the area on a low-level patrol. They asked not to be identified. (Smart, considering lying officers hate nothing more than to be caught being what they really are, lying officers.)
"The helicopter was shot down," one said.
Brig. Gen. Frank Helmick of the 101st later said the cause of the crash was unclear.
"We don't know what happened," he said. "It could have been a mechanical failure but again, we are looking at all possibilities." (Next time, hopefully, Brig. Gen Helmick will be in the helicopter, thus freshening his point of view.)
This is the sixth military helicopter downed in six weeks.
By SSG Stan Goff (Retd) December 11, 2003 http://home.igc.org/~sherrynstan/
If anyone would like a nice flow chart of the progress of the war, go to www.bringthemhomenow.org where we have archived five stories a day for months related directly to the war, including an excellent collection of photographs (published under Fair Use of course).
Just click on the daily news roundup. From there, just hit the previous button to scroll back into July 20, when we started the site. Its quite a slide show, and it fast-forwards you through the daily minutiae to see the real trajectory of this war which is an unmitigated disaster for US power.
The retention and recruitment crisis is no longer latent. Only the Stop Loss program is stemming a manpower hemorrhage. The next anticipated rotation in Jan-Mar will increase Reserve components to 40% of the force, dramatically reducing combat proficiency in theater even as it dramatically increases the political liability at home.
This outflow is exacerbated by a steady stream of casualties, and now possibly 1,700 desertions by troops on leave. Over 2,000 have been treated for mental illness. Morale is reportedly in the shitter.
The guerrillas have effectively truncated any effort to employ international support for the occupation.
Russia appears to be forming a condominium with Europe and possibly China. A European trade war is on the horizon. The Japanese leadership has had its arm twisted to send troops in the face of overwhelming domestic opposition.
The Iraqi resistance is growing in strength, sophistication and popular support as the occupation force intensifies tactics that serve to recruit more into the resistance.
The Israelization of the occupation has only thrown gasoline on the fires of Arab humiliation and rage.
A draft is not feasible before the 2004 election.
Afghanistan is a fragmented heroin-zone.
People are fighting for reconstruction contracts that none of them is likely to carry out as long as Iraqi fighters decide they wont allow it.
And one third of the new Iraqi army just deserted after training. Probably left a thank-you note on the table for the new weapons, equipment and knowledge of US doctrine as they went to join their comrades.
As they say in chess, Check.
(For organizing to bring all the troops home now, check out www.bringthemhomenow.org. No bullshit about phased withdrawal or UN Occupation or How Can We Leave Iraq. Just a simple truth: not one more soldier in Iraq for one more minute. Period.)
Timing 'Unfortunate,' Wolfowitz Says
The Borowitz Report December 11, 2003
The Pentagon said today that it regretted releasing a memo indicating that France sucks just hours before the U.S. was to ask the French to forgive billions in Iraqi debt.
"The timing of the memo was unfortunate," said Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, who authored the memo. "We should have released the memo after the French agreed to forgive the debt."
In concluding his mea culpa, Mr. Wolfowitz said, "Our timing, much like France itself, sucks."
The Wolfowitz memo, which was entitled "France: Why It Sucks," was the talk of diplomatic circles in Paris and Washington today.
"If Monsieur Wolfowitz believes that France sucks, he is certainly entitled to his opinion," said French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin. "But there was no need to list 1,001 reasons."
For his part, Mr. Wolfowitz agreed that the length of the memo was a "rare misstep for me," adding, "I should have gone with my original idea, 'The Top Ten Reasons Why France Sucks.'"
Attempting to mend fences with France, Germany and Russia, who were still fuming about being shut out of bidding for reconstruction projects in Iraq, Mr. Wolfowitz said today that the U.S. would permit the three allies to bid on "one-of-a-kind memorabilia" on the auction site eBay.
The first eBay item mentioned by Mr. Wolfowitz, an autographed program from Cher's Farewell Tour 2003, went to Russia, who was the highest bidder at $10.50.
Unexploded U.S. cluster bomblets remain a threat to U.S. forces in Iraq. They have killed or injured at least eight U.S. troops. (Jonathan S. Landay Knight Ridder Newspapers 11 December 2003)
Troops Rebellion In Vietnam
By Glen Ford, Co-Editor, The Black Commentator
This commentary originally appeared in the Summer Issue of ColorLines magazine.
According to the immensely valuable March 30 New York Times article, Military Mirrors Working-Class America. The Times concedes that Black casualties were high in the early stages of the American ground war in 1965 and 1966, when there were large numbers of blacks in front-line combat units.
Here, the historical revision begins. Army and Marine Corps commanders later took steps to reassign black servicemen to other jobs to equalize deaths, according to Col. Harry G. Summers Jr. in Vietnam War Almanac. By the end of the war, said the Times, African-Americans had suffered 12.5 percent of the total deaths in Vietnam, 1 percentage point less than their proportion in the overall population, Colonel Summers wrote.
Colonel Summers and the New York Times are talking nonsense. It is laughable to pretend that U.S. military brass acted at any time to limit Black casualty rates What? In order to increase white death rates?! Commanders took steps to reassign black servicemen because African American soldiers collectively resisted Washingtons plans to make them the expendable casualties of Vietnam. They effectively shut down the war from within a history that has never been fully told, but one that is seared in the memories of those in charge of Americas current and future imperial enterprises.
Despite horrendous Black casualties in the early Vietnam years, a whiter casualty list was the last thing on the Pentagons mind. President Lyndon Johnson and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara were most concerned about how to pull off a massive increase in U.S. troop strength without dipping too deeply into the white middle class youth pool.
So, in 1966, a year that began with 200,000 men in Vietnam, Secretary McNamara announced Project 100,000, the most cynical race-class ploy ever lumped under the umbrella of LBJs War on Poverty. As Defense Department manpower official Dr. Wayne S. Sellman explained to a congressional committee in February 1990:
The manpower goal of Project 100,000 was to accept 40,000 men under relaxed standards during the 1st year and 100,000 per year thereafter. Approximately 91 percent of these New Standards Men, as they were called, came in under lowered aptitude/education standards, and 9 percent entered under lowered physical standards.
With a straight face, Secretary McNamara declared that Project 100,000 was intended for the benefit of the poor of America [who] have not had the opportunity to earn their fair share of this Nation's abundance, but they can be given an opportunity to serve in their Country's defense. Military testing standards were lowered, high school dropouts became eligible for service, and draft boards and recruiters were encouraged to overlook criminal justice offenses.
By 1971, when the U.S. ground war in Vietnam was sputtering to an end, 354,000 L/A men had entered the Services under the program, Dr. Sellman testified. Of these, 54 percent were volunteers and 46 percent were draftees. The men who entered under Project 100,000 were on average 20 years of age, about half came from the South, and a substantial proportion (about 41 percent) were minorities.
This was the infusion that allowed the Pentagon to boost Vietnam troop strength to 540,000 in the peak year of 1969, while accommodating massive draft deferments among the comfortable white classes. Young Black draftees and volunteers flocked to elite outfits, comprising near or absolute majorities in line units of the 101st and 82nd Airborne Divisions and the 173rd Airborne Brigade (all now heavily white and Hispanic, and deployed in Iraq and/or Afghanistan.)
There was one problem with this Black street army. As a Black lieutenant put it in Bloods, Wallace Terrys seminal oral history of African Americans in Vietnam, They are the ones who ain't going to take no more shit."
The commanders that war historian Col. Summers credits with compassionately reassigning Blacks out of harms way in fact went to extreme lengths to break the spirits of Black soldiers and destroy any expressions of Black solidarity.
Ultimately, the military established a mostly Black penal colony in Vietnam to enforce the terms of its internal race war. An online History of the Military Police cites 1969 as the year the US military prisoner population peaks when 10,450 military prisoners are confined in Vietnam, most at the United States Army Installation Stockade at Long Binh, known as the Long Binh Jail (LBJ).
In August 1968, Black inmates burned Long Binh Jail to the ground. Jimi Childress was 19 years old, locked up for going AWOL from his unit. He told his story to Cecil Barr Currey, author of Long Binh Jail: An Oral History of Vietnam's Notorious U.S. Military Prison (1999).
I can recall at one time they had eight of us in one [6' x 9'x 6' metal] conex box. A slit in the front and a slit in the back and that was your air. And if you wanted to urinate, you had to go to the back to do it because they kept a chain on the front with a lock on it. This was in heat of more than 115 degrees .... You could see them treating prisoners that way, but not their own soldiers ....
All these guys that was in these conex boxes were black. You see? White guys in the stockade had fringe benefits. We had none. It was just a hateful place. Hispanics stuck with blacks, just for safety reasons, but there was so few you hardly notice. It was a black prison. I will never forget how many blacks were incarcerated in that stockade.
In 1968, combined Vietnam AWOLs and desertions reached over 150 per thousand soldiers. About 100 Black deserters established Soul Alley in a Saigon neighborhood near Ton San Nhut Airport. Fully armed Black and white troops faced off at China Beach, Danang.
The online military police site sketches the rough outlines of repression and resistance in Vietnam. Some entrees from 1971:
September 1971 - Military police conduct a siege at Cam Ranh Bay against 14 soldiers of the 35th Engineer Group who refuse to come out of their bunkers.
October 9, 1971 - First Cavalry troopers again commit a "combat refusal" when asked to form a patrol. [This was an integrated affair, as were many, but not most, fraggings.]
October 1971 - Military police are flown into a military base near Da Lat, after two fragging attempts had been made on the commanding officer's life. Discipline is restored after the MP's have been on scene for a week.
By the end of the year there were 333 incidents of fragging reported in Vietnam.
The MPs give credence to a fragging study by historian Terry Anderson of Texas A & M University: "The US Army itself does not know exactly how manyofficers were murdered. But they know at least 600 were murdered, and then they have another 1400 that died mysteriously. Consequently by early 1970, the army [was] at war not with the enemy but with itself."
The internal war was overwhelming racial in character.
We were at war stateside, as well. I was among the 6,000 soldiers of the 82nd Airborne Division that occupied Washington, DC in the aftermath of Dr. Martin Luther Kings assassination, April 1968. Black troops made up about half of the divisions line units. We were aware that the near-lily white New Jersey National Guard had gone on a killing rampage on the streets of Newark the previous year, and we made it unmistakably clear to white soldiers that no harm was to come to the DC population. Nobody got hurt.
At home in Fort Bragg, North Carolina, we bloodied the Divisions overwhelmingly white and southern MPs at every nocturnal opportunity. While the Ku Klux Klan and other racist groups ran amuck at nearby Camp Lejeune Marine Base, racists at Fort Bragg sulked in silence. Criminal Investigation Detachment personnel entered Black-dominated barracks in force, if at all.
In the fall of 1968, Commanding General John Deane, weary of racial strife, called the entire division to a parade field. I give up, he said, bluntly, then pledged to address a long list of Black grievances. He kept most of those promises. The Black soldiers of the 82nd had the critical mass to kick ass, if provoked.
The U.S. military never forgot their experience with the Vietnam-era Black street army, and would scheme and conspire for the next three decades to ensure that white supremacy would never again be threatened in the elite combat arms.
"McNamara was in a jeep in the Mekong Delta with an old Army colonel from Texas named Dan Porter," Mr. Sheehan told me. "Porter told him, `Mr. Secretary, we've got serious problems here that you're not getting. You ought to know what they are.' And McNamara replied: `I don't want to hear about your problems. I want to hear about your progress.' "
"If you want to be hoodwinked," Mr. Sheehan concludes, "it's easy."
October 27, 2003, By John Roos, Special to the Army Times
Shortly before dawn on Aug. 28, an M1A1 Abrams tank on routine patrol in Baghdad was hit by something that crippled the 69-ton behemoth.
Army officials still are puzzling over what that something was.
According to an unclassified Army report, the mystery projectile punched through the vehicles skirt and drilled a pencil-sized hole through the hull. The hole was so small that my little finger will not go into it, the reports author noted.
The something continued into the crew compartment, where it passed through the gunners seatback, grazed the kidney area of the gunners flak jacket and finally came to rest after boring a hole 1 to 2 inches deep in the hull on the far side of the tank.
As it passed through the interior, it hit enough critical components to knock the tank out of action. That made the tank one of only two Abrams disabled by enemy fire during the Iraq war and one of only a handful of mobility kills since they first rumbled onto the scene 20 years ago. The other Abrams knocked out this year in Iraq was hit by an RPG-7, a rocket-propelled grenade.
Experts believe whatever it is that knocked out the tank in August was not an RPG-7 but most likely something new and that worries tank drivers.
Terry Hughes is a technical representative from Rock Island Arsenal, Ill., who examined the tank in Baghdad and wrote the report.
In the sort of excited language seldom included in official Army documents, he said, The unit is very anxious to have this SOMETHING identified. It seems clear that a penetrator of a yellow molten metal is what caused the damage, but what weapon fires such a round and precisely what sort of round is it? The bad guys are using something unknown and the guys facing it want very much to know what it is and how they can defend themselves.
The soldiers of 2nd Battalion, 70th Armor Regiment, 1st Armor Division who were targets of the attack werent the only ones wondering what damaged their 69-ton tank.
Hughes also was puzzled. Can someone tell us? he wrote. If not, can we get an expert on foreign munitions over here to examine this vehicle before repairs are begun? Please respond quickly.
While its impossible to determine what caused the damage without actually examining the tank, some conclusions can be drawn from photos that accompanied the incident report. Those photos show a pencil-size penetration hole through the tank body, but very little sign of the distinctive damage called spalling that typically occurs on the inside surface after a hollow- or shaped-charge warhead from an anti-tank weapon burns its way through armor.
Spalling results when an armor penetrator pushes a stream of molten metal ahead of it as it bores through an armored vehicles protective skin.
Its a real strange impact, said a source who has worked both as a tank designer and as an anti-tank weapons engineer. This is a new one. It almost definitely is a hollow-charge warhead of some sort, but probably not an RPG-7 anti-tank rocket-propelled grenade.
The well-known RPG-7 has been the scourge of lightly armored vehicles since its introduction more than 40 years ago. Its hollow-charge warhead easily could punch through an M1s skirt and the relatively thin armor of its armpit joint, the area above the tracks and beneath the deck on which the turret sits, just where the mystery round hit the tank.
An RPG-7 can penetrate about 12 inches of steel a thickness far greater than the armor that was penetrated on the tank in Baghdad. But the limited spalling evident in the photos accompanying the incident report all but rules out the RPG-7 as the culprit, experts say.
Limited spalling is a telltale characteristic of Western-manufactured weapons designed to defeat armor with a cohesive jet stream of molten metal. In contrast, RPG-7s typically produce a fragmented jet spray.
The incident is so sensitive that most experts in the field would talk only on the condition that they not be identified.
One armor expert at Fort Knox, Ky., suggested the tank may have been hit by an updated RPG. About 15 years ago, Russian scientists created tandem-warhead anti-tank-grenades designed to defeat reactive armor. The new round, a PG-7VR, can be fired from an RPG-7V launcher and might have left the unusual signature on the tank.
In addition, the Russians have developed an improved weapon, the RPG-22. These and perhaps even newer variants have been used against American forces in Afghanistan. It is believed U.S. troops seized some that have been returned to the United States for testing, but scant details about their effects and fingerprints are available.
Still another possibility is a retrofitted warhead for the RPG system being developed by a Swiss manufacturer.
At this time, it appears most likely that an RPG-22 or some other improved variant of the Russian-designed weapon damaged the M1 tank, sources concluded. The damage certainly was caused by some sort of shaped-charge or hollow-charge warhead, and the cohesive nature of the destructive jet suggests a more effective weapon than a fragmented-jet RPG-7.
In the end, a civilian weapons expert said, I hope it was a lucky shot and we are not part of someones test program. Being a live target is no fun.
Washington State Stryker Brigade Off To Iraq;
Army Admits Troops Riding In It Will Be Easily Killed By RPGs
Seattle Post-Intelligencer, October 31, 2003
As friends and families gathered on the Fort Lewis parade ground to send the 4,000-member Stryker infantry brigade to war, 4,000 more Washington-based National Guard troops prepared to do the same.
As the ceremonies took place, Maj. Gen. Timothy Lowenberg, commander of the state's National Guard based just across the highway at Camp Murray, received orders that his 81st Armored Brigade is to be mobilized to begin training for Iraq on Nov. 15. Army Times (Sept. 29, 2003, p. 18) reports that the troops riding in the Stryker can expect immediate death in Iraq, since the vehicle is faulty.
Even were it not equipped with giant unprotected tires, easily disabled, the armor fails to stop machine gun bullets.
In an outstanding investigative report by Army Times Staff Writer Matthew Cox, we learn: Contractors are busy attaching steel plates to about 5,800 of the same Strykers ceramic armor plates, which failed to stop 14.5mm machine-gun fire during recent tests.
The Army Times story goes on:
The wheeled, armored vehicles strength lies in its ability to arrive on the battlefield via C-130 aircraft for rapid deployment, but its light-weight armor is capable of stopping nothing heavier than 14.5mm rounds. (Assuming they fix the plates the greedy defense contractor fucked up.)
Even that capability came into question in August during tests at Aberdeen Proving Ground, Md., when several faulty ceramic plates were discovered.
In tests that began Aug. 30, at Aberdeen, 27 of 39 types passed and seven failed. Another five were so close in design and production method to the seven that had failed that the Army assumed they would fail as well, Maj. Gary Tallman, a Pentagon spokesman, said.
These 12 configurations make up about 5,800 of the 40,788 ceramic tiles on the 3rd Brigades 309 Stryker vehicles.
(That, however, is the good news.)
The Army has been working on an add-on armor that would give the vehicle protection against rocket-propelled grenade fire, but it is still in development. (!!)
Concern heightened when the Army announced the Stryker brigade would deploy to Iraq sometime in October.
Because of the high RPG threat [in Iraq] we have got to give these guys some protection, said Col. Charles Betack, Training and Doctrine Commands system manager for Stryker at Fort Benning, Ga., describing how the slat armor works. It catches the kinetic energy, making the weapon ineffective.
In other words, the armor is designed to catch and detonate the incoming projectile with horizontal slats, keeping most of the explosion away from the Stryker.
This is only good 50% of the time, he said, explaining that an anti-armor RPG can penetrate the slat armor of it hits one of the steel rods directly. An RPG can then punch through the rest of the Stryker.
Its 50% better than nothing.
(Are you getting this, Styker soldier? If they hit you with TWO RPGs, ONE of them will get you. Thats what 50% means.)
About 20 sets of the slat armor have been shipped to Forth Lewis, Washington, and attached to some vehicles, and some 3rd Brigade soldiers are learning how to adjust to driving with the extra weight and width.
The slat armor adds about 4,200 pounds to the Stryker. (So much for maneuverability. Elderly Iraqi resistance fighters in wheelchairs can catch and kill it. If this thing is actually shipped from Washington to Iraq, the officer responsible merits a firing squad.)
(Sorry, thats way too strong. There is good news.)
While Strykers still will be at some risk (some? Didnt he say 50%?) Betack pointed out that they have a better chance of surviving an RPG hit than the Bradley fighting vehicles in Iraq, which went into combat without an armor package.
(Only a chair-borne Colonel would consider that good news. Corporate managers wearing funny-looking suits and calling themselves officers are unfit to associate with human beings.)
Senior leaders chose not to mount the heavy, reactive armor on the Bradley to maintain speed and mobility. The special armor, however, was available in Iraq. (Firing Squad #2 for these senior leaders.)
(Sorry again, way too strong again. Heres the best news of all!!):
Despite the weaknesses of the slat armor, Betack said he was confident that the tactics the Stryker units employ will help make up the difference. If they go into an area they are unfamiliar with, they put the infantry out first, he said.
The Charity Gala for Iraqi reconstruction took place in Madrid at the end of last week: 33 billion dollars were promised, of which 20 from the United States and about 8 from the World Bank and the IMF: i.e. at the moment of the offering, the faithful parishioners satisfied themselves by giving their pants buttons.
In effect, no one cares to enrich the Halliburton company (former CEO: Dick Cheney) which continues to monopolize contracts.
The Tourist Guide
By Rod Nordland, Newsweek, 29 October 2003
A lot of Americans in Baghdad now are desperately reviewing their personal security, especially after Sunday's attacks on the al Rashid Hotel and Monday's half-hour rampage of six suicide car bombings around the city. If even Paul Wolfowitz isn't safe (his room was only one floor away from taking a direct hit from a rocket), then who is? Here's a primer for those who really must go.
GETTING THERE
If you don't have a military flight, or a seat on a military convoy, then there are four main ways in to Iraq, all of them bad.
You can drive up from Kuwait, the safest route. There are downsides, though. For one, you need a visa from Kuwait, which is hard to get. Then you need permission to cross the border from Kuwait's Ministry of Interior, which is even harder to get.
If you have a car you can take into Iraq, fine; otherwise you'll have to walk across the border at Safwan, where mobs will greet you as you try to fight your way into a car-for-hire waiting for you on the Iraqi side. Sometimes they stone travelers. After that, the road is relatively safe, although armed highway robbery happens fairly often, several times a week. Lie down on the back seat or, if you're a woman, put on a chador so no one knows you're American.
You can drive down from Turkey. Visas are no problem from Turkey, and obtaining permission to cross the border takes only three days or so. Most of the route through northern Iraq is safe. The downside to this plan? For the last 100 miles or so there's a risk of roadside bombs and armed highway robbery.
You can drive in from Amman, across the 600 miles of the Western Desert. No visas or border permissions needed, and this is probably the fastest route. Downsides: it's also the most dangerous. Highway robberies and even attacks on armed convoys happen daily, sometimes several times a day. Forget about trying to hide your money. The thieves will either find it, or kill you for not having it.
You can take a charter flight from Amman into Baghdad International Airport. The roundtrip fare from Amman will set you back as much as $1,100. And missiles may be fired at aircraft as they land, though none has so far hit anything and the attackers don't seem to target civilian planes. All this may make the option of going in with the military sound attractive, if you can swing permission. But military flights have had missiles fired at them (though defensive measures like chaff and flares have deflected them). And military convoys are routinely hit by ambushes and roadside bombs.
WHERE TO STAY
Once in Baghdad you have to decide where to live. Baghdad now is essentially divided into two broad zones: the Green Zone and everything else. It's not clear when everyone started calling the Green Zone that, anymore than it's clear when everyone started calling Iraq Rummy World, though it predated Doonesbury.
The Green Zone is also widely called The Bubble, but that's considered derogatory. Perhaps it got that name because the zone does include some of the only green space in Baghdad, including most of the Zawra Park and Zoo, the Festival and Parade Ground, the vast grounds of the New Unknown Soldier monument, the Convention Center, the al Rashid hotel, the Republican Guard presidential palace, the National Assembly complex, the Hands of Victory monument, the 14th of July Monument and all or parts of five city neighborhoods.
Around the four-mile square Green Zone, a triple perimeter has been erected, consisting of an outer blast wall of concrete barriers 15-feet high, inside of which are coils of barbed wire, a space, and another row of barriers and concertina wire. The eastern side also fronts the Tigris River. The entire area now has one main entry point, next to the al Jumhariya Bridge, where 1st Armored Division soldiers, backed up by British rapid reaction commando teams, are on duty. Tanks are located at key points, with machine gun nests on buildings and teams of snipers on rooftops.
The only place Iraqis, other than coalition employees, are allowed to visit inside the Green Zone is the Baghdad Convention Center. Everyone who enters there from outside is double and even triple-searched, often after half-hour or hour-long waits. From a practical point of view, it's much better to live outside the Green Zone, where contact with Iraqis is easy. Sometimes too easy. Most of the hotels now have some sort of security, ranging from blast barriers and American tanks at the Palestine and Sheraton hotels, to squads of Iraqi guards at other hotels.
Some people have taken private houses, which if they're large enough come with walls around them; most people are sandbagging them now and putting armed guards at the gates, 24 hours a day. An endless and essentially unsolvable debate goes on about whether it's better to be in a hotel, where there's better security and a high-enough concentration of Americans to make the target attractive; or in a house, which is more discreet with fewer targets, but is harder to defend. There's no good answer. Westerners have been attacked at houses and at hotels.
DAILY LIFE
Once you're settled, you should register at the American consulate (asktheconsul@usconsulbaghdad.com) in the Baghdad Convention Center (the United States has no embassy as yet, being the occupation power). Take heart, you're not alone. In addition to some 17,000 American soldiers, there are at least 700 private Americans in town, journalists, aid workers, and contractors.
(Can that be right? 17,000 soldiers to hold down a city of 5 million armed, occupied, pissed off Iraqis? Its a wonder the population hasnt risen and killed them all. Or maybe thats on the program for later this year.)
For the record, the consular staff will give you the latest State Department warning on Iraq from Oct. 2: "The Department of State continues to strongly warn U.S. citizens against travel to Iraq. Although the restrictions on the use of U.S. passport travel to, in or through Iraq has been lifted, travel to Iraq remains extremely dangerous. Remnants of the former Baath regime, transnational terrorists, and criminal elements remain active." (http://travel.state.gov/iraq_warning.html)
There is some other useful reading material on display, too. Lists of medical hospitals, private clinics and the like; a list of security firms doing business in Iraq, and a helpful leaflet called "Carjacking Prevention," put out by Lt. Col. Kevin W. Kille of the Iraqi Assistance Center.
"Attempt to escape car if possible. Do not attempt to fight unless you believe you are armed better than the carjackers. If forced to drive by the carjackers, consider crashing car into something. This will attract attention, and momentarily distract carjackers, opening the possibility of escape. If forced into the trunk of your vehicle, attempt to disable the tail lights and/or brake lights." On the bulletin board is a hand-drawn diagram that shows the latest approved way for civilians to travel in convoy: two cars abreast to fill the lane and prevent attackers from coming alongside and running you off the road.
By now you may well have decided to hire a CPDclose protection detailfrom one of the Western security companies. They will recommend, unless youre extremely unimportant or poor or dont look foreign, that you have two operatives or advisers, as they now call bodyguards; this will set you back $2,400. Thats per day.
The first thing your operative will do is sit down with you and outline an emergency escape plan from the building in which you live and a medical evacuation plan to get you out of the country to good medical care should something happen. Hell also advise you to carry around a field medics kit wherever you go, and he may even give a Power Point presentation on how to use the new trauma dressings that can staunch a sucking chest wound (or your money back).
Hell also ask you to review the daily CPA Operational Threat Update, which will have useful pieces of advice such as how to drive in a convoy (avoid having more than one vehicle in the killzone at a time, which you may find tricky if you follow the consular flyers advice). Across the top of this report youll notice under Threat Conditions that Zone 6N, 8S, 28, 33N, 35, 36NJ, 37N, and 46 are Red. Use all security precautions if entering these zones. Do not travel there unless you have urgent business. There goes practically all of downtown Baghdad, aside from the Green Zone.
LEARNING THE LINGO
To read these reports, you have to learn quite a few acronyms. A quick primer:
IEDs: Improvised Explosive Devices (in the vernacular, bombs)
VBIEDs: Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Devices (car bombs)
SVBIEDs: suicide version of above
CF: Coalition Forces (the good guys)
FRLs: Former Regime Loyalists, the current acronym for the enemy, guerrillas, fedayeen, terrorists, whatever (the bad guys)
NCFs: Non-Compliant Forces (other bad guys)
PSD: Personal Security Detail, synonym for CPD
IZs: Iraqis (also called the haj, but thats rude)
SAF: Small Arms Fire
MRT: Mortar
RPG: Rocket-Propelled Grenade
ISG: Iraqi Security Guard
FPS: Facilities Protection Service, which consists of ISGs guarding public places
RTD: Returned to Duty, as in Wounded, RTD
WIA: Wounded in Action (as in 1,620 CF WIA as of Oct. 24, 2003)
KIA: Killed in Action (as in 267 CF KIA as of Oct. 24, 2003)
CQA: Close Quarters Assassination
NFI: No Further Information (one of the most common abbreviations).
(FTA): Three guesses.
STAYING SAFE
You will also have to discuss with your CPD the proper vehicle to use. Nearly all American contractors and coalition officials have big Chevy Suburbans, Ford Excursions and similar SUVs, some armored and some not. Some CPDs prefer armor for obvious reasons; others feel the car will be faster and more maneuverable without all that extra weight. Also, armor is not much good against IEDs and RPGs. A lot of journalists and aid workers think its wiser to go in nondescript Iraqi cars or taxis, sometimes hiding behind blackout glass or curtains.
If youre thinking of unwinding at night, your security adviser will disabuse you. Credible intelligence has come of attacks being planned against restaurants and hotels frequented by Westerners. Avoid prolonged exposure on the streets or out of doors or in automobiles, recommends one security agencys report. A continuation of attacks in all their various guises can be anticipated, particularly with regard to Westerners, NGOs, media and business personnel (especially those involved in the oil industry.)
Heres a typical example from a recent report by SAFE (Security Awareness for Everyone), a U.S. AID financed project that issues secret reports not for everyone: An unknown anti-CPA group will attempt to attack CPA, NGO and/or IO [International Organization] targets...method of attack will be with IED devices equipped [with] magnets (number of devices is 11) and detonated by remote control.
The group allegedly will use a 1991 Chevrolet Dolphin, packed with explosives, as a diversion attack and then follow up with the remote-controlled IED devices. NFI is known at this time to include possible locations...Remember to always check your vehicles for IED devices before driving. Have a SAFE day in Iraq.
By this point you may well have decided that youll feel SAFEr living in the Green Zone, and if you have a military contract or a job with a high-profile American company, you may qualify.
Once in the Green Zone, past the usual vehicle and body searches, youll find a whole other world. There are trees and parkland, palaces and spacious open areas around the monuments, lakes, fountains, canals, and even Westerners out jogging. You can drive your big SUV, without being stopped and searched, from the CPA Palace, to the back entrances of the Convention Center, where you can meet with your triple-searched Iraqi contacts, to the Al Rashid, living quarters for coalition and soldiers on duty, and to the Governing Council office building.
There are motor pools, and Internet cafes, cafeterias and video lounges. Theres even a blog from inside the Green Zone, put out by someone who says hes a military intelligence soldier using the pseudonym Chief Wiggles (http://chiefwiggles.blogspot.com).
Lately the boosterish Chief Wiggles has been using his blog to find donors to give him bicycles so soldiers can pedal around the zone giving out toys to children. Things are, as they say, getting better, at least inside the Bubble.
The air conditioning works in the buildings now and most places when the power fails theres no roar of generators, so common out in Baghdad proper. Best of all, from a personal safety point of view, youll hardly ever see Iraqis wandering around, unless theyre escorted or under guard, or getting toys from Chief Wiggles mounted associates.
Oh yes, theres also a jail in the Green Zone, although by the time you leave Baghdad you may well feel youve already been in one.
By BRIAN CLOUGHLEY
In his book 'Don't Go Near the Water', William Brinkley described the hilarious adventures of a US Navy public relations unit in the Pacific towards the end of the Second World War. The unit was led (if one can use the word) by Lt-Commander Clinton T ('Marblehead') Nash, who "had been commissioned directly from his brokerage office without the corrupting influence of any intervening naval training". But Marblehead had his moments, as when he conjured up the idea of sending hometown newspapers lots of pieces about sailors in the enormous Pacific Fleet.
With fiery enthusiasm he planned that "We get up a story on [an]event, mimeograph it off, then simply fill in the man's name from the ships roster, like 'Blank Blank of Blank was aboard the USS Missouri recently when that ship's sixteen-inchers disabled Yokahama', and fire it back to the guy's home-town paper. Visualize it! The Missouri alone has 2700 men aboard, anytime she did anything, just anything at all, this would automatically mean 2700 stories in papers all over the States . . . millions of stories . . .From us to the thousands of tank town papers in the US . . . Thinking big! .. . It's Joe Blow of Kokomo people want to hear about!"
The problem is that there is a distinct dividing line between news and propaganda and it is fatal to truth to try to merge one with the other.
But the line has been crossed -- leapt across, indeed -- by the mind-benders of US forces in Iraq. They are not content with having "Blank Blank of Blank being home-town news because of something his unit had done. Far from it, because it seems they want to convince home-town folks all over America that US policy in Iraq is fine and dandy and - by implication, at least -that its only a bunch of sour-faced left wing liberal peacenik internationalists who say things are catastrophic.
So the new Marbleheads had a great idea: that it would be splendid for it to be made known by Joe Blow of Kokomo that The quality of life and security for the citizens has been largely restored and we are a large part of why that has happened" in the area of Kirkuk occupied by the Second Battalion of the 503rd Airborne Infantry Regiment.
This sort of thing isn't quite what I wrote home from Cyprus, Borneo or Vietnam when I was on active service in these troubled places.
Reflecting on such letters as have survived I find the main themes were that Brigade HQ was staffed by a bunch of incompetent dickwits, the local authorities were corrupt, the food was lousy, our equipment was inferior to that possessed by a poorly-endowed boy scout troop, the enemy was fighting quite well, all generals and politicians (ours, not theirs) were certifiable cretins, and the local population (except in Borneo where we were welcomed by delightful people), thought we were a damn pest or worse.
"Aides found him face down on the floor in prayer in the Oval Office. It became known that he refused to eat sweets while American troops were in Iraq, a partial fast seldom reported of an American president. And he framed America's challenges in nearly biblical language. Saddam Hussein is an evildoer. He has to go."
(FROM: The Faith of George W. Bush (Tarcher/Penguin), a sympathetic account of this religious journey, author Stephen Mansfield.)
(Comment by woodsman, Vets For Common Sense: Posted 10/16/2003 10:05:00
*gasp*...he gave up sweets?
Jesus, what a friggen' hero...a real Marcus fucking Aurelius...a brave, stoic leader of men. Think about it, our brothers and sisters are out their sweating their asses off in 130 degree heat, getting shot at from every angle at any hour of the day, and the fratboy-in-chief is right there with them in spirit, "just saying no" to any licorice or peanut butter cups.
He is a true John Wayne. I knew he was a hero after all the brave after the way he had his daddy pull strings to get him into the Texas Air National Guard. I mean, there was a year and a half waiting list and he only scored the absolute MINIMUM on his pilot's aptitude test, but a hard-charging, high-speed, no-slack tough guy like our George just wasn't going to let any of that stand in the way of duty.
And now he is giving up sweets! Will his sacrifices never stop? I mean, giving up sweets...god, it's just so fucking courageous...I mean, sure, I've known plenty of 65 year old diabetics and teen age varsity wrestlers who were able to take up such a noble struggle, but for somebody as pampered in his upbrings as Prince George, it truly does show you what kind of grit and moxie he is made out of...and it turns out God picked him for this job...that's reassuring, let me tell you.)
The Olympian, October 11, 2003, LEDYARD KING GANNETT NEWS SERVICE
Newspapers around U.S. get identical missives from Iraq
WASHINGTON -- Letters from hometown soldiers describing their successes rebuilding Iraq have been appearing in newspapers across the country as U.S. public opinion on the mission sours.
And all the letters are the same.
A Gannett News Service search found identical letters from different soldiers with the 2nd Battalion of the 503rd Airborne Infantry Regiment, also known as "The Rock," in 11 newspapers, including Snohomish, Wash.
The Olympian received two identical letters signed by different hometown soldiers: Spc. Joshua Ackler and Spc. Alex Marois, who is now a sergeant. The paper declined to run either because of a policy not to publish form letters.
The five-paragraph letter talks about the soldiers' efforts to re-establish police and fire departments, and build water and sewer plants in the northern Iraqi city of Kirkuk, where the unit is based.
"The quality of life and security for the citizens has been largely restored, and we are a large part of why that has happened," the letter reads.
It describes people waving at passing troops and children running up to shake their hands and say thank you.
It's not clear who wrote the letter or organized sending it to soldiers' hometown papers.
Six soldiers reached by GNS directly or through their families said they agreed with the letter's thrust. But none of the soldiers said he wrote it, and one said he didn't even sign it.
Marois, 23, told his family he signed the letter, said Moya Marois, his stepmother. But she said he was puzzled why it was sent to the newspaper in Olympia. He attended high school in Olympia but no longer considers the city home, she said. Moya Marois and Alex's father, Les, now live near Kooskia, Idaho.
A seventh soldier didn't know about the letter until his father congratulated him for getting it published in the local newspaper in Beckley, W.Va.
"When I told him he wrote such a good letter, he said: 'What letter?' " Timothy Deaconson said Friday, recalling the phone conversation he had with his son, Nick. "This is just not his (writing) style."
He spoke to his son, Pfc. Nick Deaconson, at a hospital where he was recovering from a grenade explosion that left shrapnel in both his legs.
Sgt. Christopher Shelton, who signed a letter that ran in the Snohomish Herald, said Friday that his platoon sergeant had distributed the letter and asked soldiers for the names of their hometown newspapers. Soldiers were asked to sign the letter if they agreed with it, said Shelton, whose shoulder was wounded during an ambush earlier this year. (No pressure to go along, of course!)
"Everything it said is dead accurate. We've done a really good job," he said by phone from Italy, where he was preparing to return to Iraq.
Sgt. Todd Oliver, a spokesman for the 173rd Airborne Brigade, which counts the 503rd as one of its units, said he was told a soldier wrote the letter, but he didn't know who. He said the brigade's public affairs unit was not involved.
"When he asked other soldiers in his unit to sign it, they did," Oliver explained in an e-mail response to a GNS inquiry. "Someone, somewhere along the way, took it upon themselves to mail it to the various editors of newspapers across the country."
The letter talks about the soldiers' mission, saying, "one thousand of my fellow soldiers and I parachuted from ten jumbo jets." It describes Kirkuk as "a hot and dusty city of just over a million people." It tells about the progress they have made.
"The fruits of all our soldiers' efforts are clearly visible in the streets of Kirkuk today. There is very little trash in the streets, many more people in the markets and shops, and children have returned to school," the letter reads. "I am proud of the work we are doing here in Iraq and I hope all of your readers are as well."
Sgt. Shawn Grueser of Poca, W.Va., said he spoke to a military public affairs officer whose name he couldn't remember about his accomplishments in Iraq for what he thought was a news release to be sent to his hometown paper in Charleston, W.Va. But the 2nd Battalion soldier said he did not sign any letter.
Although Grueser said he agrees with the letter's sentiments, he was uncomfortable that a letter with his signature did not contain his own words or spell out his own accomplishments.
"It makes it look like you cheated on a test, and everybody got the same grade," Grueser said by phone from a base in Italy where he had just arrived from Iraq.
Moya Marois said she is proud of her stepson Alex, the former Olympia resident. But she worries that the letter tries to give legitimacy to a war she doesn't think was justified.
"We're going to support our son," she said. But "there are a lot of Americans that are not in support of this war that would like to see them returned home, and think it's going to get worse."
Vietnam Ghost Bites Bush
By T. Trent Gegax, Newsweek Web Exclusive
The Iraqi war has required the massive mobilization of Army reservists
The Army National Guard and Army Reserve are mobilized in numbers not seen since World War II. And reservists are either staying away longer than their families ever imagined or they're coming home in body bags.
We can't wage a large-scale conflict without them, thanks to a Vietnam-era policy--a strategic check-and-balance--established to prevent politicians from waging war without broad popular support. That you hear growing grousing and, lamentably, mourning coming from reservists' homes means that the system is working exactly the way it was envisioned by former Army chief of staff Gen. Creighton Abrams.
It became known as the "Abrams Doctrine," a shuffling of the war machine right after the Vietnam War that made the Reserves an indispensable part of large-scale war.
It was a recognition that active-duty soldiers are relatively rare among the general population, whereas reservists are woven into the fabric of the country's car dealerships, professional firms and farm towns.
It may be unfair, but whatever happens to reservists ripples further than the fates of active-duty soldiers. The Abrams Doctrine "was designed so that the Army couldn't get involved in sustained operations without the Reserves," says Renee Hylton, historian for the National Guard Bureau. "By doing that, the politicians could never play with the military again like they did in Vietnam.
At the time, President Johnson bucked when urged to tap the reserve ranks for more troops, "because you don't call them up for long periods of time for unstated goals," Hylton says. Instead, he drafted kids who were poor and unconnected. After the war, Hylton says, "the senior leadership said, 'We can't let this happen again'."
True to predictions, reservists in Iraq are making their voices heard in Washington. "Many of us have written to our congresspersons," Capt. Blaise Zandoli, a civil-affairs reservist posted in Kirkuk, said recently after the Pentagon doubled the reservists' mobilization time. "All of us are completely bitter about what has happened." L
Sen. Bill Nelson, a Florida Democrat, last month wrote a letter to Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld that said "patience is beginning to break" for families of reservists.
But the White House's "global war on terror" can't operate without the Reserves--the National Guard supplements the infantry and the Reserves provide support services. They're people--Midwestern farmers, young rural poor from the South, Eastern lawyers--who thought they'd pad their income in exchange for training one weekend per month, two weeks each summer and maybe a six-month peacekeeping tour in the Balkans.
Rumsfeld's proposed "rebalancing" would convert the most heavily used reserve jobs (military police, civil affairs, psychological operations) into active-duty Army positions. That would effectively reduce the number or reservists--and the number of complaints--needed for full-scale military operations.
Rumsfeld's "rebalancing" is a five-year plan. So it won't fix the Bushies' immediate political problem. But it might grease the skids for America's next war.
GI Special 110 referred to a military action in Baghdad as a goat fuck. One reader pointed out that it would be useful to explain and expand on the terms proper usage and meaning. Another was dismayed by the profanity.
No, its not profanity or cursing. Its an army term of art used to describe a situation of total chaos, command idiocy rising to truly preposterous levels, often but not always leading to injury or death of soldiers.
(Fucked Up Beyond All Repair)
by Doug Thompson, Capitol Hill Blue, October 10, 2003
Vietnam. So long ago yet so vivid still in the minds of so many. Long enough ago that the history of the conflict is now taught in high schools and colleges - all too often by young men and women too young to have served there if - in fact - they served at all. Vietnam. A name conjured up now whenever somebody wants to question what is happening in Iraq. Another Vietnam, they say. Another debacle for America.
Had lunch the other day with an old friend, a career soldier just back from Iraq. He missed Vietnam. Too young. He used to say he was glad. Vietnam raised too many questions for someone who wanted to make the military his life.
"I missed Vietnam," my friend said at lunch. "I thought about retiring after Desert Storm. I should have."
I couldn't help but notice how much older he looked. More lines in the face. More gray in the hair. More emptiness behind the eyes.
Was it that bad? I had to ask.
"Bad," he said. "Classic FUBAR."
In military terms, FUBAR is the worst-case scenario. Most military operations start out as SNAFU (Situation Normal, All Fucked Up). If things get worse, they graduate to TACFU (Totally And Completely Fucked Up). When things get really bad, they reach FUBAR (Fucked Up Beyond All Repair).
"A mission without a goal," he said. "An engagement without rules. The intel was pure FUBAR. No exit strategy. We're going to be there for a long, long time. Maybe people are right. Maybe it is another Vietnam."
I just got off the phone with my son. It was great to hear his voice. It was only the second time I have talked to him since he has been in Baghdad.
More disturbing, my son said there were sharp-shooters on the roofs of all the buildings. I asked my son why they would need sharp-shooters on the roof if there were no Iraqis at the Airport. He said they were for the SOLDIERS! He said they were all warned that any one that went on a roof would be SHOT!
The airport is made up of several high rise buildings that the troops live in. My son said several of his friends live on the upper floors of these buildings. He said they generally go up on the roof to read or to smoke, etc. These soldiers were warned they would be shot if they went up on the roof for any reason.
I find it shocking that the morale is so low for the troops that the upper brass don't trust them.
In closing, my some told me that his friends appreciate our efforts. He said they know that we are protesting against the administration and not them. They back us completely.
In peace,
Father of a Soldier in Iraq.
Posted 27 september 2003
(Would Have Been Happy Vietnam During Tet)
Send 180 Soldiers To Iraq
(New York Times, September 25, 2003)
In 1258, the Mongol general Hulegu, a grandson of Genghis Khan, sacked Baghdad, killing 800,000 persons and ending its primacy as the largest city in the Arab world. This month, the Mongolians returned. Ferried into the country on American military transports, 180 Mongolian army soldiers are guarding pipelines and working on construction projects under Polish command.
Colonel,
I have been reading your column with interest for quite sometime now and have always agreed with what you have to say and the way you say it.
It seems that in the last six months I have been reading your words with even more interest because my son is serving with the National Guard in Iraq, Unfortunately it seems the Army has not remembered it's lessons from Nam.
There are Officers whose Ego's overshadow common sense. In my last talk with my son he related to me one of the most ridiculous orders I have ever heard. His unit has been in the same place since May. They conduct security for a Palace, Mayor's compound, and (They are grunts remember) train Iraqi police officers). Part of their duties include conducting TCPs (tactical clearing patrols). Here's where the problems start. They patrol the same roads at the same time of day using the same formation and set up OP's in the same location every day.
Last week a patrol took fire (same place as always) they were unable to engage the enemy because they forgot their firepower, (no MG or Thumper). The Company Commander got pissed. Now he has ordered his troops to check suspicious items by KICKING them and to search rockpiles by hand for what the new Army calls IEDs (Indigenous Explosive Devices) (I think we called them booby traps).
I guess the New Army has gotten so High Tech it has misplaced its Basic Bomb Detectors, the K-9. Just so you'll know I told my son it was an illegal order, you can't be ordered to commit suicide. I told him to take the CourtMartial, I'll pay for the Lawyer.
Thanks for Listening
An Old Soldier.
(Time to ask the CC if he knows what f-r-a-g-g-i-n-g spells.)
Can Be Killed By Machine Guns
(Seattle Times, September 5, 2003)
Weeks before the Armys Stryker vehicle is scheduled to make its combat debut in Iraq, the Army has discovered manufacturing problems in some of its armor plating that could make it vulnerable to heavy machine-gun fire, according to service officials familiar with the program. The extent of the problem is still unknown, but it is serious enough that a crash program to test the plates is underway at the Aberdeen Proving Ground in Maryland.
By SAMEER N. YACOUB, Associated Press Writer, Aug. 31, 2003
The U.S. army announced Sunday that a soldier drowned a day after his Humvee plunged into a canal during preparations for a raid on the outskirts of al-Abbarah, 50 miles north of Baghdad.
Jang (Pakistan), August 31, 2003, By Kamran Khan
KARACHI: The Times of London, in a recent article on drug situation in Afghanistan, quoted a US military official as saying: "Were on an operational mission here against al-Qaeda and the Taliban."
"A lot of that relies on the goodwill of local warlords and their men supplying us with intelligence and sometimes manpower," he added. "That goodwill is going to diminish if we suddenly start trashing their poppy crops and burning their opium warehouses."
When the White House published the text of and photos from Bush's speech announcing the supposed end of the Iraq attack, the headline read: "President Bush Announces Combat Operations in Iraq Have Ended." But on Tuesday, 19 Aug 2003, the Cursor website noticed that the headline had been changed to read: "President Bush Announces Major Combat Operations in Iraq Have Ended." The word "major" had been added.
Apparently, with the quagmire resulting in at least one dead US soldier a day--not to mention even more injuries, dead Iraqis, and sabotage--that headline had proved incorrect. Therefore, straight out of 1984, the headline was stealthily altered to make it seem as if that's what it had always said.
We were able to recover numerous instances of the unaltered headline. At the top of the page is the original headline, as it has been preserved on the Website of Scott Long, who collects photos of politicians on aircraft carriers. Under that, you'll find the headline as it is now.
http://turningtables.blogspot.com/...the hardest lessons are the ones you repeat... ...like a second deployment to the middle east... (due to a recent flurry of negative feedback i have taken the liberty of changing or omitting any names or information that i see fit to protect national security and to cover my own ass...thank the haters...) ...my views do not reflect that of the military or the u.s. government...
[WARNING!! SPELLING AND GRAMMER: ATROCIOUS, CONTENT: SUPREME]
...8.26.2003...it's been a pretty eventful day...i got up at 6...only because i had to use the port a potti...and while i was out there in the dark stumbling around...i noticed that the rest of my company was up to...pretty strange because it's supposed to be a day off type of deal...i wouldn't be so lucky...they had formed a 'sand bag detail'...not exactly the best news to hear while your wandering aroun recently...they've started putting up barricades every where...and it is impossible to drive right up to any building...the u.n. must of scared the shit out of them...or it was all just still the works at the time...
i heard a lot of soldiers moaning and groaning about the work...i mean it's hot dirty heavy work...that seems never ending...we filled sand bags for about an hour and a half...the whole company...digging into the dirt...some soldiers put on the happy face and start singing chain gang songs...or village people songs...and laughter makes the work go by faster...i got stuck with the chore of tying the top of the canvas bags closed...there is a little string that is sewn into the top of the bag...you pull it out of the stitching when you are through filling it...and you wrap it around real tight...and tie it off about 3 times...many people don't complete this step properly and i feel like it's the most important one...if the bag isn't tied good enough...it's just going to open back up on you while you've formed your line to move them from the truck to the tent...and be worthless to the sand bag effort...the knuckle creases in my fingers are raw and cut...they sting under water...but i'm a man...and i can suck it up...
all of our work yielded the completion of one side of one tent...it's going to take us weeks at this rate...they want the bags waist high...and encircling every tent...i can almost feel the anger at the work rising deep down in my belly...but then i remember that i'm leaving in a few weeks and it really doesn't matter what they make me do for the rest of the time that i'm here...i feel invincible...
after the 'sand bag detail' was finished for the day...to be continued tomorrow...we had a class called n.c.o.d.p...this stands for non-commissioned officer something that starts with d and something that starts with p...i really don't know...but it is basically classes on our situation...and lectures on how we as n.c.o.'s need to step up and do what we know is right...it's all stuff we've heard before..
.the main class was on 'i.e.d.'s...that wonderful term that is being thrown around now...like shock and awe...and wmd...i.e.d.'s are improvised explosive devices...and the sergeant first class giving the instruction really broke it down for us...these things are popping up all over the place...he had some slides that were a map of baghdad...with markers indicating the spots of the i.e.d.'s...scary shit...they are every where...
the militants/terrorists/freedom fighters are using all kinds of methods that are quite ingenious...good ideas that will end in american death...they are using kids to stop convoys...they set up fake bombs to make convoys stop far from the supposed bomb...only to detonate other hidden bombs where you have stopped...the use pot holes filled with bombs and dirt...and coke cans filled with c-4...it's a crazy mad freighting world out there...and tomarrow...i get to convoy...i'll take my camera...
By David Ignatius, August 26, 2003; Washington Post [snip]
Pentagon sources report one hopeful sign that the military is thinking creatively and unconventionally about Iraq. The Pentagon's special operations chiefs have scheduled a showing tomorrow in the Army auditorium of "The Battle of Algiers," a classic film that examines how the French, despite overwhelming military superiority, were defeated by Algerian resistance fighters.
A Pentagon flier announcing the film puts it in eerie perspective: "How to win a battle against terrorism and lose the war of ideas. . . . Children shoot soldiers at point blank range. Women plant bombs in cafes. Soon the entire Arab population builds to a mad fervor. Sound familiar? The French have a plan. It succeeds tactically, but fails strategically. To understand why, come to a rare showing of this film." (In case you missed it, the French are defeated and forced to get out.)
Aug 24, By ANDREW ENGLAND, Associated Press Writer
BAQOUBA, Iraq - An American soldier stands at the side of an Iraqi highway, puts his AK-47 on fully automatic and pulls the trigger.
Within seconds the assault rifle has blasted out 30 rounds. Puffs of dust dance in the air as the bullets smack into the scrubland dirt. Test fire complete.
U.S. troops in Iraq may not have found weapons of mass destruction, but they're certainly getting their hands on the country's stock of Kalashnikovs and, they say, they need them.
The soldiers based around Baqouba are from an armor battalion, which means they have tanks, Humvees and armored personnel carriers. But they are short on rifles.
A four-man tank crew is issued two M4 assault rifles and four 9mm pistols, relying mostly on the tank's firepower for protection.
But now they are engaged in guerrilla warfare, patrolling narrow roads and goat trails where tanks are less effective. Troops often find themselves dismounting to patrol in smaller vehicles, making rifles essential.
"We just do not have enough rifles to equip all of our soldiers. So in certain circumstances we allow soldiers to have an AK-47," said Lt. Col. Mark Young, commander of the 3rd Battalion, 67th Armor Regiment, 4th Infantry Division.
"Normally an armor battalion is fighting from its tanks. Well, we are not fighting from our tanks right now," Young said. "We are certainly capable of performing the missions that we have been assigned, there's no issue with that, but we do find ourselves somewhat challenged."
In Humvees, on tanks but never openly on base, U.S. soldiers are carrying the Cold War-era weapon, first developed in the Soviet Union but now mass-produced around the world.
The AK is favored by many of the world's fighters, from child soldiers in Africa to rebel movements around the world, because it is light, durable and known to jam less frequently.
Now U.S. troops who have picked up AKs on raids or confiscated them at checkpoints are putting the rifles to use and they like what they see.
Some complain that standard U.S. military M16 and M4 rifles jam too easily in Iraq's dusty environment. Many say the AK has better "knockdown" power and can kill with fewer shots.
Some troops say the AK is easier to maintain and a better close-quarters weapon. Also, it has "some psychological affect on the enemy when you fire back on them with their own weapons," McCarson said.
Most U.S. soldiers agree the M16 and the M4, a newer, shorter version of the M16 that has been used by American troops since the 1960s is better for long distance, precision shooting.
But around Baqouba, troops are finding themselves attacked by assailants hidden deep in date palm groves. Or they are raiding houses, taking on enemies at close-quarters.
Two weeks ago, Sgt. Sam Bailey of Cedar Falls, Iowa, was in a Humvee when a patrol came under rocket-propelled grenade and heavy machine gun fire. It was dark, the road narrow. On one side, there was a mud wall and palms trees, on the other a canal surrounded by tall grass.
Bailey, who couldn't see who was firing, had an AK-47 on his lap and his M4 up front. The choice was simple. "I put the AK on auto and started spraying," Bailey said.
Some soldiers also say it's easier to get ammo for the AK they can pick it up on any raid or from any confiscated weapon.
"It's plentiful," said Sgt. Eric Harmon, a tanker who has a full 75-round drum, five 30-round magazines, plus 200-300 rounds in boxes for his AK. He has about 120 rounds for his M16.
Young doesn't carry an AK but has fired one. He's considered banning his troops from carrying AKs, but hasn't yet because "if I take the AK away from some of the soldiers, then they will not have a rifle to carry with them."
Staff Sgt. Michael Perez, a tanker, said he would take anything over his standard issue 9mm pistol when he's out of his tank.
And the AK's durability has impressed him. "They say you can probably drop this in the water and leave it overnight, pull it out in the morning, put in a magazine and it will work," Perez said.
U.S. Recruiting Husseins Secret Police
Idiot Bremer Thinks Hiring Rapists and Torturers Will Help Occupation Defeat Resistance
By Anthony Shadid And Daniel Williams, THE WASHINGTON POST
BAGHDAD, Aug. 23 U.S.-led occupation authorities have begun a covert campaign to recruit and train agents with the once-dreaded Iraqi intelligence service to help identify resistance to American forces here after months of increasingly sophisticated attacks and bombings, according to U.S. and Iraqi officials.
THE EXTRAORDINARY MOVE to recruit agents of former president Saddam Husseins security services underscores a growing recognition among U.S. officials that American military forces already stretched thin cannot alone prevent attacks like the devastating truck bombing of the U.N. headquarters this past week, they said.
While U.S. officials acknowledge the sensitivity of cooperating with a force that embodied the ruthlessness of Husseins rule, they assert that an urgent need for better and more precise intelligence has forced unusual compromises.
Were reaching out very widely, said one official with the U.S.-led administration, who like most spoke on condition of anonymity because of sensitivity over questions of intelligence and sources.
The emphasis in recruitment appears to be on the intelligence service known as the Mukhabarat, one of four branches in Husseins former government, although it is not the only source. The Mukhabarat, whose name itself inspired fear in ordinary Iraqis, was the foreign intelligence service.
We have to be very careful in how we vet them, in how we go through their backgrounds, the senior American official said. We dont want to put a cancer right in the middle of this.
They said they recognized the potential pitfalls in relying on an instrument loathed by most Iraqis and renowned across the Arab world for its casual use of torture, fear, intimidation, rape and imprisonment.
What we need to do is make sure they are indeed aware of the error of their ways.
(URGENT NOTE; This is NOT a parody or satire. This is an actual quote from the Washington Post, hard as that may be to believe.)
Nathan Newman, The Progressive Populist, August 15, 2003
Why are our troops suffering in such filth and discomfort over in Iraq?
That's been an odd puzzle, since where killing of troops by guerillas may be somewhat beyond the control of the military, you would think that delivering decent facilities for daily living wouldn't be such a challenge for this high-tech army.
The problem is that it's not the high-tech army taking care of those living conditions, but private industry on contract. For over a decade, the military has been shifting its supply and support personnel into combat jobs and hiring defense contractors to do the rest. And the process has accelerated under Defense Secretary Rumsfeld.
And despite the alleged wonders of private enterprise, those companies have left soldiers in filth, heat, and garbage.
Why Private Contractors Fail Soldiers:
While soldiers can be ordered into combat zones, civilians cannot. So U.S. troops in Iraq have had to suffer through months of unnecessarily poor living conditions because contractors hired by the Army for logistics support plain failed to show up. Even mail delivery turned over to management by civilian contractors -- fell weeks behind.
"We thought we could depend on industry to perform these kinds of functions," Lt. Gen. Charles S. Mahan, the Army's logistics chief, said in one interview.
Woops.
Soldiers have progressed from living in mud, then the summer heat and dust. One group of mothers organized a drive to buy and ship air conditioners to their sons. An Army captain ended up turning to a reporter to have him send a box of nails and screws to repair his living quarters and latrines.
For almost a decade, the military has been shifting support jobs over to the private sector. And the result in Iraq has been a disaster for the troops. Not surprisingly, when the going gets tough, the civilian business folks take a hike.
Enron Accounting on Contracts:
And apparently, the chaos of cost-plus contracts with overlapping deals is a big reason the White House has no idea how much the Iraq Occupation is costing American taxpayers: Thanks to all these overlapping contracts with multiple contracting offices, the Pentagon cant keep track of which contractors are responsible for which jobs -- or how much it all costs. That's one reason the Bush administration can only estimate that it is spending about $4 billion a month on troops in Iraq.
Rumsfeld has already proposed handing 300,000 additional military logistics jobs over to private contractors, further endangering our troops in any future conflicts. But heck, at least Dick Cheney's buddies at Halliburton are making lots of money. So who cares if the soldiers have to suffer for it? Or that the budget numbers on the war resemble an Enron accounting sheet
Grunt Soldiers Take a Budget Hit:
And the indifference to front-line soldiers needs isnt restricted to hiring substandard contractors in Iraq. Soldiers and their families have been targeted for nasty budget cuts to help pay for all the goodies handed to Halliburton etc. al. These budget cuts effecting military families back home just adds to the general low morale of troops in the Iraqi deployment.
Army Times, has been scathing in its criticism of the cuts and budgeting enacted by Congress.
These include:
* Canceling a "modest proposal" to increase the benefit from $6,000 to $12,000 to families of soldiers who die on active duty;
* Refusing to consider military tax relief to help military homeowners, reservists who travel long distances for training, or parents deployed to combat zones;
* Passing pay raises for some higher ranks, but capping raises for the lowest ranks at 2 percent, well below the average raise of 4.1 percent;
* Enacting a $1.5 billion cut in the military construction request for 2004
All of this makes for the most deadly combination for a solider: an administration that loves war and hates the troops.
The UN Killed A Million
Daily Mirror, August 22, 2003, John Pilger
According to the Bush and Blair governments, those responsible for the UN outrage are "extremists from outside":
As for the "extremists from outside", simply turn the meaning around and you have a succinct description of the current occupiers who, unprovoked, attacked a defenceless sovereign country, defying the opposition of most of humanity.
AT their moment of "victory", these extremists from outside - having already destroyed Iraqs infrastructure with a 12-year bombing campaign and embargo - murdered journalists, toppled statues and encouraged wholesale looting while refusing to make the most basic humanitarian repairs to the damage they had caused to the supply of power and clean water.
When Iraqis have protested about this, the extremists from outside have shot them dead.
They have shot them in crowds, or individually,
The killings in the UN compound in Baghdad this week, like the killing of thousands of others in Iraq, forma trail of blood that leads to Bush and Blair and their courtiers.
The brutality of the occupation of Iraq - in which children are shot or arrested by the Americans, and countless people have "disappeared" in concentration camps - is an open invitation to those who now see Iraq as part of a holy war.
For more than 12 years, the UN Security Council allowed itself to be manipulated so that Washington and London could impose on the people of Iraq, under a UN flag, an embargo that resembled a mediaeval siege.
The other day I sat with Dennis Halliday, former Assistant Secretary General of the United Nations, and the UN in New York. Halliday was the senior UN official in Iraq in the mid-1990s, who resigned rather than administer the blockade.
"These sanctions," he said, "represented ongoing warfare against the people of Iraq. They became, in my view, genocidal in their impact over the years, and the Security Council maintained them, despite its full knowledge of their impact, particularly on the children of Iraq.
"We disregarded our own charter, international law, and we probably killed over a million people.
"It's a tragedy that will not be forgotten... Im confident that the Iraqis will throw out the occupying forces. I don't know how long it will take, but theyll throw them out based on a nationalistic drive.
"They will not tolerate any foreign troops' presence in their country, dictating their lifestyle, their culture, their future, their politics.
"This is a very proud people, very conscious of a great history.
(S. writes: This article is about the light armored vehicles, Strykers, that my son J is learning to drive. They are made by GM. One of the units training with J's unit will be going to Iraq this fall.
(According to J the windshield is made of regular glass, not bullet proof or even auto safety glass. The driver, sitting about 8 feet above ground can only see straight out to the distance. The person who directs him sits in a place where he is exposed and unprotected. These vehicles are not safe and do not protect the soldiers. So what purpose do they serve? (See what is said in the following article.)
August 13, 2003, William S. Lind, Military.com
One day in the late 1970's, when I was a defense staffer for Senator Gary Hart, I got a call from an Armed Services Committee staffer asking if I knew anything about Light Armored Vehicles (LAVs), which are what we used to call armored cars.
A bit, I replied. What did I think of them, he asked? I said I liked them for operational maneuver, because they are wheeled, and most operational (as opposed to tactical) movement is on roads. That was the beginning of the Marine Corps' LAV program.
We all knew that LAVs are tactically fragile, and must be used in ways that avoid heavy combat. We also knew that the tank the U.S. armed forces were then buying, the M-1, was too heavy and used too much fuel to be able to maneuver rapidly over operational distances. The LAVs could fill the gap.
I should have known better, given that we are talking about the U.S. Army. Nonetheless, it was with unbelief, then horror, that I learned what the Army was really buying LAVs (called Strykers) for: urban combat. And now, the first Stryker units are to be sent to Iraq.
The magnitude of the idiocy involved in using Light Armored Vehicles in urban fighting, where they are grapes for RPGs, is so vast that analogies are difficult. Maybe one could compare it to planning a fireworks display on board the Hindenburg.
Urban combat is extremely dangerous for any armored vehicle, including the heaviest tanks, as the Israelis can testify after losing several Merkavas in the Gaza strip (to mines--real big ones).
Why? Because for opposing fighters, regular infantry or guerillas, the old sequence from the German "men against tanks" is easy. The sequence is, "blind 'em, stop 'em, kill 'em."
Armored vehicles are already blind in cities, because distances are short; the safest place near a hostile tank is as close to is as you can get, because then it can't see you. Stopping is also easy, because streets are narrow and vehicles often cannot turn around.
And with LAVs, once they are blind and stopped, killing is real easy because the armor is, well, light. That's why they are called Light Armored Vehicles. In the first phase of the war in Iraq, the jousting contest, the Marine Corps lost M-1 tanks and it lost Amtracks, its amphibious personnel carrier. But it lost no LAVs. That is a testament, not to the vehicles, but to how they were employed.
But now, in the second phase of the Iraq war, and in future phases as well, there will be no role for operational maneuver. And there will be no role for LAVs or Strykers. If the Army insists on sending them into Iraqi towns and cities, they should first equip them with coffin handles, because all they will be is coffins for their crews.
When I first came to Washington in 1973, I was quickly introduced to an old saying about the American armed forces: the Air Force is deceptive, the Navy is dishonest, and the Army is dumb. It seems some things never change.
Bob Herbert, New York Times, August 21, 2003
Said one high-ranking U.N. official, The U.S. is now on the soil of an Arab country, a Muslim country, where the terrorists have all the advantages. They are fighting in a terrain which they know and the U.S. does not know, with cultural images the U.S. does not understand, and with a language the American soldiers do not speak. The troops cant even read the street signs.
The American people still do not have a clear understanding of why we are in Iraq. And the troops dont have a clear understanding of their mission. Were fighting a guerrilla war, which the bright lights at the Pentagon never saw coming, with conventional forces.
The carnage from riots, ambushes, firefights, suicide bombings, acts of sabotage, friendly fire incidents and other deadly encounters is growing. And so is the hostility toward U.S. troops and Americans in general.
Senator John McCain and others are saying the answer is more troops, an escalation. If you want more American blood shed, thats the way to go. We sent troops to Vietnam by the hundreds of thousands. There were never enough.
Beefing up the American occupation is not the answer to the problem. The American occupation is the problem. The occupation is perceived by ordinary Iraqis as a confrontation and a humiliation,
A Small Payback for One Million Killed By UN Sanctions On Iraq Since 1991
Fed Up Relatives Of GIs In Iraq Are Speaking Out About Mounting Casualties And Long Deployments
NEWSWEEK, By Jerry Adler, Aug. 4 issue
The womenwives of officers with the Third Infantry Division on duty in Baghdadlistened impatiently to the speeches at a redeployment meeting at the base. They all had the same questionwhen is my husband coming home?but the Army had other messages.
HERES SOME OF the advice they received:
*Dont have too much beer in the fridge; hes in no shape to get drunk.
*Put away the sexy negligee; he probably wont be in the mood.
*Dont have a list of chores waiting; he will be physically and emotionally spent.
I found it a little galling, says Jennifer Veale, married to a Black Hawk helicopter pilot. They micromanage our husbands lives; why do they have to micromanage ours as well?
One more piece of advice: dont get your hopes up. A few days after the meeting in May, the homecoming was postponed, and later postponed again.
And a final thing: if youre unhappy, keep it to yourself. In an e-mail to family members, a Second Battalions rear-detachment commander cautioned them against contacting elected officials or the press in a negative manner regarding the military and this deployment of their loved ones.
It didnt work. The Pentagons public- relations effort, which had been masterful during the actual fighting, was beset last week by a ragtag insurgency of frustrated wives, anxious parentsand hot, thirsty, bored and disgruntled troops. In and out of uniform, military family members are speaking upabout the mounting casualties, the hardships of the occupation and, above all, the ever-lengthening deployments.
[Baltimore Sun, August 16, 2003]
Armed guards at a Lockheed Martin plant escorted a senior government fraud-hunter out the door after he and two colleagues accused the defense contractor of trying to bill the Pentagon for huge overcharges in the building of C-5 Galaxy and C-130 Hercules cargo planes.
Ken Pedeleose has accused Lockheed of charging the Air Force $714 for a rivet and $5,217 for an inch-long bracket for the C-5. Each aircraft needs hundreds of those items.
(Comment: Now some of the 3rd ID troops are back in the USA, lets send them to Lockeed. Obviously very major enemy combatants manage the place. No doubt these big tough corporate cops would be delighted to show them the way to the Executive Board room, unless of course they would prefer to die for traitors and war profiteers.)
By James L. Larocca, August 13, 2003
James L. Larocca, a professor of public policy at Southampton College, was a naval officer in Vietnam during 1967-68.
Ordinarily, our boats patrolled Vietnam's rivers in pairs. But on this night we had several teams operating together as we launched the Pentagon's latest ingenious scheme for winning the war in the Mekong Delta.
The concept was simple enough: instead of surprising people with conventional gunfire during raids, the boats would first set the houses and buildings on fire with bows and arrows. The brass called this early version of "shock and awe" Operation Flaming Arrow.
Of course, the flimsy huts burned like matchbooks, leaving the families homeless and destitute. The next day, civil action teams of GIs would arrive bearing sheets of corrugated tin for new roofs and bags of rice to help the villagers get started again. There would also be bars of Dial soap and clothing from church groups in the states.
I remember a particular time when, with the fires still smoldering in the stultifying heat of a Delta morning, the teams distributed boxes of heavy sweaters.
I'm sure the church folks back home felt good about their gifts. But we shared with the villagers a sense of absolute mystification at a policy that would burn down people's homes in the middle of the night, then give them tin and soap and sweaters to rebuild their lives.
Our government called it "pacification." We called it madness. It all has come back to me while watching the news from Iraq, where we should be applying more of the lessons so painfully learned in Vietnam. Instead, we seem to be repeating our mistakes.
What I remember most from those nights are the faces - and the eyes. The children would be terrified, but also oddly fascinated in that way that kids have.
The mothers, beyond ordinary fear, would be wildly angry, often unleashing a flood of invective that, of course, none of the Americans could specifically understand because no one spoke the language.
The old widows - there seemed to be one in every hut - would look at you with the cold, dead eyes of people who had been violated forever and seemed to expect always to suffer.
But mostly I remember the men, who, if they hadn't slipped away when the mess began, would be taken by the American troops for interrogation.
Usually, several young soldiers would throw the man down while yelling the few Vietnamese phrases they knew. At least one would hold a rifle to his head. Another might stand on his neck. His hands would be bound behind his back. He would be wrenched up into a kneeling position. Many times he would be blindfolded.
Eventually a "pacification" team member would come along and question the man in Vietnamese. He would be asked to show his papers - documents which, more often than not, had been lost in the fire. He would be yelled at, cursed at, and sometimes spit on. Many times he would be kicked and punched.
Those lucky enough to have the right kind of documents and otherwise convince the Americans of their innocence (of what?), would be released.
Then you would see it. In the eyes. The clean, white fury of men who have been reduced to abject humiliation and powerlessness in front of their families. The hatred in their eyes would be as pure as any you would ever see. It would last forever. You would never forget it.
I saw those eyes again the other day on the evening news. A group of young American soldiers, sent by their government to go house to house in a sweltering Baghdad suburb, had kicked in a door and rousted a family. The children were terrified, crying. The mother was furious, screaming. The eyes of the GIs were filled with confusion and shame at what they were being made to do by their government.
And the father, down on the ground in front of his house with a kid from Arkansas or Detroit or California standing on his neck, showed in his eyes the kind of white-hot hatred that will take a thousand years to extinguish.
We did not win the hearts and minds of the Vietnamese people because we occupied their country while we burned down their homes and killed them and brutalized and abused them.
We will not win the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people by wrecking their towns and cities, destroying their homes, terrorizing their families and humiliating their men. Incredibly, we have again become an occupying army, out of touch with the realities of the lives and culture of the people we are there to save. Not surprisingly, the Iraqi people are striking back. (And they are right to do so.)
Enlistment in some branches of the military Reserves is already lower than target, according to the Pentagon.
People are shying away from becoming part-time soldiers because the financial and family hardships of troops sent to Afghanistan and Iraq has been widely reported, Farrar said.
What we are seeing is a bit of reluctance on people to (enlist in the Reserves) because they dont want their regular lives disturbed for a year to two years, he said.
Although young people such as Gibson continue to sign up for active duty, others said that although they support the troops in Iraq, they would not consider military duty because they do not believe war is justified.
Enlistment lagged most in the Army National Guard, which reported 39,057 had enlisted, almost 7,000 below expectations.
Its not my kind of thing, said Rob Novak, 21, a senior at Colorado State University in Fort Collins who was working at a Boy Scout camp in Newark, Ohio, this summer. Its all about big business and oil.
Nilofar Suhrawardy & Agencies, NEW DELHI, 27 May 2003
Indias security Cabinet has decided to seek clarification from the United Nations before considering whether to send troops to Iraq as part of an international force, a top official said yesterday.
A source said, it does not make sense to clean up the Americans mess at our expense, especially if there is a possibility of losing our men.
By DArcy Doran, Associated Press, August 07, 2003
The former chief U.N. weapons inspector in Iraq, Hans Blix, denounced the war in his strongest language yet,
Personally, I found it peculiar that those who wanted to take military action could with 100-percent certainty know that the weapons existed, and at the same time turn out to have zero percent knowledge of where they were, Blix told a Swedish radio program.
"God told me to strike at al-Qaida and I struck them," Bush told startled Palestinian leaders in Israel last month. "And then He instructed me to strike at Saddam, which I did. And now I am determined to solve the problem in the Middle East." [Haaretz June 27/03]
But unless the Almighty forsakes the 10 Commandments and sends cash soon, a growing number of observers observe that a bankrupt USA - already some $4 trillion in hock while continuing to spend $11,000 a second on weapons, warfare and an illegal occupation - could fold as fast as the former Soviet Union. And for many of the same reasons.
As public policy economist Jack Kyser told the Associated Press, with California teetering toward collapse, "People are nervous. There's a real chance for a meltdown that could have rippling effects throughout the nation. This is something of a different magnitude than we've seen before."
According to 27-year army vet and former Vietnam combat commander Lt. Col. Robert Heinl Jr. writing in 1971 in ARMED FORCES JOURNAL, "With extreme reluctance (after a young West Pointer from . . .Montana was fragged in his sleep) the Pentagon has now disclosed that fraggings in 1970 have more than doubled (to 109) from the previous year."
Texas A&M historian Terry Anderson adds, "During the years of '69 down to '73 we have incidents of fragging--that is shooting or hand grenading your NCO or officer who orders you out into the field. The U.S. Army itself does not know exactly how many . . .officers were murdered, but they know of at least 600 cases, and they have another 1400 who died mysteriously." According to Anderson, in the latter stages of America's stay in Vietnam, the Army was not at war with a Vietnamese enemy but with itself.
Perhaps the most infamous fragging incident in Vietnam actually involved the 101st Airborne when that unit's Lt. Col. Wendell Honeycutt ordered and led a fruitless, costly charge on Hamburger Hill, high ground with no strategic value. The U.S. took horrible casualties but "won" the hill, only to abandon it a short time later. Hamburger Hill is often viewed as a key event in bringing home the idea for officer and enlisted man, for Green Beret and peace protestor, for young and old all across America, that the country's involvement in Vietnam was futile and pointless.
In the aftermath of Hamburger Hill, G.I. SAYS, one of many underground papers published by enlisted men in Vietnam at the time, offered a $10,000 bounty for the killing of Lt. Col. Honeycutt who, despite the heavy losses incurred by the 101st, bragged that he had been successful in his mission which was to kill the enemy and destroy his equipment. The colonel, despite several attempts on his life, probably mostly done by his own men, completed his Nam tour and returned home safely.
Bounties on the heads of reckless, clueless field commanders who thought nothing of putting their troops in harm's way then became commonplace in Vietnam, but with much lower price tags, usually in the $50 to $1000 range.
Hamburger Hill was not the only mutinous incident involving the 101st Airborne in Vietnam. A couple of years after the bloody battle for the worthless hill, 13 black soldiers with the 101st became known as "the Phu Bai 13" after they refused combat orders, forcefully took over a barracks and issued a list of demands, some of which were met by the brass.
Congressional hearings held in 1973 estimated that less than 3% of all NCO and officer deaths in Vietnam between '61 and '72 were the result of fragging. But this percentage only took into account those killings done by actual fragmentation grenade. The practice of fragging in Nam expanded to include handguns, automatic rifles, booby traps, knives and bare hands as weapons of choice for increasingly pissed off enlisted men. The Judge Advocate General's Corps (the Army's legal branch) estimated that only about 10% of all fraggings resulted in someone being charged.
It should be noted that fraggings and other insubordination in the Army spiked at a time when, according to Col. Heinl, writing in '71, "The morale, discipline and battle worthiness of the U.S. Armed Forces are, with a few salient exceptions, lower and worse than at anytime in the century and possibly in the history of the United States. By every conceivable indicator, our Army that remains in Vietnam is in a state approaching collapse, with individual units avoiding or having . . .refused combat, murdering their own officers and NCOs, drug-ridden and dispirited when not mutinous."
We commissioned my first LST at Hingham Shipyards in Boston and brought it around thu the Panama Canal where our skipper, who was a drunk and had only a 3rd grade elementary school education but was a great ship handler, got drunk in a niteclub, urinated in the middle of the dance floor, was arrested by shore patrolmen, brought back to the ship where they could not believe he was our skipper.
We had picked up a load of amphibious ducks and Smaller-version LCTs for Pearl Harbor but our captain felt it would be bad to carry them aboard in the Pacific so he simply dumped them all into Seattle Bay before we proceeded. We had two black stewards mates and he found out I was Jewish and my friend and First Lt Rizzuto were all from New York so he would get on the loudspeaker after he had gorged himself on a stateroom full of liquor and shout to the entire crew, most of whom were Southerners that after this war "we" would bomb the kikes and wops and niggers in New York. This did not help ship discipline.
What he did was fraternize with the enlisted men in a kind of reverse mutiny against us officers. It got so bad that one nite we planned to get him, drunk, back on the ship's fantail and dump him overboard. We were quite serious about it but the Gunnery Officer, who had a lot more sense than the rest of us, stopped us with: "This is mutiny. It's too dangerous. I won't do it."
Docking at Pearl, Rizzuto as First Lt was responsible for seeing to ship lines getting over securing the ship so our Capt. got on the loudspeaker and shouted: "Rizzuto, you f-kn wop sonofabitch, get that #1 line over !"
Re: equipment, there was plenty around, but our ship was without so we used to form raiding parties onto larger ships and steal equipment at night from cruisers, battleships, etc. We had acetylene torches but no gas or O2 canisters so we'd steal some of those. As Comm Officer, I needed a typewriter so I went and stole one since there was no known way of how to procure this stuff otherwise.
GEORGE BUSH: POLITICAL GENIUS; The Commander-in-Chief Speaks
We will get the killers who attacked the compounds in Saudi Arabia. (This will be quite a trick. They were suicide bombers.)
Humvees Are Death Traps
Sergeant Major of the Army Jack Tilley, on return from inspection in Iraq, has made it official.
Among other findings, he has reported, in writing, that the up-armored Humvee needs an escape route for soldiers trapped underwater when the vehicle tips over. In the past we have had several soldiers drown when their vehicles flipped in water and they could not escape. We need to look at adjusting the window or designing a windshield that can be kicked out in emergencies.
With Rumsfeld on a cost cutting campaign, troops will be waiting a very long time for the Sergeant Major to be taken seriously. One way to get around that: Put Rumsfeld in a Humvee and toss it in some water upside down. The sooner the better.
By Scott Peterson | Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor, May 15, 2003
BAGHDAD At a roadside produce stand on the outskirts of Baghdad, business is brisk for Latifa Khalaf Hamid. Iraqi drivers pull up and snap up fresh bunches of parsley, mint leaves, dill, and onion stalks.
But Ms. Hamids stand is just four paces away from a burnt-out Iraqi tank, destroyed by and contaminated with controversial American depleted-uranium (DU) bullets. Local children play throughout the day on the tank, Hamid says, and on another one across the road.
No one has warned the vendor in the faded, threadbare black gown to keep the toxic and radioactive dust off her produce. The children havent been told not to play with the radioactive debris. They gather around as a Geiger counter carried by a visiting reporter starts singing when it nears a DU bullet fragment no bigger than a pencil eraser. It registers nearly 1,000 times normal background radiation levels on the digital readout.
We were told it was going to be paradise [when Saddam Hussein was toppled], and now they are killing our children, she says voicing a common Iraqi perception about the risk of DU. The Americans did not bother to warn us that this is a contaminated area.
THIS? Depleated Uranium Fine For Kids
BAGHDAD, Iraq Associated Press, May 6 2003 The depleted uranium used in U.S. weapons and armor poses no significant danger to Iraqs people, U.S. military officials said Tuesday.
Concern over possible health risks posed by depleted uranium surfaced during the 1991 Gulf War, when the U.S. military first used the extremely hard metal in tank and aircraft ammunition as well as in armor. Some Iraqis are now expressing similar anxieties.
There is not really any danger, at least that we know about, for the people of Iraq, said Lt. Col. Michael Sigmon, deputy surgeon for the Armys V Corps.
He said children playing with expended tank shells would have to eat and then practically suffocate on the depleted uranium residue before any health problems occurred
The RCN had to have some nine hundred and seven officers and men trained to man her. They did this by sending personnel to the Royal Navy to train on their cruisers. They came from every province in Canada, including Newfoundland. Eight-seven percent were RCNVR and RCNR, and the balance RCN. UGANDA was the first Canadian warship to go around the world. She was the only Canadian warship to fight against the Japanese.
She arrived at Fremantle Australia on May 4th, 1945, having traveled via Britain, Gibralter, Alexandria via the Suez Canal, Aden and Colombo Ceylon. She joined the British Pacific Fleet operational area south of Sakishima Gunto, and later joined the US Third Fleet 300 miles east of Japan.
While this was going on the Canadian government wanted the crew to volunteer for the war in the Pacific. The crew for one reason or another felt they had volunteered for "hostilities only", (hostilities against CANADA) but now they found themselves in a war zone on the far side of the Pacific. When ordered to re-volunteer they voted "no".
The ship was recalled home, arriving in Esquimalt at 0930, August 10th, 1945, as the only ship to vote itself out of the war. On August 1st, 1947 she was paid off into reserve status.
UGANDA was re-commissioned on January 14th, 1952 as HMCS QUEBEC. She was moved to her new station on Canada's east coast. Another cruiser, HMCS ONTARIO, which didn't come on steam until the war was over, was stationed on the West Coast.
In 1953, QUEBEC was the flag ship under Rear Admiral Bidwell which lead the Canadian ships to Spithead for the coronation of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. The Canadian group consisted of a carrier, two cruisers, one destroyer, and two frigates.
Her story ends in June 1956 when she was sold for scrap to the Japanese.
"On May 7, (1945) the vote was held on the Uganda and 605 crew refused to volunteer for the Japanese war. The British Admiralty was furious, and said they could not replace the ship until July 27. An embarassed RCN in Ottawa offered to replace HMCS Uganda with HMCS Prince Robert, an Anti-Aircraft flak ship, that was being refitted in Vancouver." "...the Uganda became known as "The Ship That Voted Itself Out Of The War."
"Had the ship (Uganda) remained in the Pacific, it would likely have steamed into Tokyo Bay on August 30 to witness the official surrender. There were no Canadian ships present at the surrender ceremonies. HMCS Prince Robert, an AA cruiser, was en route to join the BPF but had only reached Sydney when the war ended. It was routed to Hong Kong to bring back the Canadian troops that had spent nearly four years in captivity on the island."
In Quebec a united front campaigned for a "no" vote arguing that the no-conscription pledge had been made to Quebec, so only Quebec could revoke it—in essence, asserting Quebec's right to self-determination.
Result: 72% of Quebec voters, and about 85% of Francophones voted no.
Elsewhere in Canada a significant minority, 20%, voted "no." The outcome was a defeat for King: he had his majority, but was now afraid to use it.
Government efforts now focused on coercing the home-defence conscripts, now derisively termed "Zombies," to volunteer for overseas service. Recruitment posters blanketed the country, war heroes lectured the conscripts, volunteers were incited to harass them; and recalcitrants were demoted and punished.
Yet most conscripts resisted. They resented the high command's hostility to working people, which was coloured by racism. One of their commanders, Brigadier W.H.S. Macklin, vilified the conscripts as "of non-British origin ... most of them come from farms. They are of deplorably low education... typical European peasants." [BP 206]
One general commented, "I hate the sight of French-Canadians." The minister of defense reportedly said that the army could not do anything with Quebeckers. "They can't speak English. Their fighting ability is questionable."
Over time, the Zombies' refusal took on an air of dogged heroism. They enjoyed support in the general population, where 50% of those in their 20s opposed conscription for overseas service.
In November 1944, King ordered that 16,000 conscripts be sent to Europe. In B.C., where most of them were stationed, there was a wave of demonstrations and mutinies. At a base in Terrace B.C., French- and English-speaking troops joined forces, armed themselves, took over the camp, and mounted guns to command the approaches. Popular slogans were "Down with conscription" and "Conscript money as well." One placard read, "We can end the war here at home." Another, "Zombies strike back."
These disturbances died down, but there were recurring bouts of rioting and sit-down strikes. Half the 16,000 went AWOL and only a fifth of the missing men were ever retrieved—a sure sign of strong community support.
The hunt for deserters proved hazardous. In Drummondville, Quebec, on 24 February, a 100-man raiding party was attacked by a mob, their vehicles overturned and smashed, while fighting lasted on the streets for three hours, and scores required hospital treatment.
Even after sending conscripts to Europe, opposition was so high that King had to promise not send them to fight in the Pacific unless they agreed. Result: when Canada's most powerful and prestigious warship, the HMCS Uganda, was ordered to move against Japan, the crew voted overwhelmingly to end their participation in the war and sailed back to a Canadian port.
There is considerably less to be proud about, and a good deal to be embarrassed about, when one reflects on the shabby treatment civil liberties have received in the United States during times of war and perceived threats to its national security . . . . After each perceived security crisis ended, the United States has remorsefully realized that the abrogation of civil liberties was unnecessary. But it has proven unable to prevent itself from repeating the error when the next crisis came along.34
"Faith" is a fine invention
When Gentlemen can see -
But Microscopes are prudent
In an Emergency.
Justices on the top court tend to stick around for a long time. Seven of the current nine were there a dozen years ago. William Rehnquist, who was elevated to chief justice by President Reagan, originally got to the Supreme Court when President Nixon appointed him a third of a century ago. The last four justices to retire had been on the high court for an average of 28 years.
Vacancies are very likely during the next presidential term. Rehnquist, 79, is expected to step down. So is Sandra Day O'Connor, 74, a swing vote on abortion and other issues that divide the court in close votes. Also apt to retire soon is 84-year-old John Paul Stevens, who usually votes with the more liberal justices. "The names of possible Bush or Kerry appointees already are circulating in legal circles," the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette reported in August, "and there is virtually no overlap between the lists."
There should be no doubt about the kind of Supreme Court nominee that President Bush would want. "In general what he's going to look for is the most conservative Court of Appeals judge out there who is young," says David M. O'Brien, a professor of government who has written a book about the Supreme Court. "Those are the top two priorities."
Bush has made clear his intention to select replacements akin to hard-right Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas. Writing in the Washington Times on Sept. 14, conservative attorney Bruce Fein predicts that "the winner of the impending presidential sweepstakes will likely appoint from one to three new justices." He foresees that if Bush wins on Election Day and the seats held by O'Connor and Stevens become vacant, "constitutional decrees in pivotal areas concerning presidential war powers, church-state relations, freedom of speech, the death penalty, the powers of the police and prosecutors, racial, ethnic and gender discrimination and private property will display a markedly more conservative hue."
Some political agendas benefit from the claim that the Supreme Court's 1973 abortion-rights decision, Roe v. Wade, is not in jeopardy. But as Michael Dorf, a law professor at Columbia University, wrote this summer, "three justices -- Rehnquist, Antonin Scalia, and Clarence Thomas -- remain committed to overturning Roe. Meanwhile, two of the Court's three oldest members -- justices Stevens and O'Connor -- are part of the six-justice majority for recognizing a constitutional right to abortion. Should President Bush have the opportunity to name anti-Roe successors to these two justices -- or to any two or more of the six justices who oppose overturning Roe -- there is little reason to doubt that he would seize it. The result would be a Supreme Court majority for eliminating the constitutional right to abortion."
Though Bush and Kerry are inclined to understate the importance of potential new Supreme Court picks as they try to attract swing voters, Professor Dorf is unequivocal: "A Bush victory will greatly increase the likelihood that Congress and the state legislatures will be able to ban most abortions at some point in the next four years. In contrast, a Kerry victory will almost surely preserve the status quo of legal abortion prior to the third trimester of pregnancy."
Already, Bush's impacts on the judiciary have been appreciable. Like the members of the Supreme Court, the federal judges on appeals and district court benches are appointed for life -- and in less than four years, Bush has chosen almost a quarter of all those judges nationwide.
Dahlia Lithwick, a legal analyst with Slate, notes that "Bush has already had a chance to massively reshape the lower federal bench. He's now filled 200 seats" -- with judges who'll have far-reaching effects. "He has certainly put a lot of people onto the federal bench who have sort of litmus tests on issues like abortion, on issues like civil rights. And I think we are going to see -- in the far future, but not today -- the fallout of a massive, massive influx of quite conservative jurists who've been put on the bench in the last four years."
As opponents of abortion rights, civil liberties, gay rights and other such causes work to gain a second term for George W. Bush, they try not to stir up a mass-media ruckus that might light a fire under progressives about the future of the Supreme Court and the rest of the federal judiciary. Likewise, those on the left who don't want to back Kerry even in swing states are inclined to dodge, or fog over, what hangs in the balance. Kerry is hardly a champion of a progressive legal system, but the contrast between his centrist orientation and the right-wing extremism of the Bush-Cheney regime should be obvious. It's too easy to opt for imagined purity while others will predictably have to deal with very dire consequences.
"The popular constituency of the Bush people, a large part of it, is the extremist fundamentalist religious sector in the country, which is huge," Noam Chomsky said in a recent interview with David Barsamian. "There is nothing like it in any other industrial country. And they have to keep throwing them red meat to keep them in line. While they're shafting them in their economic and social policies, you've got to make them think you're doing something for them. And throwing red meat to that constituency is very dangerous for the world, because it means violence and aggression, but also for the country, because it means harming civil liberties in a serious way. The Kerry people don't have that constituency. They would like to have it, but they're never going to appeal to it much. They have to appeal somehow to working people, women, minorities, and others, and that makes a difference."
Chomsky added: "These may not look like huge differences, but they translate into quite big effects for the lives of people. Anyone who says 'I don't care if Bush gets elected' is basically telling poor and working people in the country, 'I don't care if your lives are destroyed. I don't care whether you are going to have a little money to help your disabled mother. I just don't care, because from my elevated point of view I don't see much difference between them.' That's a way of saying, 'Pay no attention to me, because I don't care about you.' Apart from its being wrong, it's a recipe for disaster if you're hoping to ever develop a popular movement and a political alternative."
In fact, that solicitation is typical of DARPA's sci-fi approach to the world. If, after all, you plan to dominate our disturbed and recalcitrant planet until the first aliens arrive or the Rapture sets in, then you probably should be thinking futuristically -- and consider all the fun your researchers can have along the way, playing Blade Runner in their labs.
After all, somebody has to consider the future and plan for it. Let's keep in mind that the only part of the Bush administration to openly explore the problems associated with our coming globally warmed planet, to give but an obvious example, has been the Pentagon which issued a reasonably hair-raising report last year on the phenomenon's potential effects -- on national security, of course. ("Learning how to manage those populations [of desperate illegal immigrants], border tensions that arise and the resulting refugees will be critical. New forms of security agreements dealing specifically with energy, food and water will also be needed… Disruption and conflict will be endemic features of life. ")
But be as futuristic as you want, or DARPA desires; create those "urban canyon flying vehicles" out of Star Wars, or those "perching machines" fit for Minority Report, or for that matter ray guns out of Flash Gordon. It doesn't matter. All ideas about the future really come from and reflect present problems, concerns, realities, and projections thereof.
It always comes back to the present -- which is unsurprising, since it's the only place we ever actually are. From the Pentagon's point of view, of course, the problems of the present very distinctly involve overstretched American troops, often Reserves or National Guards, in body armor and kevlar helmets, sweating hard in sweltering heat as they walk or ride through Iraq's "three-dimensional urban environments," many of them undoubtedly wishing like the dickens that there were a few "force multipliers" available to multiply them homewards.
Here, for instance, is Knight Ridder's Nancy A. Youssef describing the experience of patrolling the no-go areas of Baghdad's vast Shiite slum, Sadr City:
"A dirty look is better than no one out at all, the soldiers said. When parents are willing to venture out and let their children play, it means the insurgents aren't planning an attack, at least for the moment. These are more than casual observations by the soldiers. The military calls it atmospherics, and it passes for military intelligence at a time when U.S. troops near Baghdad's Sadr City neighborhood no longer can interact openly with Iraqis. It comes mostly from the limited view through the windows that line their Humvees. The soldiers said such looks helped them determine how dangerous their patrol route could be that day.
"The atmospherics 'are almost like the old Indian smoke signals,' said Capt. Clint Tracy, 30, of the Army's 1st Cavalry Division, A Company 1-12 Cavalry, from Fort Hood, Texas, which has a base at the edge of Sadr City. 'A lot of people have lived in the same place for quite a while. They know everything before we do.'"
While the Pentagon considers the future, it makes sense not to forget the past (that other place where we don't exist -- except in memory). And the past in the American context is Vietnam. Everyone old enough to have lived through that era, for example, should recognize that, were you to replace one "three dimensional" landscape with another -- the city with the countryside-- Youssef's could be a description of any patrol on foot or by halftrack through the hostile villages of Vietnam some forty-odd years ago.
Lost analogies
One of the fantasies of the present presidential race is that Vietnam is ancient history. It's a matter of musty documents, disputed records, ancient statements, and youthful acts of heroism, shame, or indiscretion by our two candidates. Been there, done that -- move on. And these days, when we do move on, it suddenly seems as if many people are in a rush to say that Iraq is certainly not Vietnam. Anything but. And in various ways this is obviously true (in part because nothing historically is ever anything else).
You could certainly start to make the case for the inapplicability of our Vietnam experience to Iraq with the greatest difference between the eras -- that we are now in a one, not two, superpower world. As a result, the Iraqi guerrillas have no "great rear area" as the Vietnamese ones did. No equivalent of North Vietnam, China, or the USSR. Nor do they have the greatest "rear area" of all, which was the fear of a superpower nuclear war that would engulf and incinerate the planet. This was an apocalyptic scenario that, in its own way, possessed both Lyndon Johnson, who feared not just a ground war with China (as in Korea in the early 1950s) but a wholesale nuclear conflagration, and Richard ("I will not be the first president to lose a war") Nixon, who privately threatened to launch a nuclear attack to scare the North Vietnamese into a deal. As Nixon's aide H. R. Haldeman reported the President saying:
"I want the North Vietnamese to believe I've reached the point where I might do anything to stop the war. We'll just slip the word to them that 'for God's sake, you know Nixon is obsessed about Communists. We can't restrain him when he's angry -- and he has his hand on the nuclear button' -- and Ho Chi Minh himself will be in Paris in two days begging for peace."
Well, so much for end-of-the-world fantasies. North Vietnamese leader Ho Chi Minh never arrived.
All that's now left of such fears of global conflagration and incineration in our single superpower era of asymmetric warfare is the smaller fear (which has nonetheless gripped the country tightly) of a terrorist nuclear attack on a city, a "lost" bomb from the old Russian arsenal, say, or a new one bought from the North Koreans and snuck into… gulp… New York where I live.
Then, if you're still in the mood to enumerate differences, there's the fact that the Iraqi insurgency seems to be a hodgepodge of at least four loosely interconnected groups: "Sunni tribalists, former Saddam regime loyalists, [Shiite] fighters loyal to anti-US cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, and foreign jihadists." Infused with a powerful brew of intense nationalistic and religious emotions, this movement has no named leaders other than al-Sadr and the Jordanian terrorist Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. There is no equivalent of Vietnam's disciplined, nationalistic communist party. ("Muqtada al-Sadr/Abu Musab al-Zarqawi/Saddam Hussein, I knew Ho Chi Minh and you're no Ho Chi Minh.") I'm sure many of you could list any number of other ways in which Iraq is not, and never will be, Vietnam.
But let me note here another phenomenon, which is a bit puzzling -- the loss not just of the power of the Vietnam analogy, but of all potentially useful historical analogies. There was a time, not so long ago, when Vietnam was on people's lips as a living example of disaster -- think, for instance, of the way "quagmire" reentered the language in the wake of the invasion of Iraq) -- and a whole host of critical writings cited, among other places and historical parallels, the French in Algeria in the 1950s (the Pentagon's special operations chiefs even scheduled a special screening of the film The Battle of Algiers), the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in the early 1980s, Afghanistan during the war against the Russian occupation, and Israel in the occupied territories. Now, with the exception of the odd report, analogies seem for the time being largely to have departed the scene; while Vietnam, always just under the surface of American consciousness, has retreated to a musty debate topic in our media -- what people did long ago. Here, for instance, is a typical headline from a late August piece in the Los Angeles Times: Kerry Shifts Focus From Vietnam to Iraq -- that is, from Swift Boats to something living.
Perhaps we're just ducking. Analogies, after all, can hurt because in them we usually know how the story ends -- painfully. (The French withdrew from Algeria under chaotic conditions; the Americans were driven from Vietnam, the Israelis from Lebanon, and the Russians from Afghanistan.) Or perhaps things in Iraq have gotten so bad at such an ungodly, even a-historical gallop that the analogies have begun to look pallid by comparison (as in the recent headline for a Sidney Blumenthal piece, Far graver than Vietnam, that quotes retired general and former head of the National Security Agency William Odom as saying:
"This is far graver than Vietnam. There wasn't as much at stake strategically, though in both cases we mindlessly went ahead with the war that was not constructive for US aims. But now we're in a region far more volatile, and we're in much worse shape with our allies."
Whose jungle is this anyway?
So let me try to return us to the analogy fray by suggesting a way in which Iraq is indeed Vietnam. With a few rare and striking exceptions like the Tet Offensive, the war in South Vietnam took place in the rural areas. On one side, the massive American bombing campaigns, the endless patrols, the free-fire zones, the search-and-destroy missions; on the other, the expanding and shrinking patchwork of "liberated areas," the booby-trapped mines and artillery shells that took such a toll (the equivalent of today's IEDs and car bombs), the hit and run attacks -- these all took place in the countryside. In Vietnam, in other words, the jungle was actually jungle.
Iraq is, in this sense, Vietnam but transposed to the cities -- to, that is, an urban jungle. And as the foliage protected the guerrillas in Vietnam, helping to even the odds slightly in a technologically unbalanced war -- hence our urge to defoliate so much of the countryside with Agent Orange to deprive the guerrillas of cover -- so the alleyways, side streets, buildings, markets, mosques, the unfamiliar urban terrain, all offer a protection which evens the odds slightly in an asymmetric war in Iraq. These, however, can only be "defoliated" by -- as in the old city of Najaf recently or in Falluja today -- being turned into rubble. As in the countryside in Vietnam, so in the city in Iraq, American troops face a literal jungle of hostility -- those same unfriendly eyes and hostile adult stares; the same kids running alongside Bradleys or beside foot patrols pleading for candy. There is the same inability or limited ability to communicate in a language and to a culture that seems alien to our soldiers and officials. There is the same inability to get serviceable information on the enemy from the civilian population (hence the feverish tortures at Abu Ghraib).
In this context so much is, in fact, the same. The infiltrated military and police forces, our "allies" who simply can't be counted on; a corrupt and weak central government which can't extend its sway to the "jungle" areas; the frustrating inability to tell friend from foe, civilian from rebel; the no less frustrating ability of the enemy to blend into the local population; the growing "body count" which seems proof of military victories that inevitably turn out to be political losses.
As an American NCO stationed in Iraq recently wrote at the Libertarian website LewRockwell.com:
"We have fallen victim to the body count mentality all over again. We have shown a willingness to inflict civilian casualties as a necessity of war without realizing that these same casualties create waves of hatred against us. These angry Iraqi citizens translate not only into more recruits for the guerilla army but also into more support of the guerilla army."
All of this is taking place within "congested, three-dimensional urban environments" of sweltering animosity and misery which -- whatever Saddam Hussein inflicted on his people (and that was plenty) -- we are now inflicting on the Iraqis. And it's bound to get worse for Iraqis and Americans.
The reason to make analogies in the first place is to extrapolate from a known experience to an unknown one, and it's really not so terribly hard to extrapolate here. All you need to do is use the famed testimony of the young John Kerry ("I am not here as John Kerry. I am here as one member of the group of veterans in this country, and were it possible for all of them to sit at this table they would be here and have the same kind of testimony.") before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on April 22, 1971. He summarized then events and acts to which other soldiers back from Vietnam had testified only months earlier in the Winter Soldier hearings, a set of informal war crimes inquiries organized by the Vietnam Veterans Against the War. He said, in part, in words that should still reverberate as a warning for all who care to listen:
"They told the stories at times they had personally raped, cut off ears, cut off heads, tape[d] wires from portable telephones to human genitals and turned up the power, cut off limbs, blown up bodies, randomly shot at civilians, razed villages in [a] fashion reminiscent of Genghis Khan, shot cattle and dogs for fun, poisoned food stocks, and generally ravaged the countryside of South Vietnam in addition to the normal ravage of war, and the normal and very particular ravaging which is done by the applied bombing power of this country…
"We saw Vietnam ravaged equally by American bombs as well as by search and destroy missions, as well as by Vietcong terrorism, and yet we listened while this country tried to blame all of the havoc on the Vietcong. We rationalized destroying villages in order to save them. We saw America lose her sense of morality as she accepted very coolly a My Lai and refused to give up the image of American soldiers who hand out chocolate bars and chewing gum. We learned the meaning of free fire zones, shooting anything that moves, and we watched while America placed a cheapness on the lives of Orientals."
"We watched the U.S. falsification of body counts, in fact the glorification of body counts. We listened while month after month we were told the back of the enemy was about to break. We fought using weapons against "oriental human beings," with quotation marks around that. We fought using weapons against those people which I do not believe this country would dream of using were we fighting in the European theater or let us say a non-third-world people theater, and so we watched while men charged up hills because a general said that hill has to be taken, and after losing one platoon or two platoons they marched away to leave the high [ground] for the reoccupation by the North Vietnamese because we watched pride allow the most unimportant of battles to be blown into extravaganzas, because we couldn't lose, and we couldn't retreat, and because it didn't matter how many American bodies were lost to prove that point. And so there were Hamburger Hills and Khe Sanhs and Hill 881's and Fire Base 6's and so many others.
"Now we are told that the men who fought there must watch quietly while American lives are lost so that we can exercise the incredible arrogance of Vietnamizing the Vietnamese."
Now, of course, we are dealing in the cheapness of Iraqi lives while we Iraqicize them. Like the "liberated areas," the free-fire zones have begun to spread in Iraq's cities, as they once did in Vietnam's countryside; while American troops, spread thin, take parts of Najaf, or Falluja, or Haifa Street and Sadr City in Baghdad only to give them up again. And as we already know from the photos at Abu Ghraib, the abuses, the tortures, the humiliations have begun. Imagine what will follow when the sweltering, "disillusioned and bitter" as well as beleaguered troops the Bush administration - - which can't lose and can't retreat - - has put in harm's way can't take the hostility, the casualties, the mortarings, the seeming ingratitude, the IEDs, the suicide bombers, the Iraqi police who don't police and the Iraqi soldiers who won't soldier against other Iraqis.
You don't have to be some historical genius to know where our splendid little adventure in Iraq is headed now that everything's visibly going wrong. You don't have to guess too hard what exactly will happen if, after our November election, the administration really does order the "taking" of Falluja, or Ramadi, or Baquba, or Sadr City. We're already willing to bomb the urban jungle just as we once were willing to bomb the actual jungle. The further devastation and the crimes will follow as night does day. This - - more than anything else - - is why our war in Iraq must be stopped now before embittered representatives of a new generation of American soldiers decide to throw their medals back on the White House lawn.
DARPA, of course, represents one solution to the urban jungle of Iraq and soon, you can be sure, scientists and researchers in its pay will be hard at work on miraculous vehicles and spying eyes and perching machines, those "multiplication factors," meant to pacify future urban jungles. But there's another simpler, cheaper way to go. Leave the jungle
I have come to the conclusion that we cannot win here for a number of reasons. Ideology and idealism will never trump history and reality.
When we were preparing to deploy, I told my young soldiers to beware of the "political solution." Just when you think you have the situation on the ground in hand, someone will come along with a political directive that throws you off the tracks.
I believe that we could have won this un-Constitutional invasion of Iraq and possibly pulled off the even more un-Constitutional occupation and subjugation of this sovereign nation. It might have even been possible to foist democracy on these people who seem to have no desire, understanding or respect for such an institution. True the possibility of pulling all this off was a long shot and would have required several hundred billion dollars and even more casualties than we’ve seen to date but again it would have been possible, not realistic or necessary but possible.
Here are the specific reasons why we cannot win in Iraq.
First, we refuse to deal in reality. We are in a guerilla war, but because of politics, we are not allowed to declare it a guerilla war and must label the increasingly effective guerilla forces arrayed against us as "terrorists, criminals and dead-enders."
This implies that there is a zero sum game at work, i.e. we can simply kill X number of the enemy and then the fight is over, mission accomplished, everybody wins. Unfortunately, this is not the case. We have few tools at our disposal and those are proving to be wholly ineffective at fighting the guerillas.
The idea behind fighting a guerilla army is not to destroy its every man (an impossibility since he hides himself by day amongst the populace). Rather the idea in guerilla warfare is to erode or destroy his base of support.
So long as there is support for the guerilla, for every one you kill two more rise up to take his place. More importantly, when your tools for killing him are precision guided munitions, raids and other acts that create casualties among the innocent populace, you raise the support for the guerillas and undermine the support for yourself. (A 500-pound precision bomb has a casualty-producing radius of 400 meters minimum; do the math.)
Second, our assessment of what motivates the average Iraqi was skewed, again by politically motivated "experts." We came here with some fantasy idea that the natives were all ignorant, mud-hut dwelling camel riders who would line the streets and pelt us with rose petals, lay palm fronds in the street and be eternally grateful. While at one time there may have actually been support and respect from the locals, months of occupation by our regular military forces have turned the formerly friendly into the recently hostile.
Attempts to correct the thinking in this regard are in vain; it is not politically correct to point out the fact that the locals are not only disliking us more and more, they are growing increasingly upset and often overtly hostile. Instead of addressing the reasons why the locals are becoming angry and discontented, we allow politicians in Washington DC to give us pat and convenient reasons that are devoid of any semblance of reality.
We are told that the locals are not upset because we have a hostile, aggressive and angry Army occupying their nation. We are told that they are not upset at the police state we have created, or at the manner of picking their representatives for them. Rather we are told, they are upset because of a handful of terrorists, criminals and dead enders in their midst have made them upset, that and of course the ever convenient straw man of "left wing media bias."
Third, the guerillas are filling their losses faster than we can create them. This is almost always the case in guerilla warfare, especially when your tactics for battling the guerillas are aimed at killing guerillas instead of eroding their support. For every guerilla we kill with a "smart bomb" we kill many more innocent civilians and create rage and anger in the Iraqi community. This rage and anger translates into more recruits for the terrorists and less support for us.
We have fallen victim to the body count mentality all over again. We have shown a willingness to inflict civilian casualties as a necessity of war without realizing that these same casualties create waves of hatred against us. These angry Iraqi citizens translate not only into more recruits for the guerilla army but also into more support of the guerilla army.
Fourth, their lines of supply and communication are much shorter than ours and much less vulnerable. We must import everything we need into this place; this costs money and is dangerous. Whether we fly the supplies in or bring them by truck, they are vulnerable to attack, most especially those brought by truck. This not only increases the likelihood of the supplies being interrupted. Every bean, every bullet and every bandage becomes infinitely more expensive.
Conversely, the guerillas live on top of their supplies and are showing every indication of developing a very sophisticated network for obtaining them. Further, they have the advantage of the close support of family and friends and traditional religious networks.
Fifth, we consistently underestimate the enemy and his capabilities. Many military commanders have prepared to fight exactly the wrong war here.
Our tactics have not adjusted to the battlefield and we are falling behind.
Meanwhile the enemy updates his tactics and has shown a remarkable resiliency and adaptability.
Because the current administration is more concerned with its image than it is with reality, it prefers symbolism to substance: soldiers are dying here and being maimed and crippled for life. It is tragic, indeed criminal that our elected public servants would so willingly sacrifice our nation's prestige and honor as well as the blood and treasure to pursue an agenda that is ahistoric and un-Constitutional.
It is all the more ironic that this un-Constitutional mission is being performed by citizen soldiers such as myself who swore an oath to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States, the same oath that the commander in chief himself has sworn
"My whole opinion of the people here has changed. There aren't any good people," said Friedrichsen, who says his first instinct now is to scan even youngsters' hands for weapons.
The subtle hostility extends to Iraqi adults, evidence some U.S. troops have second thoughts about their role here.
"We're out here giving our lives for these people," said Sgt. Jesse Jordan, 25, of Grove Hill, Ala. "You'd think they'd show some gratitude. Instead, they don't seem to care."
When new troops rotated into Iraq early in the spring, the military portrayed the second stage of the occupation as a peacekeeping operation focused at least as much on reconstruction as on mopping up rebel resistance.
Even in strongholds of the Sunni insurgency such as Ramadi, a restive provincial capital west of Baghdad, the Marine Corps sent in its units with a mission to win over the people as well as smite the enemy. Commanders worked to instill sympathy for the local population through sensitivity training and exhortations from higher officers.
Marines were ordered to show friendliness through "wave tactics," including waving at people on the street.
Few spend much time waving these days as the hard reality of frequent hit-and-run attacks, roadside bombs and exploding mortars has left plenty of Marines, particularly grunts on the ground, disillusioned and bitter.
Since the 2nd Battalion, 4th Marine Regiment, deployed in the area six months ago, 34 of its members have died and more than a quarter of the 1,000-member unit has been wounded.
Along with the heavy toll, the Marines cite other sources of frustration. High among them is the scarcity of tips from Iraqis on the locations of the roadside bombs that kill and maim Marines, even though the explosives frequently are placed in well-trafficked areas where bomb teams probably would be observed.
Sgt. Curtis Neill remembers a rocket-propelled grenade attack on his platoon as it passed some shops one hot August day. When the Marines responded, the attacker fled, but they found that he had established a comfortable and obvious position to lie in wait.
There, in an alleyway beside the shops, was a seat and ammunition for the grenade launcher — along with a pitcher of water and a half-eaten bowl of grapes, said Neill, who was so amazed that he took photos of the setup.
"You could tell the guy had been hanging out all day. It was out in the open. Every single one of the guys in the shops could tell the guy was set up to attack us," said Neill, 34, of Colrain, Mass. "That's the problem. That's why I'm bitter toward the people."
Then there are the hostile glares that adults in the community give to passing U.S. military patrols, and treachery from high-profile allies, such as the provincial police chief who was arrested last month amid strong suspicions that he was working with the insurgency.
"We're not taking any chances: Shoot first and ask questions later," said Lance Cpl. David Goward, 26, a machine gunner from Cloquet, Minn. "We're a lot more dangerous now. I'm not going home in a body bag, and neither is the person next to me."
Some Marines say the sense that their presence is unappreciated calls into question the entire mission in Iraq, which they consider a liberation that should be welcomed. But other Marines said their support for the intervention is undiminished, as direct contact with the enemy strengthens their conviction that the United States faces threats that require decisive action.
Commanders acknowledge a shift in attitude toward Iraqis among troops but insist it makes little difference in accomplishing their mission.
The Marines are a disciplined fighting force and under orders to treat Iraqis "with dignity," said Maj. Mike Wylie, the battalion executive officer.
The acts of friendship that Marines undertook when they arrived in Ramadi now in some cases heighten their resentment toward the city's residents.
After a series of ambushes one April day that killed a dozen Marines, Cpl. Jason Rodgers saw a familiar face among a group of slain attackers. The dead Iraqi, who was lying inches from a grenade, was a shopkeeper Rodgers had called on several times during foot patrols, he said.
"I felt like I'd been betrayed, personally," said Rodgers, 22, of Susanville, Calif. "I'd stood there, talking to him, shaking his hand, giving his kid candy. And he'd been studying our moves the whole time."
"This war's out of control. It's not winnable," Hersh said in Toronto yesterday. "The jet fuel that runs the insurgency is us. As long as we're there, nothing is going to happen."
In May, the celebrated investigative reporter was first to expose details of the torture at Iraq's Abu Ghraib prison in a string of New Yorker stories, a feat that bookends a career that took off in 1969 when he exposed the story of American troops who massacred several hundred Vietnamese civilians at My Lai.
For that, he won the Pulitzer Prize.
If Bush is re-elected, Hersh said, he will continue the war no matter the cost, no matter how many Americans or Iraqis are killed.
"Whether it's through karma or a crusade or divine intervention, whatever reason, for his father even, if re-elected he's going to continue the war," Hersh said.
"This man did not go to war for oil, for Israel. He went to war because he really believes that he can get democracy going in Iraq. It might take five years, 10 years, I've heard people say longer.
"His only option is to increase the bombing to keep the unpopular, unelectable (Iraqi) government in power. He's going to bomb and bomb and bomb and bomb."
If there is a second Bush term, Hersh believes European countries — spurred by large and increasingly radical Muslim populations at home and the fact that they are 5,000 kilometres closer to Iraq than the United States is — will band together to be more opposed to American policy than they already are.
"And I think you're going to see even the Germans say it's time to remove the United States as the sole interlocutor between Israel and the Palestinians," Hersh said.
And while he's betting on Kerry as "the only option," Hersh hopes the Democratic candidate won't try to win the war.
In recent stump speeches, Kerry has said he plans to win in Iraq by increasing the role of U.S. special forces and improving the Iraqi military and police, which Hersh dismisses as an impossibility.
"If you want to solve the war, you've got to talk to the insurgents, the Baathists and the Shiites," Hersh said.
Unless Kerry does this — which Hersh admitted will be politically difficult in a Washington that has vowed not to negotiate with terrorists — the insurgency will continue.
Hersh stopped in Toronto to deliver the first annual public policy lecture sponsored by the law firm Aird & Berlis and to promote his latest book, Chain of Command: The Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib.
When asked why American voters are nearly equally divided in their support for Bush and Kerry less than a week from election day, Hersh just shakes his head.
"There are 70 million Americans who don't believe in evolution. Bush is playing to that core," Hersh said. "And can you imagine what the rest of the world is going to think if we re-elect this man?"
Before the the invasion of Iraq in March of 2003, almost the entire world thought Saddam Hussein possessed WMDs. Duelfer's report found that even three days before the invasion, the United States had received reports from foreign intelligence that Saddam planned to use WMDs against coalition troops.
That no weapons were found was a surprise not just to the Bush and Blair administrations, but to most of the world. The question now is this: Does the Duelfer report's conclusion invalidate the Bush/Blair case for using military force to remove Saddam Hussein from power?
We don't think so, and here is why. Prior to the war, President Bush called Hussein a "gathering threat," not an imminent threat. Though he often rattled off findings of U.S. and foreign intelligence reports concluding that Hussein had active weapons programs, he also regularly reminded the world that Hussein had ties to al-Qaida terrorists (which the 9/11 Commission confirmed), had never abided by the terms of the Gulf War cease fire (which the U.N. confirmed), was engaged in a systematic pattern of deception regarding his weapons capabilities (which the Duelfer report confirmed), and intended to develop WMD programs in the future (which Duelfer concluded).
In his 2003 State of the Union address, President Bush said, "Some have said we must not act until the threat is imminent. Since when have terrorists and tyrants announced their intentions, politely putting us on notice before they strike? If this threat is permitted to fully and suddenly emerge, all actions, all words, and all recriminations would come too late. Trusting in the sanity and restraint of Saddam Hussein is not a strategy, and it is not an option."
And so, President Bush, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, Australian Prime Minister John Howard, and Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski judged that removing Hussein from power before his threat "fully" emerged would make the world safer by eliminating the potential that Hussein could assist terrorists in striking the West.
The Bush Doctrine, which is the doctrine of pre-emption, holds that the United States has the right to use military force to remove a perceived threat before that threat transforms into an attack. It remains valid whether Hussein had WMDs or not.
Though one pillar for the war's justification has been shaken, the rest remain standing.
Now more than ever, we voters will have to make cool judgments, unencumbered by habits of the past. Experts tell us that we tend to vote as our parents did or as we “always have.” We remained loyal to party labels. We cannot afford that luxury in the election of 2004. There are times when we must break with the past, and I believe this is one of them.
As son of a Republican President, Dwight D. Eisenhower, it is automatically expected by many that I am a Republican. For 50 years, through the election of 2000, I was. With the current administration’s decision to invade Iraq unilaterally, however, I changed my voter registration to independent, and barring some utterly unforeseen development, I intend to vote for the Democratic Presidential candidate, Sen. John Kerry.
The fact is that today’s “Republican” Party is one with which I am totally unfamiliar. To me, the word “Republican” has always been synonymous with the word “responsibility,” which has meant limiting our governmental obligations to those we can afford in human and financial terms. Today’s whopping budget deficit of some $440 billion does not meet that criterion.
Responsibility used to be observed in foreign affairs. That has meant respect for others. America, though recognized as the leader of the community of nations, has always acted as a part of it, not as a maverick separate from that community and at times insulting towards it. Leadership involves setting a direction and building consensus, not viewing other countries as practically devoid of significance. Recent developments indicate that the current Republican Party leadership has confused confident leadership with hubris and arrogance.
In the Middle East crisis of 1991, President George H.W. Bush marshaled world opinion through the United Nations before employing military force to free Kuwait from Saddam Hussein. Through negotiation he arranged for the action to be financed by all the industrialized nations, not just the United States. When Kuwait had been freed, President George H. W. Bush stayed within the United Nations mandate, aware of the dangers of occupying an entire nation.
Today many people are rightly concerned about our precious individual freedoms, our privacy, the basis of our democracy. Of course we must fight terrorism, but have we irresponsibly gone overboard in doing so? I wonder. In 1960, President Eisenhower told the Republican convention, “If ever we put any other value above (our) liberty, and above principle, we shall lose both.” I would appreciate hearing such warnings from the Republican Party of today.
The Republican Party I used to know placed heavy emphasis on fiscal responsibility, which included balancing the budget whenever the state of the economy allowed it to do so. The Eisenhower administration accomplished that difficult task three times during its eight years in office. It did not attain that remarkable achievement by cutting taxes for the rich. Republicans disliked taxes, of course, but the party accepted them as a necessary means of keep the nation’s financial structure sound.
The Republicans used to be deeply concerned for the middle class and small business. Today’s Republican leadership, while not solely accountable for the loss of American jobs, encourages it with its tax code and heads us in the direction of a society of very rich and very poor.
Sen. Kerry, in whom I am willing to place my trust, has demonstrated that he is courageous, sober, competent, and concerned with fighting the dangers associated with the widening socio-economic gap in this country. I will vote for him enthusiastically.
I celebrate, along with other Americans, the diversity of opinion in this country. But let it be based on careful thought. I urge everyone, Republicans and Democrats alike, to avoid voting for a ticket merely because it carries the label of the party of one’s parents or of our own ingrained habits.
John Eisenhower, son of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, served on the White House staff between October 1958 and the end of the Eisenhower administration. From 1961 to 1964 he assisted his father in writing “The White House Years,” his Presidential memoirs. He served as American ambassador to Belgium between 1969 and 1971. He is the author of nine books, largely on military subjects.
After all, torture has mass appeal - as wacky old Stanley Milgram put it: "A substantial proportion of people do what they are told to do, irrespective of the content of the act and without limitations of conscience, so long as they perceive that the command comes from a legitimate authority." Or, to put it another way, if a man with a white coat or shiny buttons tells you to electrocute someone for the good of your country, or his country, or an unnamed man in Sidcup, you have a 65% chance of flicking the switch and feeling just fine about it.
Little by little, day-by-day, being based in Iraq has defied all those reasons. I am house bound. I leave when I have a very good reason to and a scheduled interview. I avoid going to people's homes and never walk in the streets. I can't go grocery shopping any more, can't eat in restaurants, can't strike a conversation with strangers, can't look for stories, can't drive in any thing but a full armored car, can't go to scenes of breaking news stories, can't be stuck in traffic, can't speak English outside, can't take a road trip, can't say I'm an American, can't linger at checkpoints, can't be curious about what people are saying, doing, feeling. And can't and can't. There has been one too many close calls, including a car bomb so near our house that it blew out all the windows. So now my most pressing concern every day is not to write a kick-ass story but to stay alive and make sure our Iraqi employees stay alive. In Baghdad I am a security personnel first, a reporter second.
It's hard to pinpoint when the 'turning point' exactly began. Was it April when the Fallujah fell out of the grasp of the Americans? Was it when Moqtada and Jish Mahdi declared war on the U.S. military? Was it when Sadr City, home to ten percent of Iraq's population, became a nightly battlefield for the Americans? Or was it when the insurgency began spreading from isolated pockets in the Sunni triangle to include most of Iraq? Despite President Bush's rosy assessments, Iraq remains a disaster. If under Saddam it was a 'potential' threat, under the Americans it has been transformed to 'imminent and active threat,' a foreign policy failure bound to haunt the United States for decades to come.
Iraqis like to call this mess 'the situation.' When asked 'how are thing?' they reply: 'the situation is very bad."
What they mean by situation is this: the Iraqi government doesn't control most Iraqi cities, there are several car bombs going off each day around the country killing and injuring scores of innocent people, the country's roads are becoming impassable and littered by hundreds of landmines and explosive devices aimed to kill American soldiers, there are assassinations, kidnappings and beheadings. The situation, basically, means a raging barbaric guerilla war. In four days, 110 people died and over 300 got injured in Baghdad alone. The numbers are so shocking that the ministry of health -- which was attempting an exercise of public transparency by releasing the numbers -- has now stopped disclosing them.
Insurgents now attack Americans 87 times a day.
A friend drove thru the Shiite slum of Sadr City yesterday. He said young men were openly placing improvised explosive devices into the ground. They melt a shallow hole into the asphalt, dig the explosive, cover it with dirt and put an old tire or plastic can over it to signal to the locals this is booby-trapped. He said on the main roads of Sadr City, there were a dozen landmines per every ten yards. His car snaked and swirled to avoid driving over them. Behind the walls sits an angry Iraqi ready to detonate them as soon as an American convoy gets near. This is in Shiite land, the population that was supposed to love America for liberating Iraq.
For journalists the significant turning point came with the wave of abduction and kidnappings. Only two weeks ago we felt safe around Baghdad because foreigners were being abducted on the roads and highways between towns. Then came a frantic phone call from a journalist female friend at 11 p.m. telling me two Italian women had been abducted from their homes in broad daylight. Then the two Americans, who got beheaded this week and the Brit, were abducted from their homes in a residential neighborhood. They were supplying the entire block with round the clock electricity from their generator to win friends. The abductors grabbed one of them at 6 a.m. when he came out to switch on the generator; his beheaded body was thrown back near the neighborhoods.
The insurgency, we are told, is rampant with no signs of calming down. If any thing, it is growing stronger, organized and more sophisticated every day. The various elements within it-baathists, criminals, nationalists and Al Qaeda-are cooperating and coordinating.
I went to an emergency meeting for foreign correspondents with the military and embassy to discuss the kidnappings. We were somberly told our fate would largely depend on where we were in the kidnapping chain once it was determined we were missing. Here is how it goes: criminal gangs grab you and sell you up to Baathists in Fallujah, who will in turn sell you to Al Qaeda. In turn, cash and weapons flow the other way from Al Qaeda to the Baathisst to the criminals. My friend Georges, the French journalist snatched on the road to Najaf, has been missing for a month with no word on release or whether he is still alive.
America's last hope for a quick exit? The Iraqi police and National Guard units we are spending billions of dollars to train. The cops are being murdered by the dozens every day-over 700 to date -- and the insurgents are infiltrating their ranks. The problem is so serious that the U.S. military has allocated $6 million dollars to buy out 30,000 cops they just trained to get rid of them quietly.
As for reconstruction: firstly it's so unsafe for foreigners to operate that almost all projects have come to a halt. After two years, of the $18 billion Congress appropriated for Iraq reconstruction only about $1 billion or so has been spent and a chuck has now been reallocated for improving security, a sign of just how bad things are going here.
Oil dreams? Insurgents disrupt oil flow routinely as a result of sabotage and oil prices have hit record high of $49 a barrel. Who did this war exactly benefit? Was it worth it? Are we safer because Saddam is holed up and Al Qaeda is running around in Iraq?
Iraqis say that thanks to America they got freedom in exchange for insecurity. Guess what? They say they'd take security over freedom any day, even if it means having a dictator ruler.
I heard an educated Iraqi say today that if Saddam Hussein were allowed to run for elections he would get the majority of the vote. This is truly sad.
Then I went to see an Iraqi scholar this week to talk to him about elections here. He has been trying to educate the public on the importance of voting. He said, "President Bush wanted to turn Iraq into a democracy that would be an example for the Middle East. Forget about democracy, forget about being a model for the region, we have to salvage Iraq before all is lost."
One could argue that Iraq is already lost beyond salvation. For those of us on the ground it's hard to imagine what if any thing could salvage it from its violent downward spiral. The genie of terrorism, chaos and mayhem has been unleashed onto this country as a result of American mistakes and it can't be put back into a bottle.
The Iraqi government is talking about having elections in three months while half of the country remains a 'no go zone'-out of the hands of the government and the Americans and out of reach of journalists. In the other half, the disenchanted population is too terrified to show up at polling stations. The Sunnis have already said they'd boycott elections, leaving the stage open for polarized government of Kurds and Shiites tha